Showing posts sorted by relevance for query Green capitalism. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query Green capitalism. Sort by date Show all posts

Monday, November 19, 2018

3087. Catabolism: Capitalism’s Frightening Future

By Craig Collins, Counterpunch, November 1, 2018
A scene from Marx Brothers' Going West
“Out of the frying pan, into the fire” is an apt description of our current place in history. No matter what you think of globalization, I believe we’ll soon discover that capitalism without it is much, much worse.
No one needs to convince establishment economists, politicians and pundits that the absence of globalization and growth spells trouble. They’ve pushed globalization as the Viagra of economic growth for years. But globalization has never been popular with everyone. Capitalism’s critics recognize that it generates tremendous wealth and power for a tiny fraction of the Earth’s seven billion people, makes room for some in the middle class, but keeps most of humanity destitute and desperate, while trashing the planet and jeopardizing human survival for generations to come.
Around the world, social movements believe “Another World Is Possible!” when neoliberal globalization is replaced by a more democratic, equitable, Earth-friendly society.  They assume that any future without globalization is bound to be an improvement. But now it appears that this assumption may be wrong. In fact, future generations may someday look back on capitalism’s growth phase as the dynamic days of industrial civilization, a naïve time before anyone realized that the worst was yet to come.
The Return of Scarce Oil and Peak Debt
Today, rising energy prices and ballooning debt are poised to strangle the global economy once again. These suffocating conditions brought the economy to its knees in 2008. Afterward, fracking helped increase the supply and lower the price of oil and gas temporarily. Meanwhile, debt-dependent cash infusions in the form of bailouts, low interest rates, corporate tax cuts and leveraged stock buy-backs were injected into the economy to prop up stock prices and profit margins. [1]
But now, despite emergency infusions of hydrocarbons and cash, debilitating debt and rising energy prices are returning with a vengeance. Governments have used every trick at their disposal to keep growth alive and profits high. But debt-driven trickery cannot overcome the underlying reality: growth cannot survive without cheap, abundant energy. Fueling growth with debt instead of real energy is a disaster in the making.
Economists and politicians refuse to admit it, but Age of Fossil Fuels has reached its apex. The rapacious flight to the top was powered by the Earth’s dwindling hydrocarbon reserves. From these lofty heights, the drastic drop-off ahead appears perilous. As fossil fuel extraction fails to meet global demand, economic contraction and downward mobility will become the new normal and growth will fade into memory. But this new growth-less future may bear no resemblance to the equitable Green economy activists have been calling for.
Can Capitalism Survive Without Growth?
Optimistic Green reformers like Al Gore, Jeremy Rifkin and Lester Brown see a window of opportunity at this historic juncture. For years, they’ve jetted from one conference to another, tirelessly trying to convince world leaders to embrace their planet-saving plans for a sustainable, carbon-free society before it’s too late. They hope energy scarcity and economic contraction can act as wake-up calls, spurring world leaders to embrace their Green New Deals that promise to save capitalism and the planet.
Their message is clear: rapid, fossil-fueled growth is burning through the Earth’s remaining reserves of precious hydrocarbons and doing untold damage to the biosphere in the process. Businesses must lead the way out of this dangerous dead end by adopting renewable energy and other planet-healing practices, even if it means substantial reductions in growth and profits. But, despite their dire warnings, hard work, innovative proposals and good intentions, most heads of state and captains of industry continue to politely ignore them.
Meanwhile, more radical activists also hope climate chaos, peak oil and economic contraction will become game changers. Many assume that globalization and growth are so essential that capitalism must fail without them. And, as it does, social movements will seize the opportunity to transform this collapsing system into a more equitable, sustainable one, free of capitalism’s insatiable need to expand at all costs.
Both the green growth reformers and anti-growth radicals misunderstand the true nature of capitalism and underestimate its ability to withstand—and profit handsomely from—the great contraction ahead. Growth is not the primary driving force behind capitalism—profit is. When the overall economic pie is expanding, many firms find it easier to realize profits big enough to continually increase their share price. But periods of crisis and collapse can generate huge profits as well. In fact, during systemic contractions, the dog-eat-dog nature of capitalism creates lucrative opportunities for hostile takeovers, mergers and leveraged buyouts, allowing the most predatory firms to devour their competition.
Capitalism is a profit-maximizing economic machine. It is not loyal to any person, nation, corporation or ideology. It doesn’t care about the planet or believe in justice, equality, fairness, liberty, human rights, democracy, world peace or even economic growth and the “free market.” Its overriding obsession is maximizing the return on invested capital. Capitalism will pose as a loyal friend of other beliefs and values, or betray them in an instant, if it advances the drive for profit … that’s why it’s called the bottom line!
Growth is important because it tends to improve the bottom line. And ultimately, capitalism may not last without it. But those who profit from this economic system are not about to throw up their hands and walk off the stage of history just because boom has turned to bust. Crisis, conflict and collapse can be extremely profitable for the opportunists who know where and when to invest.
But how long can this go on? Can capitalism’s profit motive remain the driving force behind a contracting economy lacking the vital energy surplus needed to fuel growth? Definitely, but the consequences for society will be grim indeed. Without access to the cheap, abundant energy needed to extract resources, power factories, maintain infrastructure and transport goods around the world, capitalism’s productive sector will lose its position as the most lucrative source of profit and investment. Transnational corporations will find that their giant economies of scale and global chains of production have become liabilities rather than assets. As profits dwindle, factories close, workers are laid off, benefits and wages are slashed, unions are broken and pension funds are raided – whatever it takes to remain solvent.
Declining incomes and living standards mean poorer consumers, contracting markets and shrinking tax revenues. Of course, collapse can be postponed by using debt to artificially extend the solvency of businesses, consumers and governments. But eventually, paying off debts with interest becomes futile without growth. And, when the credit bubbles burst, the defaults, foreclosures, bankruptcies and financial fiascos that follow can paralyze the economy.
Without the capacity for re-energizing growth, the recessions and depressions of times past, that temporarily disrupted production between long periods of expansion, now become chronic features of a contracting system. On the downside of peak oil, neither liberal programs to increase employment and stimulate growth nor conservative tax and regulatory cuts have any substantial impact on the economy’s descending spiral. Both production and demand remain so constricted by energy austerity that any brief growth spurts are quickly stifled by resurgent energy prices. Instead, periods of severe contraction and collapse may be buffered between brief plateaus of relative stability.
Catabolism: The Final Phase of Capitalism
In a growth-less, contracting economy, the profit motive can have a powerful catabolic impact on capitalist society. The word “catabolism” comes from the Greek and is used in biology to refer to the condition whereby a living thing feeds on itself. Thus, catabolic capitalism is a self-cannibalizing system whose insatiable hunger for profit can only be fed by devouring the society that sustains it.[2]As it rampages down the road to ruin, this system gorges itself on one self-inflicted disaster after another.
The riotous train scene in the film The Marx Brothers Go West captures the essence of catabolic capitalism. The wacky brothers commandeer a locomotive that runs out of fuel. In desperation, they ransack the train, breaking up the passenger cars, ripping up seats and tearing down roofs and walls to feed the steam engine. By the end of the scene, terrified passengers desperately cling to a skeletal train, reduced to little more than a fast moving furnace on wheels.
In the previous era of industrial expansion, catabolic capitalists lurked in the shadows of the growth economy. They were the illicit arms, drugs and sex traffickers; the loan sharks, debt collectors and repo-men; the smugglers, pirates, poachers, black market merchants and pawnbrokers; the illegal waste dumpers, shady sweatshop operators and unregulated mining, fishing and timber operations.
However, as the productive sector contracts, this corrupt cannibalistic sector emerges from the shadows and metastasizes rapidly, thriving off conflict, crime and crisis; hoarding and speculation; insecurity and desperation. Catabolic capitalism flourishes because it can still generate substantial profits by dodging legalities and regulations; stockpiling scarce resources and peddling arms to those fighting over them; scavenging, breaking down and selling off the assets of the decaying productive and public sectors; and preying upon the sheer desperation of people who can no longer find gainful employment elsewhere.
Without enough energy to generate growth, catabolic capitalists stoke the profit engine by taking over troubled businesses, selling them off for parts, firing the workforce and pilfering their pensions. Scavengers, speculators and slumlords buy up distressed and abandoned properties – houses, schools, factories, office buildings and malls – strip them of valuable resources, sell them for scrap or rent them to people desperate for shelter. Illicit lending operations charge outrageous interest rates and hire thugs or private security firms to shake down desperate borrowers or force people into indentured servitude to repay loans. Instead of investing in struggling productive enterprises, catabolic financiers make windfall profits by betting against growth through hoarding and speculative short selling of securities, currencies and commodities.
Social benefits, legal and regulatory protections and modern society itself will also be sacrificed to feed the profit engine. During a period of contraction, venal catabolic capitalists put their lawyers and lobbyists to work tearing down any legal barriers to their insatiable appetite for profit. Regulatory agencies that once provided some protection from polluters, dangerous products, unsafe workplaces, labor exploitation, financial fraud and corporate crime are dismantled to feed the voracious fires of avarice.
Society’s governing institutions of justice, law and order become early victims of this catabolic crime spree. Public safety is stripped down, privatized and sold to those who can still afford it. As budgets for courts, prisons and law enforcement shrivel, private security firms hire unemployed cops to break strikes, provide corporate security and guard the wealthy in their gated communities. Meanwhile, the rest of us will be forced to rely on alarm systems, dogs, guns and – if we’re lucky – watchful neighbors to deal with rising crime. Privatized prisons will profit by contracting convict labor to the highest bidders.
As tax-starved public services and social welfare programs bleed out from deep budget cuts, profit-hungry capitalists pick over the carcasses of bankrupt governments. Revenues for social security, food stamps and health care programs are chopped to the bone. Public transportation and decaying highways are transformed into private thoroughfares, maintained by convict labor or indentured workers. Corporations scarf up failing public utilities, water treatment, waste management and sewage disposal systems to provide businesses and wealthy communities with reliable power, water and waste removal. Schools and libraries go broke, while exclusive private academies employ a fraction of the jobless teachers and university professors to educate a shrinking class of affluent students.
A Dark Alliance
Cannibalistic profiteers can thrive in a growth-less environment for quite some time, but ultimately, an economy bent on devouring itself has a dismal, dead-end future. Nevertheless, changing course will be difficult because, as the catabolic sector expands at the expense of society, powerful cannibalistic capitalists are bound to forge influential alliances, poison and paralyze the political system and block all efforts to pull society out of its death spiral.
Catabolic enterprises are not the only profit-makers in a growth-less economy. Even a contracting economy must extract energy and other resources from the Earth. Unless the profit motive is removed by bringing these assets under public control, corporate real estate, timber, water, energy and mining corporations will deploy their lobbying muscle to completely privatize these vital resources and enhance their bottom line with government subsidies, tax breaks and “regulatory relief.” The growing capital, energy and technology commitments needed to commodify scarce resources may cut deeply into profit margins. As less solvent outfits fail, the remaining politically connected resource conglomerates may maximize their profits by forming cartels to corner markets, hoard vital resources and send prices soaring while blocking all attempts at public regulation and rationing.
The extractive and the catabolic sectors of capitalism have a lot in common. An alliance between them could put irresistible pressure on failing federal and state governments to open public lands and coastlines to unregulated offshore drilling, fracking, coal mining and tar sands extraction. Scofflaw resource extractors and criminal poaching operations proliferate in corrupt, catabolic conditions where legal protections are ignored and shady deals can be struck with local power brokers to maximize the exploitation of labor and resources. To pay off government debt, national and state parks may be sold and transformed into expensive private resorts while public lands and national forests are auctioned off to energy, timber and mining corporations.
As globalization runs down, this grim catabolic future is eager to replace it. Already, an ugly gang of demagogic politicians around the world hopes to ride this catabolic crisis into power. Their goal is to replace globalization with bombastic nationalist authoritarianism. These xenophobic demagogues are becoming the political face of catabolic capitalism. They promise to restore their country to prosperity and greatness by expelling immigrants while carelessly ignoring the disastrous costs of fossil fuel addiction and military spending. Anger, insecurity and need to believe that a strong leader can restore “the good old days” will guarantee them a fervent following even though their false promises and fake solutions can only make matters worse.
Is Catabolic Capitalism Inevitable?
So, what about Green capitalism? Isn’t there money to be made in renewable energy? What about redesigning transportation systems, buildings and communities? Couldn’t capitalists profit by producing alternative energy technologies if government helped finance the unprofitable, but necessary, infrastructure projects needed to bring them online? Wouldn’t a Green New Deal be far more beneficial than catabolic catastrophe?
Catabolic capitalism is not inevitable. However, in a growth-less economy, catabolic capitalism is the most profitable, short-term alternative for those in power. This makes it the path of least resistance from Wall Street to Washington. But Green capitalism is another story.
As both radical Greens and the corporate establishment realize, Green capitalism is essentially an oxymoron. Truly Green policies, programs and projects contradict capitalism’s primary directive – profit before all else! This doesn’t mean there aren’t profitable niche markets for some products and services that are both ecologically benign and economically beneficial. It means that capitalism’s overriding profit motive is fundamentally at odds with ecological balance and the general welfare of humanity.
While people and the planet can thrive in an ecologically balanced society, the self-centered drive for profit and power cannot. A healthy economy that encourages people to take care of each other and the planet is incompatible with exploiting labor and ransacking naturefor profit.Thus, capitalists will resist, to the bitter end, any effort to replace their malignant economy with a healthy one.
Would the transition to a sustainable society be expensive? Of course. Our petroleum-addicted infrastructure of tankers, refineries, pipelines and power plants; cities, suburbs, gas stations and freeways; shopping centers, mega-farms, fast food franchises and supermarkets would have to be replaced with smaller towns fed by local farms and powered by decentralized, renewable energy. But the cost of making this Green transition is a priceless bargain compared to the suicidal consequences of catabolic collapse.
Is Resistance Futile?
Before we decide that resistance is futile, it’s important to realize that the converging energy, economic and ecological disasters bearing down on us all have the potential to turn people against catabolic capitalism and toward a more just, planet-friendly future. The approaching period of catabolic collapse presents some strategic opportunities to those who would like to rid the world of this system as soon as possible
For example, in the near future, energy scarcity and economic contraction may manifest themselves as a paralyzing financial meltdown. Interest-based banking cannot handle economic contraction. Without perpetual growth, businesses, consumers, students, homeowners, governments and banks (who constantly borrow from each other) cannot pay-off their debts with interest. If default goes viral, the banking system goes down.[3]
When the banking system finally implodes, credit freezes, financial assets vaporize, currency values fluctuate wildly, trade shuts down and governments impose draconian measures to maintain their authority. Few Americans have any experience with this kind of systemic seizure. They assume there will always be food in the supermarkets, gas in the pumps, money in the ATMs, electricity in the power lines and medicine in the pharmacies and hospitals.
During a financial meltdown, government officials find it difficult to retain public confidence; people blame them for running the economy into the ditch and suspect that their pseudo-solutions are actually self-serving schemes designed to keep themselves on top. Consequently, this crippling crisis could serve as a powerful wake-up call and a potential turning point if those who want to abolish catabolic capitalism are prepared to make the most of it.
But crises don’t necessarily incite positive responses. Power will be decisive in the unfolding struggle over the future of our species and the planet; and those that benefit from the status quo are bent on holding on to it. Naomi Klein’s Shock Doctrine warns us that those in power will exploit the traumas caused by major catastrophes to rally support for their own disastrous agenda (like invading Iraq after 9-11 or expelling the Black community from New Orleans after Katrina).
In the midst of shocking disasters those in power play upon our fears and prejudices to keep us passive, turn us against each other and under their control. If we resist all attempts to keep us apathetic, distracted and divided, they seldom hesitate to use every method at their disposal to keep themselves on top, including intimidation, coercion and brute force. Each time they succeed, life becomes more miserable for everyone but them.
Crisis only becomes our ally when popular anger is channeled into transformative insurrection against the system that causes it. How people respond to systemic disintegration will be pivotal. Who will be blamed? What “solutions” will gain support? Who will people listen to, trust and follow in times of extreme hardship, insecurity and unrest? To turn the tide against catabolic capitalism, activists must prepare people for the cascading crises that lie ahead. They must become trusted responders: defining the problem; organizing grassroots resilience and relief; and building a powerful insurrection against those who profit from disaster. But even this is not enough. To nurture the transition toward a thriving, just, ecologically stable society, all of these struggles must be interwoven and infused with an inspirational vision of how much better life could be if we freed ourselves from this dysfunctional, profit-obsessed system once and for all.
Climate chaos alone will impose many hardships, from extreme droughts, water scarcity, farm failures and food shortages to forest fires and floods, rising sea levels, mega-storms and acidified oceans. Movement organizers must help people anticipate, adapt to, and survive these hardships—but social movements cannot stop there.  They must help people mount the kind of political resistance that can strip the fossil fuel industry of its power and leverage their own growing influence to demand that society’s remaining resources be re-directed toward a Green transition.
Notes.
[1] Despite record corporate profits and cash flow, at least a third of the buyback shares are being purchased with borrowed money, bringing the corporate debt to an all-time high, not only in an absolute sense but also in relation to profits, assets and the overall size of the economy.
[2] The term “catabolic capitalism” used here is somewhat different from the theory of catabolic collapse developed by John Michael Greer.  Greer looks at the demise of all civilizations (capitalist and non-capitalist) as a catabolic process.  How Civilizations Fall: A Theory of Catabolic Collaspe .
[3] Banks’ retained earnings and shareholder capital only amount to 2-9% of their loan portfolio, so it doesn’t take much of a loss to put them under.

Tuesday, July 12, 2016

2372. From the Tar Sands to ‘Green Jobs’? Work and Ecological Justice

By Greg Albo and Lilian Yap, The Bullet, July 12, 2016


The ecological and social implications of climate change have – or should – become a central parameter for all discussions of work and capitalism. It is generally agreed that reliance on the burning of fossil fuels as the pre-eminent energy source for production and consumption over the history of capitalism is the critical factor in the ruinous greenhouse gas emissions triggering global warming, which would become irreversible if the earth's atmosphere were brought to a ‘tipping-point’. The leading scientific estimates project that a rise in average global temperatures of 2°C (and now often just 1.5°C) is the threshold for irreversible climate change; that this can be expected from an accumulation of 1 trillion metric tonnes of carbon in the atmosphere; that we are approaching 600 million tonnes; and that the carbon ‘tipping-point’ may well be reached in 30 years unless carbon emissions can be reduced by 2-5% per year (and now often even more severe reductions).[1] The unrelenting build-up of greenhouse gases has led to the jarring conclusion, drawn by climatologists, ecological militants and union activists, that an exit from reliance on fossil fuels for energy needs to occur with some urgency.

In Canada, the hyper-development of the Alberta tar sands, as well as the intensifying exploitation of both conventional and unconventional fossil fuel deposits across the country, has opened a major political divide over climate change strategies and their implications for work.[2] On the one side, the oil industry, governments and many workers in the oil and gas sectors have sought to lock-in the further tar sands development. They have argued that this could be done through a strategy of carbon intensity (more output per unit of carbon emitted from fossil fuels burned) by ‘green growth’ and a range of ‘market ecology’ measures to shift consumer behaviour toward energy saving. On the other side, many Aboriginal nations and ecological and labour organizations have pushed for a transition to an ‘ecologically-sustainable’ economy built around ‘green’ technologies, a renewable energy regime and ‘green jobs’ that would ‘de-carbonize’ production processes. (For the Aboriginal nations, this also could involve reclamation, if on an entirely different foundation, of traditional territories and economies.) This could be accomplished, it is argued, through ‘Keynesian-style’ public policies that build non-market institutions that embed and guide capitalist markets along a more sustainable and equitable growth path – in effect an ‘institutional ecology’.[3]

For reasons of both theoretical clarity and the political injunction to address climate change, the varied strategies for ‘greening work’ need dissection. If the levels of carbon emissions are to be stabilized, it will be necessary to not be limited by plans acceptable to the capitalist classes and their interest in endless accumulation. An ambitious vision of possible eco-socialist alternatives for Canada needs, we argue, to connect the restructuring of work to wider transformations in the socio-ecological system. This is a key task of the growing movement, in Canada and globally, to stop the tar sands and stand for climate justice.

The current societal addiction to fossil fuels is intimately tied to the dynamics of capitalist production and the exploitative nature of work. Although it is true that humans have always had to labour, and through this interact with and transform nature in order to re-produce themselves as social, cultural, and natural beings, these interactions take on particular characteristics in capitalist society. What, then, are these characteristics? Historically, the loss of direct access to nature – in particular, land – as a means for producers to gain their subsistence for reproducing their households has had important consequences for labour and social life. Understanding some of these peculiar dynamics of capitalism will help us evaluate the possibilities and limits of green work.

Capitalist social relations are characterised by a general situation in which the producing class is stripped of all non-market means of reproduction. That is, workers are market dependent and must sell their labour-power to a capitalist for a wage, with the earnings then used to buy the necessities of life now sold as commodities in the market. Labouring has become the forced commodified labour – or work – of capitalist societies. In turn, capitalists appropriate all of the products and the value realized from the sale of commodities, including any surplus they can earn in the form of profits after their costs are met.

Here, the market mediates the collective interaction and metabolism with nature that occurs with capitalist production. For each individual capitalist, the primary goal of investment and production is to realise profits, rather than satisfying human needs consistent with ecological sustainability. In this sense, both workers and nature are brought into the production process simply as inputs, as a means to another's end.[5] In this process, workers lose control over the products of their labour, the labour process itself, and the interaction with nature that this entails. In short, work within capitalism is, at its core, an experience of exploitation and alienation. As the social surplus that results from production is owned privately, decisions on the direction of investment (say, to move from fossil fuels to solar power) also lie in private hands rather than involving workers affected or being democratically decided.

The intrinsic character of capitalism means ‘competitive imperatives’ compel capitalist firms to constantly attempt to lower the costs of production to earn the profits necessary for the accumulation of capital that ensures their survival. To do so and increase the value they appropriate, firms try to increase the length and intensity of the workday, lowering wages, and increasing the productivity of labour through technological development. The last implies using less labour for the same or more output. To maintain or even increase employment with technological advancement, then, the market must grow (or, for an individual firm, at least its market share increase).[6] Fossil fuels have been decisive: they have been the key energy enabler of the machinery necessary for the continual 24/7 production and consumption cycles characteristic of capitalism. Indeed, it is in this fusion that the particular ‘space-time’ dynamic of capitalist production consolidates in the unremitting effort to unhinge accumulation from nature and the constraints of material time and space, in the pursuit of abstract exchange-value in the form of money.[7]

Similarly, demands for better wages, working conditions, or environmental quality all increase the costs of production. Within capitalist social relations, these demands can only be met through lowering profits or – wait for it – more technological change and growth. What we see, then, is that the pursuit of growth becomes the preferred way of mediating social and distributional conflicts necessarily engendered in capitalist production without also changing its underlying social property relationships. This apparent solution, however, raises further contradictions. The unrelenting quest for economic growth causes the unsustainable deployment of fossil fuels leading to climate change, degradation of wildlife habitats, mountains of waste and a host of other socio-ecological issues. In this sense, capitalist growth displaces the conflicts over work and income through time into nature via the buildup of ecological crises and into space in the form of the unequal relations between states and peoples in the world market.

It is this context of the capitalist growth imperative, with all of its social and ecological impacts, that proposals for ‘green growth’ through policies of ‘market ecology’, and for ‘green jobs’ by an ‘institutional ecology’, can best be understood. Each has stood for an alternate path – within capitalism – out of both the climate crisis and the economic stagnation that has gripped the world market since 2008.

Green Growth and Market Ecology
Some may be surprised to see how the economic crisis has re-invigorated neoliberal politics (of freer markets to increase the profits and power of capital) in the form of a strategy of ‘permanent austerity’ imposed on the public sector and workers. An agenda of ‘green growth’ to address climate change, best laid out in the United Nations Environment Programme's (UNEP) Towards a Green Economy, and the United Nations (UN) report for the 2012 Rio+20 summit, Working Towards a Balanced and Inclusive Green Economy,[8] has emerged as a core feature of neoliberal renewal.

The environmental crisis, the reports contend, is fundamentally a problem of a “gross misallocation of capital.”[9] The full suite of neoliberal proposals, now with a ‘market ecology’ twist, are offered: removal of subsidies in agriculture; privatization of public utilities to impose market discipline and prices; public-private partnerships with full-cost recovery in the guise of ‘polluter pays’ pricing; leveraging ‘green’ private investment to rebuild with carbon-reducing public infrastructure; promotion of free trade and intellectual property rights to encourage trade and growth in ‘green’ products and technology transfer; to name but a few. Remarkably, in light of the financial crisis, they propose to encourage more financialization: that is, the predominance of financial markets in driving carbon reduction investments through the development of ‘green’ financial instruments. For instance, the insurance industry, given its experience with managing risks in general, is now touted as the best driver of the 'green economy', given its capacity to 'price in' environmental risks. This will encourage, so the market logic goes, preventative measures and shift relative prices favourably toward 'green' production.

In a striking example of market fetishism, more prices and more markets are proposed. Nature and pollution are put forward as new zones of accumulation, with the state facilitating the creation of markets and property rights where none existed before. With more complete and transparent markets, capitalist growth will be ‘greener,’ and an energy transition from fossil fuels toward renewables will ‘naturally’ occur via firm responses to more efficient price signals. ‘Green jobs’ follow in due course. The market imperatives that drive capital accumulation and carbon emissions are now offered up, without any sense of paradox or doubt, as the solution to the climate crisis.

‘Green Jobs’ and Institutional Ecology
The long-standing failure of ‘protecting the environment through privatizing it’ has led many environmental and labour organizations to take a different tack. Instead, they have focused on ‘green jobs’ resulting from a ‘green’ restructuring of the capital stock (not the ownership or control of industry) and a change in government policies (not a democratization of the state). The landmark UN report, Green Jobs: Towards Decent Work in a Sustainable, Low-Carbon World defines ‘green jobs’ as “work in agricultural, manufacturing, research and development (R&D), administrative, and service activities that contribute substantially to preserving or restoring environmental quality.”[10] The criteria of being a ‘decent’ job also need to be met to be considered a ‘green job’. Like other such reports, Green Jobs urges a mix of stronger public investment and regulation with market-based policy instruments: carbon markets; payment for ecosystem services (PES) schemes; eco-taxes; and redirection of incentives and subsidies from ‘dirty’ to ‘green’ industries.

Since the economic crisis, this ‘institutional ecology’ project is associated with the idea of a ‘Green New Deal,’ as part of a Keynesian stimulus package to tackle economic stagnation.[11] Government stimulus funds, for example, could be mobilized to build the infrastructure for a transition to renewable – solar, wind, biofuels – energy and other ‘green’ sectors rather than further lock-in a high-carbon infrastructure. The Green New Deal also commonly includes: support for research and development into energy and resource efficient technologies; upgrading public infrastructure and building ‘smart grids’; retrofitting buildings; and expanding public transportation. Such ‘green’ sectors, moreover, will tend to be relatively labour-intensive and thus create more jobs than investment in ‘traditional’ sectors. The basic idea is encouraging ‘green jobs’ via ‘green growth’ (as with the ‘market ecology’ project of the neoliberals) as a central means of transitioning to a low carbon economy.

These policies certainly modify some of the most ecologically abusive features of capitalist production. For the most part, they merit support for at least ‘doing something’. But there are also serious limitations. Note, for example, that according to the UNEP definition oil spills from pipelines carrying diluted bitumen (or ‘dilbit’) from the tar sands could lead to a rise in ‘green jobs’ because employment in environmental remediation counts as ‘green’ employment. The quantitative growth in ‘green jobs’ may not be a proxy for anything more than coping with the ecological consequences of capitalist production – the so-called ‘shades of green’ jobs problem – and the inability to actually address climate change. 

Although the Green Jobs report argues that investment in ‘green’ sectors would lead to a net gain in employment, a low-carbon economy would adversely impact employment in industries such as oil and gas extraction. Workers displaced by climate change mitigation policies would thus require the support of ‘active labour market policies’, such as skills re-training, education upgrades, temporary income support, and the like. Such a ‘just transition’ would help workers in carbon-based industries to gain employment in emerging ‘green’ sectors. A number of the ‘green jobs’ reports also suggest that revenues from imposing various eco-taxes might be used to reduce payroll taxes (such as the employer contribution to social security) in order to boost employment. This would produce, they suggest, a ‘double dividend’ of achieving both employment and environmental gains.[12]

It is clearly suspect for a ‘just transition’ to cut taxes on employers and then fund income support out of ‘pollution’, and to adhere to neoliberal fallacies that unemployment is a result of the high cost of labour (and thus workers can be ‘priced’ back into employment). Indeed, the initial Green Jobs report even took up the concept of ‘flexicurity’, implicitly accepting the neoliberal push for labour flexibility with its intent on increasing the precariousness of work and weakening unions.

To add to the confusion of the meaning of ‘green jobs’, there is often a recognition in these reports that a significant portion of the jobs found within ‘green’ sectors are informal, non-unionized jobs with poor working conditions. They cannot meet the test of decent work. This is particularly true of the recycling industry in the Global South: for instance, the informal work of wastepickers or electronics recycling in China. A recent World Bank report circumvents the issue by simply arguing that the requirement of decent work should not be applied to the developing world when planning for ‘green jobs’, as even near subsistence wages might contribute to ‘poverty reduction’.[13] The ILO, in contrast, tends to consider how low wages and poor working conditions are actually what constitute the poverty of these workers. They call for the formalization of these ‘green’ sectors so as to improve working conditions and transform these into decent jobs.[14] Similar problems are, in fact, common to ‘green jobs’ in core capitalist zones.

In any case, efforts to improve workers’ rights, wages, and ecological sustainability run up against the competitive imperatives to lower the costs of production. Without substantial long-term extra-market institutional (or state) coordination, it is quite unclear what can be achieved beyond stimulating initial modest investments in renewable energy and adjustments in regulatory rules. This has been the case even in something as basic as the informal recycling sector. If the transition to decent and ‘green jobs’ cannot be achieved through market mechanisms, then the entire ‘institutional ecology’ project of leveraging the private sector for an exit from the climate crisis will fail. Even with a fundamental break with austerity-friendly fiscal policies and new eco-taxes, substantial collective investments and non-market interventions would be necessary to generate and maintain decent ‘green jobs’.

In this sense, the ‘institutional ecology’ path to ‘green jobs’ shares a great deal with the ‘market ecology’ agenda in depending upon capitalist sector led growth. If the ‘only’ problem is environmental impact, so the logic of both goes, then it is possible to continue to encourage growth as long as the ecological footprint is reduced. And capital accumulation can be ‘decoupled’ from more intensive resource use through more efficient markets and technological improvement, including the burning of fossil fuels. Yet more growth within capitalism has consistently resulted in greater aggregate resource use and carbon emissions, even when relative gains in resource and energy efficiency are achieved.[15] And even the most optimistic scenarios raise serious doubts that, in a long phase of stagnation, continued capitalist growth can be consistent with greenhouse gas reductions. In short, these are technical ‘solutions’ to a broader social problem. These ‘solutions’ to climate change are, to be sure, also political strategies defending particular interests.[16]

Carbon Reduction and Environmental Justice Alternatives
The energy sector poses, in the starkest terms, the limits of the ‘green economy’ within capitalism. Rather than lead a transition toward renewable energy as ‘price signals’ register peak oil, the market has increased supply in ‘extreme energy’, with a systemic market failure to register carbon emission constraints. Indeed, the International Energy Agency now refers to a new ‘golden age of gas’ as reported fossil fuel supplies swell.[17] Under current usage patterns, even by 2040 up to 75% of all energy could still be supplied by fossil fuels,[18] provided that the industry overcomes obstacles such as finite fresh water supplies. Canadian oil and gas companies would, of course, be central contributors to supply. At some 173 billion barrels of recoverable oil (and ultimate potential of 343 billion barrels), the Alberta tar sands are generally considered to be the second largest deposit in the world.[19] With conventional oil production in decline, tar sands bitumen now constitutes more than half of production and will continue to increase (and, of course, serves as the single largest source of carbon emissions in Canada). In other words, the projected burning of these reserves for energy would easily breach the 2°C global warming distress threshold which many organizations have highlighted.

The massive capital investment in fossil fuel extraction, further intensified with extreme energy, means that employment in these operations is slight – the lowest of any sector in Canada – relative to output and emissions. Estimates for global employment in the sector are only at about 10 million worldwide. In Canada, employment is about 120,000 including fossil fuel extraction, coal and petroleum manufacturing products and support activities, or well less than 1% of total employment, with tar sands employment assessed at around 20,000 jobs (with totals expected to increase with new developments).[20] The numbers employed directly in extraction are even less: a large portion of employment occurs in planning and development, construction and servicing sites. If many of these jobs are well-paid, they are also surprisingly precarious and insecure as projects and output volumes wind up and down; and they have come to include a ‘second-tier’ of migrant workers with limited rights. The shift to renewables is likely, in almost all forecasts, to have a positive impact on employment during both construction and steady-state operations due to the lower capital-intensity. But this should not be exaggerated (as renewables producers do), as this is still quite capital-intensive production. A shift to renewable energy is neither a solution to the general problem of unemployment in capitalism, nor of the employment instability from climate change.

The political imaginary of a climate justice movement cannot be confined, therefore, to a market-led energy transition, either spurred by further institutional coordination or not. It can become a vital example of societal political alliances co-joining in programmatic alternatives. At the scale of the workplace, this struggle has formed around the notion of a just transition. As noted above, this is set narrowly as retraining policies for workers as fossil fuel extraction is phased-down and workers shift to indeterminate prospects elsewhere in the economy. Workers and communities adjust as the capitalist classes shift to value extraction in new ‘green’ sectors. A more ambitious just transition would extend workers’ collective rights and point toward new socio-ecological relations.[21] That is, a militant rejection of the quantitative commodification of nature and life, for a transition to qualitative growth in de-carbonized and de-commodified sectors of production and work.

Such an ‘eco-imaginary’ is a rupture with the chase after ‘green jobs’ in a thoroughly commodified society. It could inform specific interventions at the scale of workplaces and building workers’ collective capacities:

incorporation of carbon reduction strategies within collective agreements through clauses on reductions of the carbon footprint, energy committees, and adjustment plans for jobs impacted by climate change.
workers’ plans forged to extend best-practices for carbon reduction in labour processes and between workplaces.
building democratic planning capacities for plant conversion to sustain capital equipment, workers’ skills and community infrastructure as ecologically-responsible production norms are internalized.
participatory planning structures built at the level of local wards for carbon reduction and ecological clean-up in neighbourhoods.

An energy transition extends beyond particular labour processes, and the fossil fuel branches of production, to the energy sector as a whole.[22] In providing the general conditions facilitating production and consumption, the energy sector tends to be both highly concentrated and monopolistic, as well as highly decentralized and diversified. An energy transition entails concerns not only with the phasing out of fossil fuel production (and immediate limits on extreme energy such as the tar sands) and the reversal of neoliberal privatization of power supplies. It also needs to be conceived in terms of ‘energy democracy’: public ownership and control; diversity, decentralization and localization in production and control; and transparency and accountability in ecological impacts.[23] For the most part, renewable energy production also fails miserably on all these accounts.

Here energy conservation and renewable technological conversion need to link to ‘structural reforms’ that push beyond capital:

democratization and participatory planning over centralized energy production and supply systems.
reduction in the massive capital intensity involved in fossil fuel and nuclear production to give developmental preference to a diversity of direct and local production.
redistributive energy supply and pricing strategies.
publicly-supported technological transfer to equalize renewable energy access globally.

If it is quite wrong to expect climate change to be resolved by more markets and more technology, it also cannot be limited to an energy transition. Some have recognized and challenged these limitations, however. In its response to climate change, the International Transport Workers’ Federation put out a remarkable statement advising that “there is no alternative but to progressively liberate key sectors of economic life from the imperatives of profit and consumption ... [and to expand] social and democratic ownership of industries that produce emissions ... to prevent further damage to people and the environment and to plan an equitable and orderly transition to a low carbon economy.”[24] This ecological directive is consistent with the long-standing socialist case for de-commodified production in an egalitarian world order. The core left programme is also strikingly carbon-reducing in its implications:

a sharp reduction in standard worktime to share-out work and increase the time for democracy and self-management of workplaces.
a shift from private to public transit in electrified systems tied to ‘transit justice’ and ‘free fares’.
the extension of de-commodified public spaces in terms of parks, museums and galleries, and cultural and recreational spaces.
the mass public expansion of the caring sectors.
universalization of free post-secondary education for all age groups.
dismantling of military production and mobilization of civil brigades for ecological restoration.

These demands could easily be extended.[25] They should be at the centre of any ecological justice movement. In practical outline, they present a possible future directly connecting a de-carbonized energy regime to quality-intensive, democratized work, and from there to the provisions of everyday life as social need. They are essential to overcoming the claims of the neoliberal period has had on our political imaginary, even in activist circles, and the claptrap of carbon markets and ‘greening growth’.

Beyond Green Jobs
An alternate agenda for the democratization of work, and over the production and supply of energy, is ecologically necessary and economically feasible. Significant political hurdles exist, however.

The fossil fuels energy regime has been integral, we have argued, to capitalist development and is embedded in the entire economic structure, from energy to transportation to plastics to agro-industry and all else. In Canada, the entire spectrum of energy corporations are a central component of the power structure, with the financial industry intricately linked to the financing, insurance and speculative interests of the oil and gas sector. The Canadian state has, moreover, had a central strategic objective for over three decades of turning Canada into the pre-eminent 21st century energy superpower, steadily building the Canadian accumulation regime around this prospect. This strategy entails running down conventional oil and gas resources, and increasing the exploitation of ‘extreme energy’ via drilling in the Arctic and deep seas, fracking for shale gas, ‘tight oil’ recovery and, of course, the mass mining of the tar sands. As a result, climate change policies in Canada have been all but completely absent. Alternate decentralized energy development, on the one hand, and democratically controlled public power provision, on the other, have been wholly lacking in coordinated state support.

Divestment from fossil fuels is a necessary condition for stabilizing greenhouse gas emissions, and thus a core demand of the climate justice movement. It is politically inconceivable to isolate a transition out of fossil fuels from a project of democratizing the state and a vision of a post-capitalist society. The ecological crisis is deeply intertwined with the modes of energy usage internal to the production and consumption patterns of contemporary capitalism – endless accumulation, overconsumption alongside hideous inequalities, the environment served up as a dumping ground for industrial waste, the ceaseless commodification of agriculture spaces and wetlands. The massive destruction of the boreal forest for the toxic mines of the Alberta tar sands is only the most visible and violent landscape produced by this mode of development.

Anti-fossil fuel campaigns, however, too often remain confined within the market logic of the ‘green economy,’ trading-off a measure of ecological re-mediation for more capital accumulation. Any number of the market-based policies to address global warming commit this folly – through carbon emissions trading, feed-in-tariffs, conversion tax incentives, and so forth. The notion of shifting ‘brown work’ into ‘green jobs’ suffers from the equally crippling illusion that climate change might be technocratically managed by supplementing market pricing with a few ‘green’ institutional supports, without any rupture in the existing matrix of political institutions and social forces. These ideological confusions about markets and technological fixes too often provide cover for further tar sands development, as deftly utilized in the propaganda bombardment from the Canadian oil and gas industry.

It is ‘capitalism as a system’ that is the central obstacle in the transition to ecologically responsible production, work and energy regime.[26] Marx pointed out in the Grundrisse that capitalism has a general disdain for nature apart from the use-values it can appropriate (and the accumulation regime in Canada particularly commits this sin). And this contempt extends to workers apart from the value their labour produces. “For the first time, nature becomes purely an object for humankind, purely a matter of utility... whether as an object of consumption or as a means of production.”[27] This arises not from whim or malice on the part of individual capitalists, even if overt scheming and greed has always characterized the oil industry. It emerges from the competitive imperatives to maximize profits and thus continually to annihilate space (as both natural and built environments) by the acceleration of time through productivity enhancement (enabled by the energy from fossil fuels).[28] The accumulation of capital is, historically and to this day, the accumulation of carbon in the earth's atmosphere.

In the urgency to tackle climate change and to halt the extraction of the most destructive fossil fuel source on the planet, there is a normal inclination to take the detour of ‘market ecology’ and ‘green work’ in the hope of preventing further damage. But the political calculation of ecologists, unionists, and socialists needs to be as ambitious as the challenges at hand are large. This is to insist that a rupture with the existing paradigm of production and work is needed – ‘ways of living’ as the early ecology and socialist movements envisioned. Solar communism, anyone?[29]

Greg Albo and Lilian Yap are at the Department of Political Science, York University, Toronto. This essay is adapted from their contribution to A Line in the Tar Sands: Struggles for Environmental Justice (Toronto: Between the Lines/Oakland: PM Press, 2014). Video of the book launch is available at LeftStreamed No. 243.

Endnotes:
1. See: J.B. Foster, “James Hansen and the Climate Change Exit Strategy,” Monthly Review, 64: 9 (2013); John Carey, “Global Warming: Faster than Expected?,” Scientific American, November 2012.
2. Tony Clarke, Tar Sands Showdown (Toronto: James Lorimer, 2008); Andrew Nikiforuk, Tar Sands: Dirty Oil and the Future of a Continent (Vancouver: Greystone Books, 2010).
3. We refer here to ‘institutional ecology’ to underline the extra-market foundations seen necessary for offsetting structural market failures as with Keynesian political economy in this perspective. In the ecology literature, this is often associated with ‘ecological modernisation’. See: Arthur Mol, David Sonnenfeld and Gert.Spaargaren, eds., The Ecological Modernisation Reader: Environmental Reform in Theory and Practice (London: Routledge, 2009); Maarten Hajer, The Politics of Environmental Discourse: Ecological Modernization and the Policy Process (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1995). For a critique: John Bellamy Foster, Brett Clark and Richard York, The Ecological Rift: Capitalism's War on the Earth (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2010), pp. 41-43.
4. Friedrich Engels, “Outlines of a Critique of Political Economy” in The Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844 (New York: International Publishers, 1964[1844]), p. 221.
5. On the metabolic relations of nature in capitalism see: John Bellamy Foster, Marx's Ecology: Materialism and Nature (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2000), Ch. 5.
6. See: Karl Marx, Capital, Volume One (London: Penguin Books, 1976 [1867].
7. Elmar Altvater, The Future of the Market (London: Verso, 1993); Andrea Malm, “The Origins of Fossil Capital,” Historical Materialism, 21: 1, 2013.
8. UNEP, Towards a Green Economy: Pathways to Sustainable Development and Poverty Eradication (Nairobi: UNEP, 2011); UN, Working Towards a Balanced and Inclusive Green Economy: A United Nations System-wide Perspective (Geneva: United Nations, 2011). For ‘market ecology’ strategies in Canada see: Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers, “CAPP on Climate,” 2013 at www.capp.ca/environmentCommunity/Climate; Clare Demerse, Reducing Pollution, Creating Jobs: The Employment Effects of Climate Change and Environmental Policies (Drayton Valley, Ab.: The Pembina Institute, 2011); Chris Bataille, Benjamin Dachis and Nic Rivers, Pricing Greenhouse Gas Emissions: The Impact on Canada's Competitiveness, C.D. Howe Institute Commentary, N. 280, 2009.
9. UNEP, Towards A Green Economy, p. 14.
10. Green Jobs: Towards Decent Work in a Sustainable, Low-carbon World (Nairobi: UNEP, September 2008), p. 3. The report was drafted by the Worldwatch Institute, but circulated by the UNEP and ILO and differs from the UNEP report a few years later. A few key Canadian interventions being: Tony Clarke, Jim Stanford, Diana Gibson and Brendan Haley, The Bitumen Cliff: Lessons and Challenges of Bitumen Mega-Developments for Canada's Economy in an Age of Climate Change (Ottawa: CCPA, 2013); Making the Shift to a Green Economy: A CommonPlatform of the Green Economy Network (Ottawa: GEN, 2011); Andrea Harden-Donahue and Andrea Peart, Green, Decent and Public (Ottawa: Canadian Labour Congress/Council of Canadians, 2009).
11. A few prominent examples: UNEP, Global Green New Deal Policy Brief (Geneva: UNEP, 2009); Robert Pollin, et al., Green Recovery: A Program to Create Good Jobs and Start Building a Low-carbon Economy (PERI and Centre for American Progress, 2008); A Green New Deal: Joined-up Policies to Solve the Triple Crunch of the Credit Crisis, Climate Change and High Oil Prices (London: New Economics Foundation, 2008).
12. ILO, Building a Sustainable, Job-Rich Recovery (Geneva: ILO, 2011); ILO, Towards a Greener Economy: The Social Dimensions (Geneva: ILO, 2011); OECD, The Jobs Potential of a Shift Towards a Low-Carbon Economy (Paris: OECD, 2012).
13. Alex Bowen, ‘Green’ Growth, ‘Green’ Jobs and Labor Markets, Policy Research Working Paper N. 5990 (Washington: The World Bank, 2012), pp. 4-5.
14. Green Jobs Initiative, Working Towards Sustainable Development: Opportunities for Decent Work and Social Inclusion in a Green Economy (Geneva: ILO, 2012), Ch. 7.
15. For a discussion of the environmental contradictions of the multiplier effect and other green Keynesian propositions, see: Bill Blackwater, “Two Cheers for Environmental Keynesianism,” Capitalism, Nature, Socialism, 23: 2, 2012, pp. 51-74.
16. Romain Felli, “An Alternative Socio-Ecological Strategy? International Trade Unions’ Engagement with Climate Change,” Review of International Political Economy, 2013, pp. 14-18.
17. IEA, World Energy Outlook 2011: Are We Entering a Golden Age of Gas? (Paris: IEA, 2011).
18. U.S. Department of Energy, International Energy Outlook 2013 (Washington: DOE, 2013), Reference Table A2.
19. National Energy Board, Canada's Energy Future: Energy Supply and Projections to 2035 (Ottawa: NEB, 2011); Gavin Bridge and Philippe, Oil (Oxford: Policy, 2013), Ch. 1.
20. Sean Sweeney, Resist, Reclaim, Restructure: Unions and the Struggle for Energy Democracy (New York: Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung/Cornell Global Labour Institute, 2012), pp. 11-12; Statistics Canada, Employment (SEPH), Table 281-0024; Petroleum Human Resources Council of Canada, The Decade Ahead: Oil Sands Labour Market Outlook to 2021, Spring 2012, at www.petrohrsc.ca.
21. Thomas Mann, Some Responses to the Challenges of Climate Change by North American Labour, York University, Work in a Warming World, Working Paper, N. 2011-01, 2011; Carla Lipsig-Mumme, ed., Climate @ Work (Halifax: Fernwood, 2013).
22. The International Energy Agency cautions on the slow growth of renewable and thus the slowdown in carbon emissions: World Energy Outlook 2012 (Paris: IEA, 2012).
23. Mario Candeias, “Energy Struggles for Energy Democracy,” Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung, 2012, at www.alternativen.blog.rosalux.de; Sweeney, Resist, Reclaim, Restructure, Part 3.
24. International Transport Workers’ Federation, Transport Workers and Climate Change: Towards Sustainable, Low-Carbon Mobility (London: ITF, 2010), pp. 42-43.
25. Andre Gorz, Capitalism, Socialism, Ecology (London: Verso, 1994); David Rosnick, “Reduced Work Hours as a Means of Slowing Climate Change,” Real-World Economics Review, N. 63, 2013; Climate Space/World Social Forum, “Change the System, Not the Climate,” The Bullet, N. 810, 2013.
26. Greg Albo, “The Limits of Eco-Localism: Scale, Strategy, Socialism” in Leo Panitch and Colin Leys, eds., Socialist Register 2007: Coming to Terms with Nature (London: Merlin Press, 2007).
27. Karl Marx, Grundrisse (New York: Vintage, 1973 [1858]), p. 410.
28. Neil Smith, Uneven Development: Nature, Capital and the Production of Space (London: Verso, 2010).
29. A term suggested by David Schwartzman, “Solar Communism,” Science and Society, 60: 3 (1996). But also see the discussion of the Leap Manifesto in “A Leap Toward Radical Politics?The Bullet N. 1265, 7 June 2016.