tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-52617485034262980412024-03-10T15:38:50.930-07:00Our Place in the World: A Journal of EcosocialismA Journal of EcosocialismKamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.comBlogger3643125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-24172580801564755882024-03-10T15:29:00.000-07:002024-03-10T15:38:16.583-07:003561. The Law of Value in Relation to Self-Management and Investment in the Economy of the Workers’ States<p align="justify"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">By Ernest Mandel, </span><a href="https://www.ernestmandel.org/en/works/txt/1963/law_of_value.htm"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">World Outlook</span><span style="color: #666666;">,</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> 1963</span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="https://www.cubagrouptour.com/images/camilo-20.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="360" data-original-width="800" height="360" src="https://www.cubagrouptour.com/images/camilo-20.jpg" width="800" /></a></span></div><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span><p></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The Cuban magazine <strong>Nueva Industria – Revista Economica</strong>, organ of the Ministry of Industry, published two polemical articles in issue No.? (October 1963) of great interest, one written by Ernesto Che Guevara and the other by Commandante Alberto Mora, Minister of Foreign Trade. This polemic testifies to the vitality of the Cuban Revolution in the field of Marxist theory, too. It deals with a number of questions of the utmost importance in the construction of a socialist economy: role of the law of value in the economy during the epoch of transition; autonomy of enterprises and self-management; investments through the budget or by means of self-investment, etc. Involved in these issues is the problem of the ideal model for the economy in the epoch of transition from an underdeveloped country, a problem of absorbing interest to the Bolsheviks during the 1923-1928 period and which arose again, even if on a rather low theoretical level, in Yugoslavia, Poland and even in the Soviet Union in recent years.</span></p><p align="justify"><b><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The Law of Value in the Economy During the Epoch of Transition</span></b></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The question of the “application” of the theory of value in the planned and socialized economy of the epoch of transition has been subjected to the worst confusion, mainly because Stalin, in his last work, posed it in a both gross and simplistic way: “Does the law of value exist (<em>sic</em>) and does it apply in our country? … Yes, it exists there and it applies there.” This is an evident truism. To the extent that exchange occurs, commodity production survives, and exchange is thereby objectively governed by the law of value. The latter cannot disappear until commodity production withers away; that is, with the production of an abundance of goods and services.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">But this does not answer the <em>concrete question</em> around which turns the fundamental discussion begun in 1924-25 between Preobrazhensky and Bukharin which has continued to develop, with ups and downs, among Marxist economists and theoreticians up to now: <em>to what exact degree</em> and <em>in what sphere</em> does the law of value apply in the economy during the epoch of transition?</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Stalin himself, while muddying the problem, had to admit a fact which the Khrushchevist economists are nevertheless beginning to draw into question; namely, that in the “socialist” economy, the law of labour-value cannot be the <em>regulator of production</em>, that is, cannot determine <em>investments</em>.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In developed capitalist economy, the law of value determines production through the play of the rate of profit. Capital flows toward the sectors where the rate of profit is above the average and production increases there. Capital recedes from the sectors where the rate of profit is below the average, and production decreases there (at least relatively). When the means of production are nationalized, so that there is neither a market for capital nor its free entry and withdrawal, nor even the formation of an average rate of profit with which the rate of each particular branch can be compared, clearly there is no longer a possibility for the “law of value” to be directly the “regulator of production.”</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">If, in an underdeveloped country which has carried out its socialist revolution, the “law of value” were to regulate investments, there would flow preferentially toward the sectors where profitability is the highest <em>in relation to prices on the world market</em>. But it is precisely because these prices determine a <em>concentration of investments in the production of raw materials</em> that these countries are underdeveloped. To escape from underdevelopment, to industrialize the country, means to deliberately orient investments toward the sectors that are least “profitable” for the time-being according to the criterion of the long-term economic and social development of the country as a whole. When it is said that the monopoly of foreign trade is indispensable for industrializing the under-developed countries, this means precisely that it cannot be accomplished until these countries are able to “pull the teeth” of the law of value.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">But perhaps this qualification applies only to the “law of value on the world market”? Cannot the law of value at least alter investments on the national scale, once world prices are left aside? This is wrong again. The industrialization of an underdeveloped country cannot be carried out rapidly and harmoniously except by deliberately violating the law of value. <a href="https://www.ernestmandel.org/en/works/txt/1963/law_of_value.htm#n1" id="f1" name="f1">[1]</a></span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In an underdeveloped country, and precisely because of its underdevelopment, agriculture tends from the beginning to be more “profitable” than industry, handicrafts and small industry more “profitable” than big industry, light industry more “profitable” than heavy industry, the private sector more “profitable” than the nationalized sector. To channel investments according to the “law of value,” that is, according to the law of supply and demand of commodities produced by different branches of the economy, would imply developing monoculture for the export trade by priority; it would imply preferential construction of small shops for the local market rather than steel plants for the national market. The construction of comfortable lodgings for the petty-bourgeois or bureaucratic layers (an investment corresponding to “effective demand”) would have priority over the construction of low-cost homes for the people which clearly must be subsidized. In short, all the economic and social evils of underdevelopment would be reproduced despite the victory of the revolution.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In reality, the decisive meaning of this victory, of the nationalization of the means of industrial production, of credit, of the transportation system and foreign trade (together with the monopoly of the latter), is precisely to create <em>the conditions for a process of industrialization that escapes from the logic of the law of value</em>. Economic, social and political priorities, <em>consciously and democratically chosen</em>, take the lead over the law of value in order to lay out the successive stages of industrialization. Priority is placed not on immediate maximum returns, but on the suppression of rural unemployment, the reduction of technological backwardness, the suppression of the foreign grip on the national economy, the guarantee of the rapid social and cultural rise of the masses of workers and poor peasants, the rapid suppression of epidemics and endemic diseases, etc., etc.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">That is why the industrialization of the workers states follows a different road from that of the capitalist countries where industries are built beginning with the sectors that will most easily satisfy “effective demand.”</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">To violate the law of value is one thing; to <em>disregard</em> it is something else again. The economy of a workers state can disregard the law of value only at the price of <em>losses</em> to the economy which could be avoided, of <em>useless sacrifices</em> imposed on the masses, as we shall later demonstrate.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">What does this mean? In the first place, that the whole economy must be carried on within the framework of a strict calculation of the real costs of production. These costs will not determine investments; these will not automatically go toward “the least costly” projects. But to know the costs means to know the exact amount of subsidies which the collectivity grants the sectors which it has decided to develop by priority. In the second place, that it is necessary to have a stable yardstick for these calculations; without stable money, no rigorous planning. In the third place, that all sectors where economic or social priorities do not dictate any preference are to be actually guided by the “law of value,” (for example, different crops aiming at the domestic market). In the fourth place, so longs as the means of consumption remain commodities, and aside from the commodities and services deliberately subsidized or distributed free by the state (pharmaceutical products, school and training materials, books, etc.), the preferences of the consumers will freely operate on the market the law of supply and demand will affect prices, and the plan will adapt its projected investments to these oscillations (within the limits of what is available in finances, equipment, raw materials, etc.).</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In the light of these initial remarks, we can consider the importance of the two problems raised in the Guevara-Mora polemic: What is value? Are means of production commodities in the transitional epoch? Mora affirms that value is not essentially abstract human labour; that it is “a relation existing between the limited disposable resources and the growing needs of man” (p.15). Still better: he holds that value is a “category created by man under certain conditions and for certain (!) ends” (p.15).</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">It is clear that we are faced here with a <em>subjective deformation</em> of the Marxist concept of labour-value, of which Marx specified the essence to be <em>abstract human labour</em>. It is not by chance that Mora refers to the “neo-Marxist” Soviet economists <a href="https://www.ernestmandel.org/en/works/txt/1963/law_of_value.htm#n2" id="f2" name="f2">[2]</a>, who have been attacked, in the USSR itself, and rightly so, as wanting to introduce surreptitiously the marginal theory of value. His conception, according to which the “law of value is the economic criterion for regulating production” in the epoch of transition (p.17) – while he affirms that it is not the <em>only</em> regulator – necessarily involves the notion according to which “exchange of the means of production” occurs even when these are completely nationalized, that “sale of commodities” occurs even when these means of production pass from one nationalized enterprise to another, and that the “contradictions” between the state enterprises justify the assertion that a “change in ownership” occurs at the time of these exchanges (p.19). All these affirmations are contrary to the reality and to Marxist theory. On all these questions, Che Guevara is entirely right against Mora.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mora states that if in investments, one leaves aside the law of value, one must “pay the price”; in doing this, you automatically limit the social resources available to satisfy other needs. This is true, and we, likewise, underline the necessity for strict calculation of production costs in all fields. But in limiting oneself to this economic truth, the social content of the epoch of transition is done away with; that is, in <em>abstracting from the class struggle</em>, Mora leaves out a whole important side of the problem.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In fact, it is impossible to operate in the economy of the epoch of transition – any more than in any other economy containing different social classes – with aggregates like “social revenue,” “social costs,” “social price of investments,” without at the same time posing the question: “Who is to pay this price to whom?</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The society of the epoch of the transition to capitalism to socialism is not homogeneous. In conducting an appropriate policy of investments, of prices, wages, foreign trade, etc., the workers state can act in such a way that the <em>social benefits of priority investments</em> (numerical reinforcement of the working class; elevation of its standard of living, skill, culture and consciousness; reinforcement of its leading role in the state and economy; accentuation of its participation in political life, etc., etc.) <em>are paid economically by other social classes</em>; the residue of the former owning classes; imperialism; the small commercial entrepreneurs and independent peasants. In an expanding economy, this economic price, paid particularly by the merchants, artisans and independent peasants can moreover be accompanied by a rise in their standard of living, on condition that this rise is less than it would have been in the framework of the “free play of the law of value” (thanks, for example, to a progressive income tax). <a href="https://www.ernestmandel.org/en/works/txt/1963/law_of_value.htm#n3" id="f3" name="f3">[3]</a></span></p><p align="justify"><b><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The Law of Value and Foreign Trade</span></b></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">All the preceding evidently constitutes only a general framework for replying to the specific problems which the question of economic calculation and the orientation of investments raises in each particular workers state. Here, Mora is right when he stresses (p.18) that in a small country like Cuba, which depends strictly on foreign trade for the current functioning of its industry (spare parts and raw materials) and for the equipment of its new enterprises, the necessity for rigorous economic calculation is imposed with all the more reason than in a big, largely autarchic country like the Soviet Union.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Exports are made according to prices on the world market. So that these exports will not constitute a constant drain on the national economy (they must be met in any case in order to keep industry and industrialization going through imports), it is necessary that the production costs of exported goods should as a whole be below the prices obtained on the world market. It is necessary to fix the objective on progressively suppressing all exports at a loss, so that exports are not only a means supplying the national economy but, in addition, an important source of accumulation, a means of defraying part of the expense of industrialization – a part of the costs of not observing the law of value on the national market! – from abroad. The tendency for current prices of sugar to rise on the world market creates, moreover, a favorable framework for the success of such a policy. The <em>progressive diversification of exports</em>, to render the Cuban economy independent of future fluctuations of current sugar prices on the world market, must point to the selection of other export, products where production costs remain below the prices obtained abroad (that is, average prices on the world market).</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">But Mora mixes up the need to carry out all these calculations in the most strict way with the extension of the field of application of the law of value in the Cuban economy. The two phenomena are not identical; they can even be directly contradictory.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The law of value determines the exchange value of commodities according to the quantity of labour socially necessary to produce them. The concept of “socially necessary” labour is determined in turn by the average level of the productivity of labour in a country, and by the concept of the effective demand of society – which must never be confounded with human needs or social needs from an objective point of view. In an underdeveloped country like Cuba, <em>all</em> production of many industrial branches can correspond to an “effective demand,” that is, all labour in these branches can appear as “socially necessary,” despite a very low level of productivity. The reference to the law of value, far from thereby resolving the problem of rapid improvement in the productivity of labour, of the technological transformations which these industries must undergo, can only obscure it. Because the law of value will have a tendency to <em>keep alive</em> archaic enterprises, as long as the state of scarcity exists, from the moment there ceases to be free movement of capital and free imports of commodities which could stimulate competition with these enterprises.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Far from being a field of application of the law of value, the dependence of Cuba on foreign trade thus implies the necessity of <em>economic calculation of comparative international costs</em>, which could provide a choice of economic criteria, independently of any rigid “law.” The necessity to assure the country’s supply of spare parts and raw materials <em>imposes</em> a certain volume of exports, even if these are carried out at a loss. The necessity to maintain and develop the existing level of industries dependent on foreign supplies imposes searching, as quickly as possible, for profitable exports <em>in relation to prices on the world market</em> – even if this means switching investments toward branches that are already profitable <em>in relation to the national market</em> (branches that already sell their commodities at their exchange value). The possibility of exporting at a profit, of gaining supplementary resources from exports, of transforming trade into a constant source of socialist accumulation, will moreover permit just the <em>liberation of the economy</em> from the tyranny of the “law of value,” that is, will permit the development of new industries despite the fact that their production costs at the beginning will be higher than the prices of imported products, without lowering the standard of living or the rate of accumulation in the country. This is an aspect of the real dialectics of the dependence on foreign trade and the play of the law of value that is decidedly more complex than Comrade Mora thought!</span></p><p align="justify"><b><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The Law of Value and Autonomy of Decision at the Enterprise Level</span></b></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In the debate which has raged in some of the workers states, the problem of the area of application of the law of value is intimately linked with the problem of autonomy of decision at the enterprise level in the field of investment. The Yugoslav authors have even formulated with regard to this a veritable new dogma which requires critical analysis: “Without the right of the self-management collectives to dispose of a considerable part of the social surplus product, no genuine self-management.” <a href="https://www.ernestmandel.org/en/works/txt/1963/law_of_value.htm#n4" id="f4" name="f4">[4]</a> This analysis must examine the problem from two aspects: economic efficiency (criteria for choosing one investment project rather than another), social and political efficiency (success in the struggle against the bureaucracy and bureaucratization).</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The more backward a country is, the more conditions of almost universal scarcity rule not only in the means of production sector but also for much of the industrial means of consumption (at least for the great majority of the population), and <em>the more detrimental the practice of self-investment is</em>, the more detrimental is it to permit the self-management collectives to determine for themselves the projects for priority of productive investments.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">It is evident in fact that under conditions of almost general scarcity of industrial commodities, <em>almost all</em> the investment projects can be economically profitable, no matter how gross the economic errors that are committed. Almost every profitable industrial or agricultural enterprise (providing funds for investment) is like an island in a sea of unsatisfied needs. The natural tendency of self-investment is therefore to attend to what is most pressing, both locally and in each sector.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In other words: if the self-management enterprises hold large funds for self-investment, they will have a tendency to orient their investments either toward the commodities which they lack the most (certain equipment goods; raw materials; auxiliary products; emergency sources of energy), or toward the commodities which their workers or the inhabitants of the area lack the most. Thus, criteria of local or sector interest are placed above national interests, not because the law of value is “denied,” but precisely <em>because it is applied</em>! This means, once more, to orient industrialization toward the “traditional road” which it followed in the historic framework of capitalism, in place of reorienting it according to the requirements of a nationally planned economy.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">An attempt can be made to reconcile national planning requirements and allocating self-managed enterprises considerable funds for self-investment. The means chosen for this aim can be a levy-tax in behalf of national development funds and equalization funds for regional development. This is evidently a step in the right direction, but it does not at all resolve the problem.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Since an underdeveloped economy is characterized precisely by the fact that the enterprises of high productivity are still the exception and not the rule, it is sufficient to leave them a part of their net surplus product and the inequality of development between the industrialized localities and the non-industrialized localities, the inequality of development and of revenue between the archaic enterprises which enjoy only an average level of productivity and the enterprises technologically “up to date” will increase instead <em>of diminishing</em>. It is necessary, moreover, to insist on this fundamental idea of Marxism: any economic freedom, any “autonomy of decision” and any “spontaneity” <em>increases the inequality</em> so long as there exist side by side strong and feeble enterprises or individuals, rich and poor, favored and unfavored from the point of view of location, etc. This is the reason why, it should be noted in passing, that according to Marx the mechanism of the law of value leads to its own negation; competition inevitably ends in monopoly.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The economic logic of a planned economy therefore speaks completely in favor of <em>productive investment by budgetary</em> means at least for all the big enterprises. What must be left to the enterprises is an amortization fund sufficiently large to permit <em>modernization of equipment with each renewal of fixed equipment</em> (gross investment). But all <em>net</em> investments should be made in accordance with the plan, in the branches and places chosen according to preferential criteria selected for the society and its economy as a whole. In this respect, too, the thesis of Comrade Guevara is correct.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The problem has been obscured, above all in the USSR, through associating it with the problem of <em>heightening the material incentives in enterprises</em>. Numerous Soviet economists have criticized the stimulants still employed today in the economy of the USSR to incite the enterprises (?) to carry out the plans. This criticism is in general pertinent. It has but to repeat what anti-Stalinist Marxists have said critically for many years. Yet, it is only necessary to examine closely the arguments of these economists to see that what is involved in reality is <em>heightening of material incentives for the bureaucracy</em> for whom the growth of revenues must in some way be the essential stimulus for the expansion of production in the enterprises.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">This is where certain partisans of self-management, particularly in Yugoslavia, maintain that <em>decentralization of the decisions on investment would be a powerful guarantee against bureaucratization</em>. This thesis is based on a fallacy. The Yugoslavs are right in stressing that the power of the bureaucracy grows in relation to its freedom in disposing of the social surplus product. But the technicians and economists of the planning commission “dispose” of the surplus product only in the form of figures on paper; the real power of disposal is situated <em>at the level of the enterprise</em>. <a href="https://www.ernestmandel.org/en/works/txt/1963/law_of_value.htm#n5" id="f5" name="f5">[5]</a> The more that means other than consumption funds (distributed revenues and social investments) are left at the free disposal of the enterprises, <em>the more is precisely bureaucratization stimulated</em>, at least in a climate of generalized scarcity and poverty; also the greater the temptation becomes for corruption, theft, abuse of confidence, false entries – temptations that do not exist at the level of the planning commission, if only because of multiple checks. The concrete experience of Yugoslav “decentralization” has shown, moreover, that it is an enormous source of inequality and bureaucratization at the level of the enterprises.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">But doesn’t the possibility of complete centralization of the means of investment at the state level create the danger of the <em>economic policy as a whole</em> favoring the bureaucracy, as was the case in Stalinist Russia? Obviously. But then the cause does not reside in the centralization itself; it lies in the <em>absence of workers democracy on the national political level</em>. <a href="https://www.ernestmandel.org/en/works/txt/1963/law_of_value.htm#n6" id="f6" name="f6">[6]</a> This means that a genuine guarantee against bureaucratization depends on workers management at the enterprise level and workers democracy at the state level. Without this combination, even the autonomy of the enterprises will eliminate none of the authoritarian, bureaucratic and (often) erroneous character of economic decisions made at the government level of the plan. With this combination, the centralization of investments – priorities being democratically established, for example through a national congress of workers councils – would not encourage bureaucratization, but, on the contrary, suppress one of its principle sources.</span></p><p align="justify"><b><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The Law of Value and Self-Management</span></b></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“Heightening material incentives” in the enterprises cannot be a “stimulant” in the question of investments. But “heightening material incentives” in the self-management collectives can actually stimulate continual growth of production and productivity among the enterprises.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Certainly, under a regime of genuine socialist democracy, creative enthusiasm, the free development of all the capacities of invention and organization of the proletariat, constitute a powerful motor for the growth of production. But it would be a grave idealist and voluntarist error to suppose that in a <em>in a climate of poverty</em> – inevitable in an underdeveloped country immediately following the victory of the socialist revolution – this enthusiasm could last long <em>without a sufficient material substructure</em>.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The example of the Soviet Union, where the proletariat gave proof of an enthusiasm and spirit of self-sacrifice without parallel in the first years after the October Revolution, is instructive in this respect: a long period of deprivation ended inevitably in mounting passivity of the workers, daily material concerns taking precedence over attentiveness to meetings.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">It is therefore imperative to link self-management to the possibility for the workers to immediately judge the success of each effort at increasing production <em>by the elevation of their standard of living</em>. The simplest and most transparent technique is that of distributing a part of the net revenue of the enterprise among the workers in the form of one or more months of bonus wages, the amount increasing or diminishing automatically with the level of revenue. <em>The increasing collective material interest</em> of the workers in the management of the enterprises moreover is superior to piece wages, inasmuch as it does not introduce division and conflicts in the workers’ collectivity, inasmuch as it corresponds better to contemporary technique, which place less and less importance on individual output and more and more importance on the rational organization of labour.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Self-management (and not mere workers control) seems to be the ideal model for organizing socialist enterprises. But it by no means hinders more or less unlimited competition among the enterprises, which flows from their autonomy in the domain of prices and investments. This autonomy cannot but reproduce a series of evils inherent to the capitalist regime: monopoly positions exploited in the formation of prices and revenues; efforts to defend these monopolies by “hiding” discoveries and technical improvements; waste and duplication in the field of investments; high cost or errors in decision, revealed <em>a posteriori</em> on the market (including the shutting down of enterprises); reappearance of unemployment, etc., etc. Useless and detrimental from the economic point of view, it by no means constitutes a sufficient guarantee against bureaucratization, as we have indicated above.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In this connection, the polemic of Lenin and Trotsky against the theses of the “Workers Opposition” is still completely valid. Marxism is not to be confused with the doctrine of anarcho-syndicalism. The genuine guarantee of workers power lies on the political level; it is on the state level that it must be established; any other solution is utopian; that is, unworkable in the long run and a source for the reappearance of a powerful bureaucracy.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">For all these reasons, self-management does not at all imply wider recourse to the “law of value” in relation to centralized planning. <a href="https://www.ernestmandel.org/en/works/txt/1963/law_of_value.htm#n7" id="f7" name="f7">[7]</a> The fundamental data of the problem remain the same. It is necessary to carry out strict calculations of production costs to show in the case of each commodity whether its production has been subsidized or not. But nothing calls for the conclusion that prices must be “determined by the law of value,” that is, by the law of supply and demand. If such a conclusion still has some meaning with regard to the means of consumption, it is senseless for the means of production which, we repeat, are not commodities, at least in the great majority of cases. And even means of production which are still commodities – those produced by the private or co-operative sector for the delivery to the state, and which the state furnishes to private enterprises or co-operatives – cannot be “sold at their value” without encouraging under certain conditions private primitive accumulation at the expense of socialist accumulation. But, if the means of production are not sold “at their value,” the “value” of the means of consumption is itself profoundly modified.</span></p><p align="justify" style="background-color: e;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Prices are, then, instruments of socialist planning and cannot be anything else in the epoch of transition from capitalism to socialism. If you say instrument of planning you likewise say instrument for <em>determining the distribution of the national revenue between consumption and investment, an instrument for determining the distribution of revenues among the different classes and layers of the nation</em>. To leave the determination of this distribution to the “law of value,” is to leave it in the final analysis to the “laws of the market,” to the “law of supply and demand,” that is, to economic automatism. And economic automatism would rapidly take us back to an economy of the semi-colonial type.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">But to say that prices cannot be <em>determined</em> by the law of value does not at all signify that they can be <em>independent</em> of the latter. Society can never distribute more values than it has created without progressively destroying its accumulated wealth and impoverishing itself increasingly in the absolute sense of the term. The total sum of prices must therefore be equal to the total sum of value of the commodities produced (granting that there has been no monetary depreciation). The distribution of certain products – in goods or vouchers – below their value (subsidies!) automatically signifies a distribution of other products above their value. Without strict calculation of production costs; without book-keeping aided by an objective criterion; without a kind of double entry system that faithfully registers, for each product, alongside the price fixed by the state, the real cost and the subsidy (or the tax) there is not only no possibility for genuine scientific planning, there is above all no stimulus for the fundamental economic dynamic of the epoch of transition – the dynamic that progressively elevates one new branch of industry after another to the point of rendering it “competitive” in relation to prices on the world market, up to the time socialism announces its next triumph when socialist industry as a whole operates with a productivity superior to that of the most advanced capitalist industry.</span></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">At the moment, the “law of value” could theoretically govern the dynamic of the workers state (or more exactly: the workers states as an international whole; because it appears excluded that this situation could be first obtained “in a single country”). But at the precise moment when it is on the point of triumphing, its reason for being disappears. The highest level of productivity attained under capitalism in all its branches cannot be surpassed without approaching such a level of abundance that commodity production withers away. In the workers state “law of value” cannot channel investments except to the precise degree that it withers away and to the degree that along with it all the economic categories, products of a relative scarcity of material resources, likewise wither away.</span></p><hr align="justify" /><p align="justify"><b><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Notes</span></b></p><p align="justify"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="https://www.ernestmandel.org/en/works/txt/1963/law_of_value.htm#f1" id="n1" name="n1">1.</a> “Planned economy in the transitional period, while founded on the law of value, violates it nevertheless at every step and establishes relations among the different economic branches, and between industry and agriculture in the first place, on the basis of equal exchange. The state budget plays the role of a lever for forced accumulation and planned distribution. This role must be increased in accordance with the latest economic progress. Credit financing dominates relations between the coercive accumulation of the budget and the fluctuations of the market, insofar as the latter enter in… If the domestic Soviet market is ‘freed’ and the monopoly of foreign trade suppressed – exchange between the city and countryside will become much more equal, the accumulation of the village (I refer to the capitalist accumulation of the farmer, the ‘kulak’) will follow its course, and it will soon be seen that Marx’s formulas likewise apply to agriculture. Once on this road, Russia would rapidly become a colony that would serve as the base for the industrial development of other countries.” (Leon Trotsky: <em>Stalin Theoretician</em>. Available in French in <strong>Ecrits 1928-40</strong>, Tome I, p.106) [Available in English in different translations as <em>Stalin as a Theoretician</em> in <strong>Militant</strong>, 15 September-11 December 1930 and <em>Stalin as a Theoretician</em> in <strong>International Socialist Review</strong>, Fall 1956 & Winter 1957.]</span></p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><p align="justify"><a href="https://www.ernestmandel.org/en/works/txt/1963/law_of_value.htm#f2" id="n2" name="n2">2.</a> Among others, Novochilov, Kantorovitch and Menchinov. This question underlies the famous debate on the possible use of profit as the sole criterion in carrying out the plan. In reality, these economists are the spokesmen of the economic bureaucracy, who demand <em>increased rights for the directors of enterprises</em> – particularly the right to freely dispose of a part of the “invisible funds” (fixed equipment).</p><p align="justify"><a href="https://www.ernestmandel.org/en/works/txt/1963/law_of_value.htm#f3" id="n3" name="n3">3.</a> From 1924 to 1927, the Stalinist faction violently accused the Left Opposition – Preobrazhensky in particular – with wanting “to increase the prices of industrial products.” Preobrazhensky had simply proposed that industrial products could be sold “above their value” to the village, which could have been tied in perfectly with a progressive lowering of the sales price in view of the rapid growth of the productivity of labour. But when the Stalinist faction made the turn to accelerated industrialization, it increased the prices of industrial consumers goods through extremely high indirect taxes. While in 1928, the tax on turnover was not above 17.9% of the real turnover of retail trade, it rose to 78.1% in 1932, and in 1936, the nominal turnover of this trade was 107 billion rubles, of which taxes accounted for 66 billion rubles and the real turnover only 41 billion! (L.H. Hubbard: <strong>Trade and Distribution in the Soviet Union</strong>)</p><p align="justify"><a href="https://www.ernestmandel.org/en/works/txt/1963/law_of_value.htm#f4" id="n4" name="n4">4.</a> Thus Milentiji Popovic, in an article entitled <em>Self-management and Planning</em>: “On the other hand, in the sector of expanded social reproduction, in perfecting the system of investment on the basis of the new relations, our results are less conclusive, although the first steps have been taken in this direction. The establishment of non-administrative relations, of economic relations, in this sphere, reverts quite simply to the establishment of credit-interest (!) relations, and to taking them as the basis ...</p><p align="justify">“One must first of all counteract the contradiction which arises from the fact that the resources servicing social reproduction are deducted exclusively through administrative measures (taxes, duties, contributions) thus leaving free the organization of labour without the latter on the other hand becoming the ‘proprietor;’ the organization of labour evolves, in fact, into a unique system of credit in which these resources are at one and the same time ‘theirs’ and ‘common’ (article 11) …</p><p align="justify">It is possible to avoid, on the other hand, having subjective and political considerations as the only ones to be taken into consideration at the time of the adoption of the decisions concerning investments. It goes without saying that this method cannot and must not ever be pushed to its final conclusion. But a system can be constructed in which the political decisions will bear on the general orientation of the political economy while the distribution of the means destined for investment is carried out in accordance with the credit mechanism, according to financial and material (!) criteria fixed with more or less precision. In operating in this way the process of expanded reproduction is likewise ‘depoliticalised.’ This ‘depoliticalization’ is not absolute. It must be carried out to the degree that <em>bureaucratism must be deprived of its base in this sphere as in the others</em>.” (My emphasis – E.M.). – <strong>Current Questions of Socialism</strong>, No.70, July-Sept. 1963, pp.67-68.</p><p align="justify"><a href="https://www.ernestmandel.org/en/works/txt/1963/law_of_value.htm#f5" id="n5" name="n5">5.</a> This obviously does not apply to cases where raw materials, equipment, goods and sometimes even means of consumption are centrally distributed, becoming veritable hotbeds for germinating corrupted bureaucrats.</p><p align="justify"><a href="https://www.ernestmandel.org/en/works/txt/1963/law_of_value.htm#f6" id="n6" name="n6">6.</a> “Only the co-ordination of three elements, state planning, the market and Soviet democracy, can assure correct guidance of the economy of the epoch of transition and assure, not the removal of the imbalances in a few years (this is utopian), but their diminution and by that the simplification of the bases of the dictatorship the proletariat until the time when new victories of the revolution will widen the arena of socialist planning and reconstruct its system.” (Leon Trotsky: <em>The Soviet Economy in Danger</em>. Available in French in Tome I of <strong>Ecrits 1928-1940</strong>, p.127). [In English, in a different translation, see <a href="http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1932/10/sovecon.htm" target="new"><em>The Soviet Economy in Danger</em></a> in <strong>Militant</strong>, 12 November 1932-7 January 1933.]</p></span><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="https://www.ernestmandel.org/en/works/txt/1963/law_of_value.htm#f7" id="n7" name="n7">7.</a><span> </span><span>Certain Yugoslav authors take quite correct positions in this respect. See, for example, Dr. Radivoj Uvalic: “While the open market can be widely utilized, it cannot be the sole or even the principle regulator of the socio-economic relations of a socialist country.” And again: “The importance of the planned guidance of economic development under the conditions of socialism lies first of all in the possibility that is offered of considering profitability from the point of view of the economy as a whole and not from the point of view of each particular unit of the economy… This is the case in all branches of high concentration of capital (?), such as the production of the means of production and raw materials, which could be never developed sufficiently on the basis of the accidental play of the market, with the rate of profit as the sole stimulate.” (In:</span><span> </span><strong>Socialist Thought and Practice</strong><span>, No.6, pp.47 and 55)</span> </span></p>Kamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-76055847004849100422024-03-06T10:18:00.000-08:002024-03-06T10:37:22.880-08:003560. Ernest Mandel on the Cuban Revolution<p><span><span style="color: #666666;"> </span><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">By </span><span><span style="color: #666666;">Jan Willem Stutje, </span><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fnref-315-1"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Cuba News</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">, No date. </span></span></span></span></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://image.jimcdn.com/app/cms/image/transf/dimension=527x10000:format=jpg/path/s0601745408ce1d59/image/i2959d45e9031297e/version/1665188118/image.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="407" data-original-width="527" height="494" src="https://image.jimcdn.com/app/cms/image/transf/dimension=527x10000:format=jpg/path/s0601745408ce1d59/image/i2959d45e9031297e/version/1665188118/image.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="color: #666666; font-size: x-small;">Ernest Mandel and Ernesto Che Guevara</span></td></tr></tbody></table><span style="color: #666666;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span><br /></span></span></span><p></p><p><span><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Editor's note: This following has been reposted from Cuba News, edited by Walter Lippmann. There are a chunk of notes missing in Cuba News that are also missing here as a result. Still, it is an important piece for consideration of the political character of the Cuban leadership as well as the Great Debate about socialism and how to get there in Cuba 1962-65. KN</span></span></p><p style="text-align: center;"><span face="Arial, Tahoma, Verdana, sans-serif" style="font-size: 12px;"><span style="color: #666666;">* *. *</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span>Chapter 8 of</span><span> </span><strong style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);">Ernest Mandel, A Rebel’s Dream Deferred</strong><span> </span><span>by Jan Willem Stutje, pp.147-164</span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“It is more pleasant and useful to go through the ‘experience of the revolution’ than to write about it.”<br style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);" /> — V.I. Lenin, The State and Revolution <sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn1" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">1</a></sup></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The progressive revival of the 1960s, which in Belgium began with the general strike of 1960-61, brought with it a renewal of the connection between struggle and theoretical debate, a connection that had been lost during the interwar ‘darkness at noon’ of Stalinism.</span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Although Marxist critical thought had not been entirely silenced, as shown by the works of Cornelius Castoriadis and Paul Sweeny, Gramsci’s <em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Prison Notebooks</em> and Karl Korsch’s later work, in academia it had been marginalized, confined to the domains of aesthetics and philosophy.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn2" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">2</a></sup> In the 1960s such publishers as Maspero in France and Feltrinelli in Italy rediscovered the heterodox political literature that had long been on Stalin’s index. Creative Marxist thought emerged from the shadow of the universities and stimulated — in addition to the debates about neo-capitalism and the role of the proletariat — thinking about decolonization, revolution and post-capitalist society, the Soviet Union and China, Algeria and Cuba.</span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In <em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Marxist Economic Theory</em> Mandel had examined the economics of transitional societies.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn3" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">3</a></sup> The sociologist Pierre Naville encouraged him to pursue the subject further. Naville was preparing to republish <em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">New Economics</em> (first published in 1923), an analysis of the Soviet economy by Yevgeni Preobrazhensky, who had been killed by Stalin in 1937.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn4" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">4</a></sup> He asked Mandel to write a foreword. <sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn5" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">5</a></sup> Central to the book was the question of what dynamic would arise in an agricultural society in transition from capitalism to socialism and what sources of socialist accumulation would be available. Mandel wrote that Preobrazhensky had made possible an economic policy free of pragmatism and empiricism.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn6" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">6</a></sup> This book’s publication contributed to the economic debate in Cuba.</span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: center; vertical-align: baseline;"><strong style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In Cuba with Che Guevara and Fidel Castro</span></strong></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevara, who with Fidel Castro was the face of the Cuban revolution, took a leading role in this debate. In 1958-59 guerillas had ended the oppressive, US-backed Batista regime. In doing so they broke with the prevailing, understanding of revolution that had held sway since 1935. The dominant conception dated back to the stages theory held by Stalin’s Comintern, which had limited revolutionary ambitions to formation of a national democratic government with the task of achieving agricultural reform, industrialization and democratic renewal. The struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie would only take place in a more-or-less distant future phase of socialist revolution. The Cuban revolutionaries discovered that in practice such a revolution was impossible and looked for a model that would put a definitive end to capitalism in Cuba. In the process they risked an American invasion, a threat made clear during the Bay of Pigs (Playa Giron) incident and the October 1961 missile crisis. They also earned anathemas from Moscow, which saw Cuba’s, support for revolutionary movements -in Latin America, Asia and Africa as undermining a foreign policy aimed at peaceful coexistence with the West.</span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">From 1962 to 1964 Che Guevara headed the Cuban ministry of industry. He opposed the growing influence of Moscow-oriented Communists and the state’s increasing bureaucratic tendencies. His ideas about the economy were formed in the debates of 1963-4. which were not only about economic development but also about the essence of socialism: a central budget structure versus, financial independence of companies, moral versus material incentives, thee law of value versus planning, and the role of consciousness.</span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Che considered an economy without a humanistic perspective, without communist ethics, unthinkable.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn7" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">7</a></sup> ‘We fight against poverty but also against alienation…If Communism were to bypass consciousness…then the spirit of the revolution would die.’<a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn8" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"><sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);">8</sup></a> In a famous 1965 essay, ‘Socialism and Man in Cuba’, Che warned against ‘the pipe dream that socialism can be achieved with the help of the dull instruments left to us by capitalism’, like making value and profitability the absolute economic’ measure or using, material incentives. Che held that fully realized communism would require changing not only the economic structure but also human beings. <a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn9" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"><sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);">9</sup></a></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Impressed by the wave of nationalizations there, Mandel concluded in the fall of 1960 that Cuba had developed into a post-capitalist state.<a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn10" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"><sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);">10</sup></a> ‘Reality has shown that to consolidate power the revolutionary leaders have unconsciously resorted to Trotskyism.’<a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn11" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"><sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);">11</sup></a> Shortly after the publication of <em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Marxist Economic Theory</em> Mandel had a copy sent to Che and Castro via their embassy in Brussels.<a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn12" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"><sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);">12</sup></a> He had informal contacts, with the Cuban regime through Nelson Zayas Pazos,<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn13" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">13</a></sup> a Cuban Trotskyist and French teacher working in the foreign ministry, and Hilde Gadea, Che’s ex-wife a Peruvian economist of Indian and Chinese descent who lived in Havana.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn14" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">14</a></sup> Gadea was sympathetic to Trotskyist ideas, and through her and Zayas documents of the Fourth International were regularly forwarded to Che. <sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn15" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">15</a></sup></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In October 1963 Zayas told Mandel about the debate raging between what he called the Stalino-Khrushchevists and the circle around Che.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn16" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">16</a></sup> While the former were arguing for financial independence for companies and for material incentives to increase productivity,<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn17" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">17</a></sup> Che called for centralizing finances and strengthening moral incentives.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn18" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">18</a></sup> Zayas encouraged Mandel to intervene in the debate: ‘It seems to me that the entire Castro leadership would welcome such a contribution … Fidel, Che, Aragonés. Hart, Faure Chomón and many others are favourably disposed to us.’<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn19" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">19.</a></sup> A month later Zayas distributed a stencilled contribution from Mandel to those taking part in the debate. <sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn20" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">20</a></sup> Mandel supported Che’s resistance to financial autonomy, not because he was opposed to decentralization but because centralized financing for small-scale industry seemed at that time the optimal solution. He shared Che’s fears of the growth of bureaucracy, all the more so because Clue’s opponents wanted to make decentralized financial administration efficient by using material incentives. Mandel was not against material incentives as such, on two conditions: that they were not individual but collective incentives in order to ensure solidarity, and that their use was restrained in order to curb the selfishness that a system of enrichment produces.</span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">To combat bureaucratization Mandel argued for democratic and centralized self-management, ‘a management by the workers at the workplace, subject to strict discipline on the part of a central authority that is directly chosen by workers’ councils’.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn21" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">21</a></sup> Mandel and Che differed on this last point. Che did support management of the enterprises by the trade unions, but only if they were representative and not controlled by Communists, who, he said, were very unpopular. The results of decentralized self-management in Yugoslavia, where companies acted like slaves of the market, had also made Che cautious. Mandel warned him against throwing the baby out with the bath water. Self-management by workers was entirely compatible with a central plan democratically decided by the direct producers.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn22" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">22</a></sup></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In early 1964 Mandel was invited to visit Havana. There were prospects of meetings with Che and Castro.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn23" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">23</a></sup> Che had read <em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Marxist Economic Theory</em> enthusiastically and had large parts of it translated.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn24" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">24</a></sup> Mandel confided to Livio Maitan: ‘I think that I can raise many issues openly and frankly’,<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn25" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">25</a></sup> and wrote again a few days later, `And in any case I can resolve the question of banning our Bolivian friends.’<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn26" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">26</a></sup></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Maitan had visited South America for the first time in 1962. He had made contact with insurrectionary movements in Bolivia, Chili, Peru, Venezuela, Uruguay and Argentina and had urged them to work with the Cubans.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn27" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">27</a></sup> In Buenos Aires he met such left-wing Peronistas as the poet Alicia Eguren and her partner John William Cooke, who had been in contact with Che since 1959.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn28" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">28</a></sup> In Peru Maitan’s contacts were with the United Left and its present leader Hugo Blanco. In Bolivia he met with the mine workers in Huanuni, Catavi and Siglo XX. Trotskyists had strong influence there and hoped to be trained in Cuba for armed struggle.</span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mandel stayed in Havana for almost seven weeks. It was a visit without official duties, an occasion for exchanging ideas, and these exchanges convinced him completely that Cuba ‘constitutes . . the most advanced bastion in the liberation of labour and of humanity’.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn29" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">29</a></sup> The Marxist classics were widely studied in cadre schools, in ministries and beyond. Mandel wrote a friend, ‘The class I took part in had just finished volume one of <em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Capital</em>, with a minister and three deputy ministers present . . . And it was serious study, even Talmudic, studying page by page…’<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn30" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">30</a></sup> Mandel’s own works, including <em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Marxist Economic Theory,</em> were discussed; translated, stenciled excerpts circulated among the leadership.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn31" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">31</a></sup> Mandel wrote to his French publisher, ‘The president of the Republic [Osvaldo Dorticos] himself is interested in the work and would like to publish it in Spanish in 2 Cuba.’ E. Mandel to C. Bourgois, 28 May 1964, E. Mandel Archives, folder 278.] He addressed hundreds of auditors at the University of Havana, speaking in Spanish — with a sprinkling of Italian when a words escaped him. There was even an announcement of his visit in <em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Hoy</em>, the paper, of the Communist Blas Roca. <em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Revolutión</em>, the largest and most influential daily paper, published an interview.</span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">‘I was literally kidnapped by the finance ministry and the ministry of industry [Che’s ministry] to write a long article about the problem of the law of value in the economy of a transitional society.’<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn32" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">32</a></sup> Speaking French, Mandel met for four hours with Che, who received him dressed in olive green fatigues, his famous black beret with its red star within reach. Totally enchanted, Mandel wrote a friend, ‘Confidentially, he is extremely close to your friend Germain [the pseudonym Mandel used most], whom, you know well.’<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn33" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">33</a></sup></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mandel and Che worked together on a response to the French economist Charles Bettelheim. In April 1964 Bettelheim had published an article in the monthly <em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Cuba Socialista</em><sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn34" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">34</a></sup> that held that the central planning that Che advocated was unwise policy, considering the limited development of the forces of production. The Marxist Bettelheim had become Che’s most profound critic. Other opponents included Alberto Mora, the minister of foreign trade, and Carlos Rafael Rodríguez, the minister of agriculture. Years later Bettelheim commented,</span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0px 30px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Cuba’s level of development meant that the various units of production needed a sufficient measure of autonomy, that they be integrated into the market so that they could buy and sell their products at prices reflecting the costs of production. I also found that the low level of productive forces required the principle: to each according to his work. The more one worked, the higher the pay. This was the core of our divergence, because Che found differences acceptable only when they arose from what each contributed to the best of his ability.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn35" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">35</a></sup></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The research director of the Paris Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales still did not agree with Che’s thinking.</span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mandel thought that Bettelheim was making the mistake of looking for pure forms in historical reality. For example, according to the French economist, there could be no collective ownership of the means of production as long as legally there was no completely collective ownership. Mandel found Bettelheim’s insistence on such complete ownership- ‘to the last nail’ – a bit technocratic. Complete ownership was not necessary as long as their was possession sufficient to suspend capital’s laws of motion and initiate planned development.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn36" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">36</a></sup> Mandel pointed out that the withering away of the commodity form was determined not only by the development of the forces of production but also by changes in human behaviour. It was a commonplace to say that the law of value also played a role in a post-capitalist economy without saying what part of the economy it would govern. The key question was whether or not the law of value determined investment in the socialist sector. If that was necessarily the case, Mandel said,then all underdeveloped countries – including all of the post-capitalist countries except Czechoslovakia and East Germany – were doomed to eternal underdevelopment. He pointed out that these counties agriculture was more profitable than industry, light and small-scale industry more profitable than heavy and large-scale industry, and above all obtaining industrial products on the world market more profitable than domestic manufacturing. ‘To permit investment to be governed by the law of value would actually be to preserve the imbalance of the economic structure handed down from capitalism.’<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn37" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">37</a></sup> With his criticism Mandel was not denying the law of value but opposing what he termed Bettelheim’s fatalism, which denied that a long and hard struggle was necessary ‘<em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">between the principle of conscious planning and the blind operation of the law of value’</em>.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn38" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">38</a></sup></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Luis Alvarez Rom, Cuba’s finance minister, spent ten hours correcting the Spanish translation of Mandel’s article. It appeared in June 1964 under the title ‘Las categorías mercantiles en el periodo de transición’ (Mercantile Categories in the Period of Transition); 20,000 copies were published in periodicals of the ministries of industry and of finance.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn39" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">39</a></sup> It included a flattering biography of the author.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn40" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">40</a></sup> Mandel wondered if this was ‘to neutralize in advance certain ill-intentioned criticisms of my spiritual family [the Fourth Intemational]?’<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn41" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">41</a></sup> He treasured in his wallet a banknote personally signed by Che: more than a currency note, it was a proof of trust. Mandel admired Che’s courage in inviting him to Cuba for a debate that the Soviets and orthodox Communists had to accept, however grudgingly. He praised Che as a theoretician, a leader in the tradition of Marx, Lenin and Trotsky.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn42" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">42</a></sup></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Looking back in 1977, Mandel considered Cuba’s open debate on the economy ‘the big turning point’ in the Cuban revolution.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn43" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">43</a></sup> Behind that debate had raged another, not held in public. This debate concerned the revolution’s sociopolitical orientation, the role of the workers and the issue of power. That is, along with the question of the law of value came the issue of how much freedom the proletariat would have to make its own decisions. As Mandel saw it, though Che triumphed in the public debate, he was defeated in the hidden one. Guaranteeing freedom was a political problem: it required the creation of workers’ councils and popular assemblies. Such organs were never developed.</span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">When Che left Cuba in 1965, he was the most popular leader on the island. If the voice of the people had been heard, Che would have won the political as well as the economic round. But, as Mandel said, ‘Che did not want to appeal to the people. He did not want to split the party openly. This is why he left after his defeat.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn44" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">44</a></sup> In his 1964 correspondence Mandel had acknowledged that he did not dare put some of his impressions on paper.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn45" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">45</a></sup> Did he already suspect that the debate would have a tragic outcome?</span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">On Mandel’s departure Luis Alvarez Rom assured him that he was always welcome; a request would be sufficient to assure an invitation.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn46" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">46</a></sup> There was a rumour that within a few months Castro would officially invite him `so I can deal a bit with his affairs’.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn47" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">47</a></sup> He returned to Brussels in a hopeful mood:</span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0px 30px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The influence of the Stalinist ‘sectarians’ (that’s what they’re called there) continues to decline . .. Slowly a new vanguard is forming, one that is close to our ideas . . . The revolution is still bursting with life, and on that basis democracy [can] bloom.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn48" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">48</a></sup></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">He had also been assured that ‘the group around Che was noticeably stronger’ and that ‘workers’ assemblies would soon be started’.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn49" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">49</a></sup> Was this the beginning-of workers’ self-management, however modest? The promise did not amount to much, but Mandel dosed his eyes to its limits. He reacted negatively to Nelson Zayas’s advice to pressure Che and to convince him that he’ll lose the battle if it’s only fought in the government and bureaucratic arena’.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn50" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">50</a></sup> The people’s support for the government must not be underestimated.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn51" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">51</a></sup> The die was not yet cast: ‘Nothing was definitely decided yet in the economic discussion.’<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn52" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">52</a></sup> Mandel did not want to hamper Che and Fidel in their conflicts with the pro-Soviet currents. This would not have been appreciated, either, by the swelling multitude of radical youth in France and elsewhere for whom Che was nearing the status of hero. Mandel’s reaction disappointed Zayas and hastened his decision to turn his back on Cuba and complete his study of French in Paris. He asked Mandel to use his influence with Che to secure the necessary exit visa.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn53" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">53</a></sup></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mandel’s thoughts about Cuba changed only slowly. The Latin American revolution came to a halt: Salvador Allende lost the Chilean election in September 1964, there were military coups in Brazil and Bolivia, and leftist guerrillas in Peru and Venezuela were defeated. Cuba paid for these failures with its growing dependence on the Soviet Union. This was an arid climate in which social democracy could not thrive. As Mandel frankly admitted to ex-Trotskyist Jesus Vazquez Mendez,</span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0px 30px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">I subscribe to your opinion that participation by the people is essential … . I had heard that management of the enterprise would come into the hands of the trade unions after their leadership was replaced; but the latest news is that nothing has happened. I’m sorry about it, and like you I’m afraid that if things are left to take their course, the result will be an economic impasse. Maybe I’ll go to Cuba again in l965 and can give the debate new impetus.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn54" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">54</a></sup></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">But he didn’t visit in 1965, and he never saw Che again, not even when Che was in Algiers to address an Afro-Asian conference at the end of a trip through Africa in February that year. Never before had Che come out so strongly against the Soviet Union. He declared that ‘the socialist countries are, in a way, accomplices of imperialist exploitation’. Before all else oppressed peoples had to be helped with weapons. ‘without any charge at all, and in quantities determined by the need’.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn55" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">55</a></sup> Che’s words took root in the fertile soil of Latin American campuses and the radical milieu in Paris, where his speech was duplicated and distributed,<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn56" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">56</a></sup> and the Union of Communist Students (UEC) invited Che to Paris for a debate on Stalinism.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn57" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">57</a></sup> The initiative came from the EUC left wing, in which Mandel’s fellow-thinkers played a prominent role. Six months earlier they had been received by a deputy minister of industry, a dose colleague of Che’s.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn58" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">58</a></sup> One of the group’s spokespeople, twenty-seven-year-old Janette Pienkny (Janette Habel after 1966) traveled regularly between Paris and Havana. She contacted the Cuban ambassador, who relayed the invitation to Che by phone. Meanwhile Mandel was attempting to get a visa for Algeria. After Che’s speech, Mandel had phoned him his congratulations. Che had immediately agreed to a meeting but it had to he the following day, a Monday, because he was about to leave.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn59" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">59</a></sup> But that Sunday Mandel sought vainly to make contact – at home and at the embassy- with the ambassador and the consul. Without a visa, ‘they wouldn’t have even let me telephone from the airport . . . I finally decided, heartbroken, to miss the meeting that had meant so much to me.’<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn6-" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">60</a></sup></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The debate in Paris never took place. The Communists Party put a stop to it.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn61" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">61</a></sup> Che was now viewed as a heretic, not only in Moscow but also within the Communist parties. Algiers was his last public appearance. He went to the Congo and Bolivia to help break the isolation of their revolutions, a solidarity that he summed up in his testamentary message with the call -Make two, three, many Vietnams!’<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn62" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">62</a></sup> That slogan became the catchphrase for the generation of ’68.</span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: center; vertical-align: baseline;"><strong style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The Death of Che Guevara</span></strong></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Though a trip to Cuba had proved impossible in 1965-6, Mandel’s thinking about the Latin American revolution continued to develop. He praised the young philosopher Régis Debray, a student of Althusser’s. In a January 1965 essay in <em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Les Temps Modernes</em> Debray had characterized Castroism as the Latin American version of Leninism. Mandel described it as “an excellent piece’, though he dismissed out of hand Debray’s idea about spontaneous party formation.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn102" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">102</a></sup> Mandel expressed himself more cautiously About Cuba’s relationship with Moscow: ‘politically they continue to have their own line. . . What is bad, however, is that [Castro] made a series of moves to satisfy the Russians (like his attacks against the Chinese and against the “counter-revolutionary trotskyists”).’<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn103" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">103</a></sup> Ac the final sitting of the Tricontinental Conference in Havana’s Chaplin Theatre, Castro had spoken of ‘the stupidities, the discredit, and the repugnant thing which Trotskyism today is in the field of politics’.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn104" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">104</a></sup></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mandel thought that must be a genuflection towards Moscow, .camouflage for the call to armed struggle that Moscow might interpret as a concession to Trotskyism. In it confidential meeting with Victor Rico Galan. Castro’s representative in Mexico, Mandel later learned that Castro regretted his statement. Galan had pointed out to Castro that the attack ou Trotskyism was unfounded. Admitting his mistake, Castro had asked Galan to give him `A month or two to make public corrections of this at the proper time’.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn105" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">105</a></sup> At the end of May Mandel unexpectedly got an invitation to visit Havana. The Cuban ambassador spoke of a personal invitation from Castro and promised a meeting with President Osvaldo Dorticós.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn106" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">106</a></sup></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In June 1967 Ernest aud Gisela arrived at the former Havana Hilton, re‑christened the Free Havana but with its former splendor carefully preserved. At the hotel’s bar, replacing the Americans of earlier times, were Russians and few East German technicians. Politics was never far away, even at the hairdresser’s, as Gisela discovered: ‘The girl sitting beside me was reading Lenin, and on the other side a woman was reading Mills’s <em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The Marxists</em>.’<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn107" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">107</a></sup></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">A beautiful English-speaking guide took care of all the formalities, including credit cards and a shabby Cadillac with chauffeur. Gisela immediately fell in love with the impoverished country. She sent Meschkat enthusiastic reports about their wanderings and the encounters in tobacco and sugar factories, on plantations and in prisons and schools. ‘Everything is exquisite and for us so encouraging and hopeful.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn108" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">108</a></sup></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Their programme was overloaded. Ernest often returned only at l:00 or 2:00 in the morning from a debate or lecture at the university or a party school. The atmosphere was frank and candid. as were the meetings with the host of Latin Americans attending the first conference of the Organization in Solidarity with Latin America (OLAS), held in Havana at the beginning of August.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn109" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">109</a></sup> Ernest and Gisela were furious when the Czechoslovakian paper <em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Rudé Právo</em> published three pages slandering Che on the day that Soviet premier Kosygin arrived. Gisela wrote, ‘You should just hear how they talk about the Russians in all circles here, from the highest to the lowest, I’ve never heard such talk, from socialists yet.’<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn110" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">110</a></sup> Typically, Castro charged the Venezuelan Communists with falling the guerrilla movement.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn111" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">111</a></sup> Though Cuba was dependent on the Russians, Castro continued to provoke them.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="http://0.0.0.112/" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">112</a></sup></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mandel spoke with functionaries high and low, but Castro and Dorticós avoided him. Every time he announced his departure. he received overnight request to stay ‘because the President and the Prime Minister both wanted to see me’.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn113" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">113</a></sup> Fed up with waiting, he finally left, three weeks later than planned and without meeting them. Perhaps a meeting would have seemed too clear a provocation to the Russians. Castro had nothing to gain, as he had demonstrated his independence sufficiently at the OLAS conference.</span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">On 9 October 1967, the world learned of the murder of Ernesto Che Guevara. Convinced that guerrilla warfare was the only way to victory, he had gone to join the Bolivian struggle. His body was found mutilated in a remote village. This was the death of a revolutionary, a modern-day warrior chief. The left was in mourning; poets wrote elegies, laments that ended with calls to rebellion. In an interview with Gerhard Horst (pseudonym Andre’ Gorz), an editor of <em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Les Temps Moderns</em>, Mandel spoke of ‘a severe shock, all the more as I regarded him as a personal friend’.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn114" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">114</a></sup> In <em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">La Gauche</em> he mourned ‘a great friend, an exemplary comrade, a heroic militant’.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn115" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">115</a></sup> On the Boulevard St-Michel in Paris and Berlin’s Kurfurstendamn, in London and Milan people shouted: `Che, Che, Gue-va-ra!’ The chopped syllables formed a battle cry against the established order. Neither Moscow nor Beijing had expressed even the most grudging sympathy.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn116" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">116</a></sup> In openly showing their regret the Italian and French Communist parties proved they still possessed a little autonomy.</span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mandel’s sympathizers in the French Revolurionmy Communist Youth (JCR), a radical group founded in 1966 in a split from the Union of Communist Students, refused to accept his death. ‘Che was our best antidote to the Maoist mystique’, Daniel Bensaid recalled.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn117" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">117</a></sup> In the Latin Quarter of Paris, the Mutualité temple of the French workers’ movement, was full to overflowing. Mandel spoke alongside Maurice Nadeau, just back from Havana, and Janette ‘The Cuban’ Habel. He portrayed Che as he had come to know him in 1964.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn118" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">118</a></sup> Emotion crested as those present softly hummed ‘The Song of the Martyrs’, the mourning march from the 1905 Russian Revolution, before launching into, ‘You have fallen for all those who hunger’ and belting out the chorus, ‘But the hour will sound, and the people conquer…’<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn119" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">119</a></sup></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In Berlin too people were deeply moved. The SDS called for intensifying actions. Che had been Dutschke’s inspiration. With Gaston Salvatore, a Chilean comrade and friend in the SDS,<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn120" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">120</a></sup> Dutschke had translated Che’s last public statement, with it’s famous appeal for ‘two, three, many Vietnams’, from Spanish into German. Like Che, Dutschke lived the conviction that there “is no life outside the revolution’.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn121" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">121</a></sup> He named his recently born son Hosea Chea. Latin America would not let Dutschke go. In 1968 he wrote a foreword to <em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The Long March; The Course of the Revolution in Latin America</em>, a collection of articles by such figures as Régis Debray, Castro and K.S. Karol.<sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);">122.</sup> Meshkat was surprised to see letters from Gisela, which she had sent him from Havana in the summer of 1967, printed in the book. As far as he had known, Dutschke had asked only for permission to read them. <sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);">123.</sup></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><br /></sup></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><sup style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1);"><b>Notes: </b></sup></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span style="text-indent: 0px;">1. </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Collected Works</em><span style="text-indent: 0px;">, vol. 25, Moscow, 1977, p. 497. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a id="fn2" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="text-indent: 0px;">2. P. Anderson, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">In the Tracks of Historical Materialism</em><span style="text-indent: 0px;">, London, 1983. P. Anderson, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Considerations on Western Marxism</em><span style="text-indent: 0px;">, London, 1977. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a id="fn3" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="text-indent: 0px;">3. E. Mandel, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Marxist Economic Theory</em><span style="text-indent: 0px;">, vol. 2, London 1968, pp. 605-53. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a id="fn4" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="text-indent: 0px;">4.E. Mandel, ‘Introduction’ in E. Préobrazenskij, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">La Nouvelle économie</em><span style="text-indent: 0px;"> </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">(Novaia Ekonomika)</em><span style="text-indent: 0px;">, Paris, 1966. P. Naville to E. Mandel, 20 May 1962, E. Mandel Archives, folder 278. A. Erlich analyzed Preobrazhensky’s work in </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The Soviet Industrialization Debate,</em><span style="text-indent: 0px;"> 1924-1928, Cambridge, MA, 1960. C. Samary,</span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> Plan, Market, Democracy,</em><span style="text-indent: 0px;"> Amsterdam, 1988.</span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span style="text-indent: 0px;"> </span><a id="fn5" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="text-indent: 0px;">5. P. Naville to E. Mandel, 17 September 1960, E. Mandel Archives, folder 318. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a id="fn6" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="text-indent: 0px;">6.E. Mandel, ‘Introduction’, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">La Nouvelle économie ,</em><span style="text-indent: 0px;"> E. Préobrazenskij, p. 35. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a id="fn7" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="text-indent: 0px;">7.M. Löwy, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The Marxism of Che Guevara: Philosophy, Economics, and Revolutionary Warfare,</em><span style="text-indent: 0px;"> New York, 1973. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a id="fn8" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="text-indent: 0px;">8. ‘Interview with Che Guevara’, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">L’Express</em><span style="text-indent: 0px;">, 25 July 1963, cited in: E. Guevera, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Ecrits d’un révolutionaire,</em><span style="text-indent: 0px;"> Paris, 1987, p. 9. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a id="fn9" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="text-indent: 0px;">9. E. Guevara, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Socialism and Man in Cuba</em><span style="text-indent: 0px;">, Sydney, 1988, p. 5. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a id="fn10" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="text-indent: 0px;">10. Jack [E. Mandel] to ‘Chers amis’, 18 October 1960, E. Mandel Archives, folder 70. E. Germain [E. Mandel] to ‘Cher camarade’, 1 July 1961, E. Mandel Archives, folder 483. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a id="fn11" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="text-indent: 0px;">11. Ibid. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><a id="fn12" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="text-indent: 0px;">1</span></span><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">2. G. Arcos Bergnes [Cuban ambassador] to E. Mandel, 12 Sepbember 1962, E. Mandel Archives, folder 16. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn13" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">13. Using the pseudonym David Alexander, Zayas Pazos published a book about Cuba in 1967: </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Cuba: la via rivoluzionaria al socialismo,</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;"> Rome. He also wrote letters signed with the pseudonym Emile. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn14" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">14. H. Gadea, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Che Guevara: Años decisivos,</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;"> Mexico, 1972- P Kalfon, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Che, Ernesto Guevara: Une légende du siècle</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, Paris, 1997. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn15" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">15. N. Zayas to P. Frank, 20 October 1963, E. Mandel Archives, folder 23. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn16" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">16. N. Zayas to ‘Cher camarade’, 25 October 1963, E. Mandel Archives, folder 21. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn17" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">17. A. Mora, ‘En torno a Ja cuestión del funcionamiento de la ley del valor en la economia cubana en los actuales momentes’, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Comercio Exterior,</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;"> June 1963. Translated as: A. Mora, ‘Zur Frage des Funktionierens des Wertgesetzes in der cubanischen Wirtschaft zum gegenwärtigen Zeitpunkt’ in C. Bettelheim et al., </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Wertgesetz: Planung und Bewusstsein: die Planungsdebatte in Cuba</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, Frankfurt on Main, 1969. Alberto Mora was the Cuban minister of foreign trade. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn18" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">18. E. Guevara, ‘On value’ (1963) in J. Gerassi, ed., </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Venceremos! The Speeches and Writings of Che Guevara,</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;"> London, 1969, pp. 280-5. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn19" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">19. N. Zayas to ‘Cher camarade’, 25 October 1963 E. Mandel Archives, folder 21. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn20" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">20. N. Zayas to E. Germain, 16 January 1964, E. Mandel Archives, folder 22. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn21" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">21. E. Mandel, ‘Le grand débat économique à Cuba’, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Partisans</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, no. 37, 1967. Reprinted in E. Guevara, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Ecrits d’un révolutionnaire</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, Paris, 1987. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn22" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">22. E. Mandel, letter fragment, n.d. [1964], E. Mandel Archives, folder 26. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn23" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">23. E. Mandel to R. Blackbum, 12 February 1964, E. Mandel Archives, folder 28. E. Mandel to N. Zayas, 12 February 1964, E. Mandel Archives, folder 21. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn24" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">24. Nelson to Germain, 16 February 1964, E. Mandel Archives, folder 19. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn25" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">25. E. Mandel to ‘cher ami’ [L. Maitan], 3 March 1964, E. Mandel Archives, folder 22. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn26" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">26. E. Mandel to L. Maitan, 7 March 1964, E. Mandel Archives, folder 22. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn27" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">27. L. Maitan, manuscript memoirs (unpublished), Paris, n.d., pp. 3, 19-20. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn28" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">28. E. Mandel to L. Maitan, 10 June 1964, E. Mandel Archives, folder 24. “Che Guevara was Energetically Devoted to Anti-Imperialist Solidarity’, interview with M. Piñiero, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The Militant</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, 24 November 1997. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn29" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">29.</span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">La Gauche</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, 9 May 1964. </span><a id="fn30" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">30. E. Mandel to Paul [Clerbaut], E. Mandel Archives, folder 23. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn31" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">31. Mandel anticipated that he would soon see </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Marxist Economic Theory</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;"> published in Cuba, ‘obviously’ without the chapter on the Soviet economy (‘There is no need for us to embarrass the Cubans.’). E. Mandel to Paul [Clerbaut], 7 May 1964, E. Mandel Archives, folder 23. Mandel wrote to his French publisher, ‘The president of the Republic [Osvaldo Dorticos] himself is interested in the work and would like to publish it in Spanish in 2 Cuba.’ E. Mandel to C. Bourgois, 28 May 1964, E. Mandel Archives, folder 278. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn32" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">32. E. Mandel to Paul [Clerbaut], E. Mandel Archives, folder 23. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn33" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">33. Ibid. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn34" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">34. C. Bettelheim, ‘Forms and Methods of Socialist Planning and the Level of Development of the Productive Forces’, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The Transition to a Socialist Economy</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1975, pp. 121-38. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn35" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">35. J. Connier (in collaboration with H. Guevara Gadea and A. Granado Jimenez), </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Che Guevara,</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;"> Monaco, 1995, pp. 291-2. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn36" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">36. E. Mandel, ‘Mercantile Categories in the Transition Stage’, in B. Silverman ed., </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Man and Socialism in Cuba: The Great Debate</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, New York, 1971, pp. 63-6. S. de Santis, ‘Bewußtsein und Produktion: Eine Kontroverse zwischen Ernesto Che Guevara, Charles Bettelheim und Ernest Mandel über das ökonomische System in Kuba’, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Kursbuch</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;"> 18, October 1969. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn37" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">37. E. Mandel, ‘Mercantile Categories in the Transition Stage’, in B. Silverman ed., </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Man and Socialism in Cuba,</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;"> p. 82. R. Massari,</span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> Che Guevara: Pensiero e politica dell’utopia,</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;"> Rome, 1987. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn38" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">38. E. Mandel, ‘Mercantile Categories in the Transition Stage’, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Man and Socialism in Cuba</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, p. 82 (italics in original). </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn39" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">39. E. Mandel, ‘Las categorias mercantiles en ei periodo de transición’, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Nuestra Industria</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, June 1964. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn40" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">40. J. Habel, ‘Le sens que nous donnons au combat du Che Guevara’ (1), </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Rouge</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, 13 October 1977. </span><a id="fn41" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">41. E. Mandel to A. Eguren, 5 August 1964, E. Mandel Archives, folder 25. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn42" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">42. F. Buyens, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Een mens genaarnd Ernest Mandel</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, film, Brussels, 1972. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn43" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">43. E. Mandel, ‘Il -y a dix ans, l’assassinat du Che, Les positions du Che Guevara dans le grand débat éconoimque de 1963-1965’, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Rouge</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, 11 October 1977. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn44" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">44.Ibid.v </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn45" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">45. E. Mandel to ‘Paul [Clerbaut]’, 7 May 1964, E. Mandel Archives, folder 23. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn46" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">46. E. Mandel to ‘Emile’ [N. Zayas], 26 May 1964, E. Mandel Archives, folder24. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn47" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">47. E. Mandel to A. Eguren, 5 August 1964, E. Mandel Archives, folder 25. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn48" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">48. E. Mandel to ‘Lieber Freund’ [G. Jungclas], 22 May 1964; E. Mandel to K. Coates, 10 May 1964, E. Mandel Archives, folder 23. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn49" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">49. Emile to E. Mandel, 5 Juiy 1964, E. Mandel Archives, folder 25. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn50" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">50. Emile to E. Mandel, 13 August 1964, E. Mandel Archives, folder 25. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn51" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">51. E. Mandel to ‘Cher ami’ [N. Zayasl, 12 October 1964, E. Mandel Archives, folder 25. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn52" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">52. E. Mandel to A. Eguren, 25 September 1964, E. Mandel Archives, folder 25. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn53" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">53. Emile to E. Mandel, 27 September 1964; E. Mandel to Emile, 11 November 1964, E. Mandel Archives, folder 26. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn54" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">54. E. Mandel to J. Vazquez Mendez, 2 November 1964, E. Mandel Archives, folder 26. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn55" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">55. E. Guevara, ‘At the Afro-Asian Conference’, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Che Guevara Speaks,</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;"> New York, 1967, pp. 108, 114. </span><a id="fn56" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">56. P. Kalfon,</span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> Che, Emesto Guevara: Une légende du siècle</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, p. 402. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn57" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">57. Ibid. Also: P. Robrieux, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Notre génération communiste</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;"> 1953-1968, Paris, 1977, pp. 316-7. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn58" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">58. E. Mandel to L. Maitan, 10 June 1964, E. Mandel Archives, folder 24. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn59" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">59. E. Mandel to ‘Dear friend’ </span><sup class="footnote" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;"><a href="https://walterlippmann.com/ernest-mandel-and-cuba/#fn-315-1" id="fnref-315-1" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;">1</a></sup><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, 19 May 1965, E. Mandel Archives, folder 31. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn60" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">60. E. Mandel to ‘Pierre’, 1 March 1965, E. Mandel Archives, folder 30. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn61" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">61. P. Robrieux,</span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> Notre génération communiste</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;"> 1953-1968, p. 317. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn62" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">6</span><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">2. E. Guevara, ‘Vietnam and the World Struggle for Freedom’, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Che Guevara Speaks</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, p. 159. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn63" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">63. E. Mandel to A. Eguren, 5 August 1964, E. Mandel Archives, folder 25. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn102" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">102. The idea that a revolutionary party would form ‘in die natural course of die liberation struggle’, as it had in Cuba, was an illusion. Mandel held that Cuba was an exception and that to hope for spontaneous party formation was to idealize empiricism and pragmatism. Perry Anderson, the editor of </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">New Left Review,</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;"> agreed with this criticism, though unlike Mandel he thought this difference of opinion with the twenty-four-year-old Debray was minor. E. Mandel to P. Anderson, 21 January 1966, E. Mandel Archives, folder 32. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn103" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">103. Ibid. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn104" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">104. University of Texas: Fidel Castro speech database. The conference took place 3-15 January 1966. Its official title was ‘First Afro-Äsian-.Latin American Peoples’ Solidarity Conference’, The Fourth International’s response appeared in </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Quatrième Internationale</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, February 1966. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn105" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">105. Miguel to ‘Dear Friends’, 1 March 1966, E. Mandel Archives, folder 32. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn106" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">106. E. Mandel to E. Federn, 1 July 1967, E. Mandel Archives, folder 37. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn107" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">107. G. Mandel to K. Meschkat, 12 June 1967, cited in R. Debray, F. Castro, G. Mandel and K. Karol, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Der lange Marsch: Wege der Revolution in Lateinamerika</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, Munich, 1968, pp. 257-61. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn108" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">108. Ibid. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn109" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">109. E. Mandel, ‘Cuba 1967 et la première conférence de l’OLAS’, La Gauche, 9 September 1967. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn110" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">110. G. Scholtz to K. Meschkat, 29 June 1967, cited in R. Debray, F. Castro, G. Mandel and K. Karol, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Der lange Marsch</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, pp. 261-9. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn111" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">111. T. Szulc, Fidel:</span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> A Critical Portrait</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, London, 1987, p. 497. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn112" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">112. M. Kenner and J. Petras, eds, Fidel Castro Speaks, New York, 1969, pp. 14563. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn113" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">113. E. Mandel to P. Refflinghaus, 17 July 1967, E. Mandel Archives, folder 38. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn114" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">114. E. Mandel to G. Horst, 26 October 1967, E. Mandel Archives, folder 38. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn115" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">115. ‘L’exemple de “Che” Guevara inspirera des millions de militants par le monde’, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">La Gauche</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, 21 October 1967. ‘ “Che” est mort’, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">La Gauche</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, 28 October 1967. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn116" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">116.</span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Le Monde</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, 27 October 1967. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn117" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">117. D. Bensaid, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Une Lente impatience</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, Paris, 2004, p. 75. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn118" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">118 .Ibid., p. 76. Also: H. Hamon and P. Rotman, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Génération</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, vol. 1:</span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> Les années de</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;"> </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">rêve</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, Paris, 1987, p. 384. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn119" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">119. D. Bensaid, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Une lente impatience</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, p. 76. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a id="fn120" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">120. E. Guevara, ‘Vietnam and the World Struggle for Freedom’, op. cit., p. 159. </span></span></p><p style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666;"><span style="border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-style: initial; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; transition-duration: 250ms; transition-property: all;"><a id="fn121" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a></span><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">121. E. Guevara, ‘Notes on Man and Socialism in Cuba’, in</span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> Che Guevara Speaks</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, p. 136. J. Miermeister, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Ernst Bloch, Rudi Dutschke</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">, Hamburg, 1996, p. 144. </span><span style="border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-style: initial; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; transition-duration: 250ms; transition-property: all;"><a id="fn123" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a></span><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">123. R. Debray, F. Castro, G. Mandel and K. Karol, </span><em style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Der lange Marsch</em><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">. </span><span style="border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-style: initial; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; transition-duration: 250ms; transition-property: all;"><a id="fn124" style="-webkit-tap-highlight-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1); border: 0px; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; transition: all 250ms linear 0s; vertical-align: baseline;"></a></span><span style="font-family: georgia; text-indent: 0px;">124. Author’s interview with K. Meschkat, 10 September 2004.</span></span></p>Kamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-1987855597017127232024-03-05T14:15:00.000-08:002024-03-06T11:25:04.726-08:003559. Ernest Mandel, Revolutionary Cuba and Che Guevara<p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">By Eric Toussaint, </span><a href="https://www.counterpunch.org/2024/01/12/ernest-mandel-revolutionary-cuba-and-che-guevara/"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">CounterPunch</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">, January 12, 2024 </span></span></span></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://static.wixstatic.com/media/d7297b_73760eef15c947be866eb1647b68ca64~mv2.jpg/v1/fill/w_357,h_275,al_c,lg_1,q_80,enc_auto/d7297b_73760eef15c947be866eb1647b68ca64~mv2.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="275" data-original-width="357" height="493" src="https://static.wixstatic.com/media/d7297b_73760eef15c947be866eb1647b68ca64~mv2.jpg/v1/fill/w_357,h_275,al_c,lg_1,q_80,enc_auto/d7297b_73760eef15c947be866eb1647b68ca64~mv2.jpg" width="640" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: x-small;">Ernest Mandel and Ernesto Che Guevara</span></td></tr></tbody></table><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;"></span></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #666666; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></div><p></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Introduction</span></strong></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The 20th century was marked by victories of social revolutions with a socialist character: in the Czarist Empire in 1917, Yugoslavia in 1945, China in 1949, Vietnam in 1954 and 1975, Cuba in 1959, Algeria in 1962, and Nicaragua in 1979. This sparked major public debates among revolutionaries in these countries over the most effective way to achieve a transition from capitalism to socialism. Between 1918 and 1926–1927, this was especially the case in Soviet Russia and the USSR, with Vladimir Lenin, Leon Trotsky, Yevgeni Preobrazhensky, and Nicholai Bukharin making the most significant contributions. In Yugoslavia in the 1950s and 1960s, there was a less public discussion of the country’s socialist transition than there had been in the USSR in the 1920s. In Cuba, following the 1959 victory, a great public debate on the nature of the economy was initiated in 1963–1965 with Ernesto Che Guevara, Alberto Mora, Ernest Mandel, and Charles Bettelheim. Some of the points discussed were the financing of public sector enterprises, the role of the market and of planning, the part played by the law of value, the role of banking and credit, the respective places of individual and collective moral or material incentives, and the role of consciousness. Mandel tried to introduce into the debate the question of socialist democracy and workers’ power.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The various attempts to move towards a socialist society aroused great expectations among hundreds of millions of people. There were vigorous debates on the major economic, social and political choices to be made in the move towards socialism, including among leftists in industrialized countries, even though none of these nations had ever had a victorious socialist revolution themselves. Setbacks, backsliding, betrayals, and degeneration eventually led to capitalist restoration in most cases, except in Cuba, which has remained non-capitalist.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The present study looks back at the great debate in Cuba from 1963 to 1965. All the contributors refer to policies to be implemented after a revolutionary victory so as to move from capitalism to socialism, and hopefully communism. The debate that played out in Cuba stretched far beyond the Cuban context. That is why it is so important to understand it in all its relevance to the present. What is the place of the market in the economic policies to be pursued in the future after an anti-capitalist revolutionary upheaval and the beginning of a transition to socialism? To answer this question, Ernest Mandel’s and Ernesto Che Guevara’s contributions are indispensable. Why is the issue of socialist democracy essential? Ernest Mandel’s contribution is indispensable. For reasons of space, we will limit ourselves here to the Great Debate that took place in Cuba, while recognizing the need to examine the later contributions of Ernest Mandel and other authors on the issue of the transition to socialism.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Ernest Mandel and Cuba</span></strong></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ernest_Mandel" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Ernest Mandel</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">’s (1923-1995) </span><a href="https://www.marxists.org/francais/mandel/trait-eco/traite.pdf" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Traité d’économie marxiste</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> published in French in 1962 and in 1968 in English as Marxist Economic Theory </span><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[1]</a><span style="color: #666666;">had a significant international impact. It was translated, studied, and reviewed in Cuba, among many other countries. </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Che_Guevara" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Ernesto Che Guevara</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> (1928-1967), who was then the Minister of Industry, received a copy in French at the end of 1962</span><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[2]</a><span style="color: #666666;"> and had it translated for his colleagues and other officials in the Cuban government. Clearly, he had a very favorable appreciation of the book. At the end of 1963 Guevara also read an article by Mandel on the Great Economic Debate that had just begun in Cuba that year. The title of this article was explicit: </span><a href="https://www.ernestmandel.org/en/works/txt/1963/law_of_value.htm" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">“</a><a href="https://www.ernestmandel.org/en/works/txt/1963/law_of_value.htm" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">The Law of Value in Relation to Self-Management and Investment in the Economy of the Workers’ States, Some remarks on the discussion in Cuba</span></a><a href="https://www.ernestmandel.org/en/works/txt/1963/law_of_value.htm" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">”</a><span style="color: #666666;">. It was translated into Spanish by a young Cuban Trotskyist who worked at the Cuban Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Minrex). </span><a href="https://www.ernestmandel.org/en/works/txt/1963/law_of_value.htm" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">I</a><a href="https://www.ernestmandel.org/en/works/txt/1963/law_of_value.htm" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">t had been published in World Outlook</span></a><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">,</strong><span style="color: #666666;"> a weekly news bulletin published by the United Secretariat of the Fourth International in Paris since September 1963 (</span><em style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">World Outlook</em><span style="color: #666666;">, Vol. 1, no. 14, 27 December 1963) as well as in the francophone journal Quatrième International in March 1964 (Revue QI n°21, 1</span><sup style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; line-height: 0.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">st </sup><span style="color: #666666;">quarter 964, p. 20-28). In it, Mandel, under the pen name Ernest Germain</span><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[3]</a><span style="color: #666666;">, sided with Che’s positions. This is probably why Che invited him to Cuba in the spring of 1964.</span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">What position did Ernest Mandel support in this article?</span></strong></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">At the beginning of the article, Mandel sets out the main tenets of the Great Debate that had started in mid-1963. He refers to the writings of the two protagonists, namely Ernesto Che Guevara and Alberto Mora, mentions the issues dealt with, and emphasizes its historic impact.</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“The Cuban magazine Nuestra Industria – Revista Economica, organ of the Ministry of Industry, published two polemical articles in issue No 3 (October 1963) of great interest, one written by Ernesto Che Guevara and the other by Comandante Alberto Mora, Minister of Foreign Trade. This polemic testifies to the vitality of the Cuban Revolution in the field of Marxist theory, too. It deals with a number of questions of the utmost importance in the construction of a socialist economy: role of the law of value in the economy during the epoch of transition; autonomy of enterprises and self-management; investments through the budget or by means of self-investment, etc. Involved in these issues is the problem of the ideal model for the economy in the epoch of transition from an underdeveloped country, a problem of absorbing interest to the Bolsheviks during the 1923-1928 period and which arose again, even if on a rather low theoretical level, in Yugoslavia, Poland and even in the Soviet Union in recent years.”</span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In the second paragraph Mandel criticizes Joseph Stalin’s position, which Alberto Mora used as a basis for his debate with Che Guevara:</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“The question of the application of the theory of value in the planned and socialized economy of the epoch of transition has been subjected to the worst confusion, mainly because Stalin, in his last work, posed it in a both gross and simplistic way: ‘Does the law of value exist [sic] -and does it apply in our country?… Yes, it exists there and it applies there.’ This is an evident truism. To the extent that exchange occurs, commodity production survives, and exchange is thereby objectively governed by the law of value.”</span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mandel immediately questions Stalin’s view because various major protagonists in the debate explicitly based themselves on Stalin’s analysis and politics, whose influence was still felt though he had died ten years earlier. Marxist manuals of dogmatic Stalinist inspiration published in Moscow are widely distributed and rarely criticized.<a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[4]</a> Among the protagonists in the debate that draw on Stalin, in addition to Alberto Mora, Minister of Foreign Trade,<a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[5]</a> we find Charles Bettelheim, an economist who was then close to the French Communist Party.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">I am going to reiterate the main points of Mandel’s arguments because they are most useful for anyone examining the issues facing revolutionary forces that have achieved power and truly want to start a transition towards socialism and, in the case of so-called developing countries, to put an end to under-development and subordination to imperialist capitalist powers.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mandel explains “In a developed capitalist economy, the law of value determines production through the play of the rate of profit. Capital flows toward the sectors where the rate of profit is above the average and production increases there. Capital recedes from the sectors where the rate of profit is below the average, and production decreases there (at least relatively). When the means of production are nationalized, so that there is neither a market for capital nor its free entry and withdrawal, nor even the formation of an average rate of profit with which the rate of profit of each particular branch can be compared, clearly there is no longer a possibility for the ‘law of value’ to be directly the ‘regulator of production’.”</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mandel goes on to discuss the case of a country such as revolutionary Cuba in 1963. The scope of the orientation he concludes with goes far beyond that country. It is actually quite relevant to our times, which is why I am quoting it extensively.</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“If in an underdeveloped country which has carried out its socialist revolution the ‘law of value’ were to regulate investments, these would flow preferentially toward the sectors where profitability is the highest in relation to prices in the world market. But it is precisely because these prices determine a concentration of investments in the production of raw materials that these countries are underdeveloped. To overcome underdevelopment, to ‘industrialize the country’ means to deliberately orient investments toward the sectors that are least ‘profitable’ for the time being according to the law of value, but more profitable according to the criterion of the long-term economic and social development of the country as a whole. When it is said that the monopoly of foreign trade is indispensable for industrializing the underdeveloped countries, this means precisely that it cannot be accomplished without deliberately violating the law of value. [. . .]</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“In an underdeveloped country, and precisely because of its underdevelopment, agriculture tends from the beginning to be more ‘profitable’ than industry, handicrafts and small industry more ‘profitable’ than big industry, light industry more ‘profitable’ than heavy industry, the private sector more ‘profitable’ than the nationalized sector. To channel investments according to the ‘law of value,’ that is, according to the law of supply and demand of commodities produced by different branches of the economy, would imply developing monoculture for the export trade as a priority; it would imply preferential construction of small enterprises for the local market rather than steel plants for the national market, the construction of comfortable lodgings for the petty-bourgeois or bureaucratic layers (an investment corresponding to ‘effective demand’) would have priority over the construction of low-cost homes for the people which clearly-must be subsidized. In short, all the economic and social evils of underdevelopment would be reproduced despite the victory of the revolution.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“In reality, the decisive meaning of this victory, of the nationalization of the means of industrial production, of credit, of the transportation system and foreign trade (together with the monopoly of the latter), is precisely to create the conditions for a process of industrialization that escapes from the logic of the law of value. Economic, social and political priorities, consciously and democratically chosen, take the lead over the law of value in order to lay out the successive stages of industrialization. Priority is placed not on immediate maximum returns, but on the suppression of rural unemployment, the reduction of technological backwardness, the suppression of the foreign grip on the national economy, the guarantee of the rapid social and cultural rise of the masses of workers and poor peasants; the rapid suppression of epidemics and endemic diseases, etc., etc.”</span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Mandel disagreed with the view of Alberto Mora (and of Bettelheim and others, see below) concerning the law of value, asserting that we should not be subjected to it. In his article he used one of Trotsky’s phrases, who in a polemical text against Stalin called for violation of the law of value: “planned economy of the transition period, even though based upon the law of value, violates it at every step and creates mutual relations between different branches of industry and primarily between industry and agriculture on the basis of unequal exchange. The decisive lever of compulsory accumulation and planned distribution is the government budget. With further development, its role will have to grow.” (Leon Trotsky, </span><a href="https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1930/03/stalin.htm" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Stalin as a Theoretician</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">, March 1930).</span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">We shall see below that Che Guevara had adopted the same position as that expressed by Trotsky and Mandel on the fundamental part played by the State budget and central planning as levers for the transition to socialism. In this he stood against the positions of Alberto Mora, </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charles_Bettelheim" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Charles Bettelheim</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> and others such as </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Carlos_Rafael_Rodr%C3%ADguez" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Carlos Rafael Rodríguez</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> et Blas Roca (see below), who took up the reforms being implemented in Eastern Europe and the USSR.</span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The reforms wanted by the economists of the Moscow regime and also by Yugoslav economists (despite being opposed to Moscow) insisted on self-financing of enterprises. Indeed, both in Yugoslavia and in Moscow and the Soviet Bloc, the big idea was to allow companies to sail free from centralized planning and keep a larger portion of their income to finance their own development.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In his article Mandel analysed this ongoing state of affairs.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">It must be noted that at the time of the Great Debate, the model of management and economic calculation imported from the Eastern Bloc, and in particular Czechoslovakia, was applied in the Cuban economy, for which Alberto Mora (Minister of Foreign Trade) and Carlos Rafael Rodríguez (head of the Institute of Agrarian Reform) were responsible. This model was referred to in various ways: financial autonomy, self-finance or economic calculation. But Ernesto Che Guevara, with the government’s agreement, had implemented a different model called the model of financing through the State budget (in Spanish sistema de financiamiento presupuestario). The two models existed side by side and those who advocated the model from the Eastern Bloc questioned the one upheld by Ernesto Che Guevara and tried to move the country out of it while Che Guevara wanted to extend it and prove its validity and superiority in the way it reinforced the transition towards socialism.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Not to submit to the law of value does not mean disregarding it</span></strong></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Before we come to the question of the priority given by Che Guevara and Mandel to financing through the State budget, as opposed to the priority given by others to self-financing by companies and recourse to bank loans, it is important to specify that Mandel affirmed that although we should not submit to the logic of the law of value, we should not ignore it.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mandel gave the following reasons why the law of value should not be disregarded:</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“To violate the law of value is one thing; to disregard it is something else again. The economy of a workers’ state can disregard the law of value only at the price of losses to the economy which could be avoided, of useless sacrifices imposed on the masses, as we shall later demonstrate.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“What does this mean? In the first place that the whole economy must be carried on within the framework of a strict calculation of the real costs of production. These costs will not determine investments; these will not automatically go toward ‘the least costly’ projects. But to know the costs means to know the exact amount of subsidies which the collectivity grants the sectors which it has decided to develop by priority. In the second place that it is necessary to have a stable yardstick for these calculations; without stable money, no rigorous planning. In the third place that the sectors where economic or social priorities do not dictate any preference are to be actually guided by the ‘law of value’ (for example, different crops aiming at the domestic market). In the fourth place, so long as the means of consumption remain commodities, and aside from the commodities and services deliberately subsidized or distributed free by the state (pharmaceutical product, school and training materials, books, etc.), the preferences of the consumers will freely operate on the market, the law of supply and demand will affect prices, and the plan will adapt its projected investments to these oscillations (within the limits of what is available in finances, equipment, raw materials, etc.).”</span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Here again, Mandel’s position concurs with that of Che Guevara.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Among the points under discussion, Mandel and Che Guevara took the same view on another question: they both considered that the products that nationalized companies exchanged between each other, for example machines, were not merchandize, commodities. A company that acquired a machine from another company did not buy that machine as though it were being sold on the market. It was a non-market exchange within the nationalized sector. Thus, they both considered that the law of value did not prevail within the State or public sector. On the other hand, if a public company were to buy or sell machines or other goods to a small or middle-sized private company, then you could talk about selling merchandize or a commercial relationship<a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[6]</a>.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">At the end of this part of his article, Mandel wrote, “On all these questions, Che Guevara is entirely right against Mora.”</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">One of the implications of the position advocated by Mandel and Che is that, within the public sector (state or nationalised), the government must avoid considering that companies sell goods to each other and make profits from their exchanges. Rigorous accounting must be kept in terms of costs, not profits in the capitalist sense, and the directors of state-owned companies must not be allowed to have their hands on a significant part of their earnings.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In the second part of the article, Mandel discusses foreign trade. It would take too long to summarize what he says here, although it is extremely interesting. I recommend reading the whole article.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In the third part, Mandel broaches the question of the autonomy of decision-making at the enterprise level. He analyses two different situations: Yugoslavia on the one hand, and on the other the USSR and other countries of the Socialist Bloc (especially Poland, Czechoslovakia and East Germany). Remember that Yugoslavia had been excommunicated by Stalin in 1948 and followed a different path from that of the pro-Moscow Bloc.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Yugoslavia had generalized self-management at the firm level<a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[7]</a>, which was not the case in the Soviet Bloc.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In the years running up to Cuba’s Great Economic Debate, despite substantial differences between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Bloc, there was a clear evolution towards greater autonomy for enterprises.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In the case of Yugoslavia, self-managed enterprises were entitled to keep a bigger and bigger share of revenue to reinvest as they chose. Mandel emphasizes that: “[t]he Yugoslav authors have even formulated with regard to this a veritable new dogma which requires critical analysis: ‘Without the right of the self-management collectives to dispose of a considerable part of the social surplus product, [there can be] no genuine self-management.’”</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">As for the USSR, the evolution consisted of giving company directors more autonomy in how revenue was used.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mandel warned of the dangers of the path the Yugoslav government was following. But the value of what he wrote is that it was more widely applicable.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">He wrote:</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“The more backward a country is, the more conditions of almost universal scarcity rule not only in the means of production sector but also for much of the industrial means of consumption (at least for the great majority of the population), and the more detrimental the practice of self-investment is, the more detrimental it is to permit the self-management collectives to determine for themselves the projects for priority of productive investments.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“It is evident in fact that under conditions of almost general scarcity of industrial commodities, almost all the investment projects can be economically profitable, no matter how gross the economic errors that are committed. Almost every profitable industrial or agricultural enterprise (providing funds for investment) is like an island in a sea of unsatisfied needs. The natural tendency of self-investment is therefore to attend to what is most pressing, both locally and in each sector.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“In other words: if the self-management enterprises hold large funds for self-investment, they will have a tendency to orient their investments either toward the commodities which they lack the most (certain equipment goods; raw materials; auxiliary products; emergency sources of energy), or toward the commodities which their workers or the inhabitants of the area lack the most. Thus, criteria of local or sector interest are placed above national interests, not because the law of value is ‘denied,’ but precisely because it is applied! This means, once more, to orient industrialization toward the ‘traditional road’ which it followed in the historic framework of capitalism, in place of reorienting it according to the requirements of a nationally planned economy.”</span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mandel goes on:</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“Since an underdeveloped economy is characterized precisely by the fact that the enterprises of high productivity are still the exception and not the rule, it is sufficient to leave them a part of their net surplus product and the inequality of development between the industrialized localities and the non-industrialized localities, the inequality of development and of revenue between archaic enterprises which enjoy only an average level of productivity and enterprises [that are] technologically ‘up to date’ will increase instead of diminishing. It is necessary, moreover, to insist on this fundamental idea of Marxism: any economic freedom, any “autonomy of decision” and any ‘spontaneity’ increases the inequality so long as there exist side by side strong and feeble enterprises or individuals, rich and poor, favored and unfavored from the point of view of location, etc.”</span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">This dangerous tendency pointed out by Mandel gathered speed and was one of the causes of the break-up of the Yugoslav Federation in the early 1990s.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">To return to Yugoslavia at the time of the Great Debate, Mandel considers that priority should be given to financing enterprises with the State budget:</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“The economic logic of a planned economy therefore speaks completely in favor of productive investment by budgetary means at least for all the big enterprises. What must be left to the enterprises is an amortization fund sufficiently large to permit modernization of equipment with each renewal of fixed equipment (gross investment). But all net investments should be made in accordance with the plan, in the branches and places chosen according to preferential criteria selected for the society and its economy as a whole.”</span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">He adds: “In this respect, too, the thesis of Comrade Guevara is correct.”</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mandel then comes to an argument put forward by those in Yugoslavia who wanted greater autonomy for enterprises and a greater part of their earnings left at their disposal. According to Mandel, support for this argument was based on the idea that “decentralization of the decisions on investment would be a powerful guarantee against bureaucratization.”</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mandel however saw it differently:</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“This thesis is based on a fallacy. The Yugoslavs are right in stressing that the power of the bureaucracy grows in relation to its freedom in disposing of the social surplus product. But the technicians and economists of the planning commission ‘dispose’ of the surplus product only in the form of figures on paper; the real power of disposal is situated at the level of the enterprise. The more resources other than consumption funds (distributed revenues and social investments) are left at the free disposal of the enterprises, the more bureaucratization is stimulated, at least in a climate of generalized scarcity and poverty; also, the greater the temptation becomes for corruption, theft, abuse of confidence, false entries – temptations that do not exist at the level of the planning commission, if only because of multiple checks. The concrete experience of Yugoslav ‘decentralization’ has shown, moreover, that it is an enormous source of inequality and bureaucratization at the level of the enterprises.”</span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Regarding ongoing reforms in the USSR at the time, Mandel merely alluded to the fact that the greater autonomy that enterprises wanted and the bigger share of the revenue they would be allowed to keep would actually serve the interests of bureaucrats, especially company directors, who sought to increase their own income and improve their lifestyle. Mandel responded to theses upheld in the Soviet Union, notably by the economist </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Evsei_Liberman" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Evsei Liberman</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">: “The reforms which have been put into practice in the USSR, as a result of the Liberman-Trapeznikov proposals, are not limited in their consequences solely to a considerable increase in the incomes of the bureaucrats; they are often accompanied by an increase in their powers and prerogatives within the enterprises as well.”</span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mandel developed this criticism, particularly in March 1965, in the review Quatrieme Internationale<a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[8]</a>.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The vital question of Socialist democracy</span></strong></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Next, Mandel pleads for socialist democracy and tries to convince his Cuban interlocutors that the question is of vital importance.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mandel begins by asking: “But doesn’t the possibility of complete centralization of the means of investment at the state level create the danger of the economic policy as a whole favoring bureaucracy, as was the case in Stalinist Russia?”</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">And immediately answers: “Obviously. But then the cause does not reside in the centralization itself; it lies in the absence of workers’ democracy on the national political level.”</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">He then quotes Trotsky for the second time in the article:</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> “Only the co-ordination of three elements, state planning, the market and Soviet democracy, can assure correct guidance of the economy of the epoch of transition and assure, not the removal of the imbalances in a few years (this is utopian), but their diminution and by that the simplification of the bases of the dictatorship of the proletariat until the time when new victories of the revolution will widen the arena of socialist planning and reconstruct its system.”<a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[9]</a></span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mandel adds:</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“This means that a genuine guarantee against bureaucratization depends on workers’ management at the enterprise level and workers’ democracy at the state level. Without this combination, even the autonomy of the enterprises will eliminate none of the authoritarian, bureaucratic and (often) erroneous features of economic decisions made at the government level of the plan. With this combination, the centralization of investments – priorities being democratically established, for example through a national congress of workers’ councils – would not encourage bureaucratization, but, on the contrary, suppress one of its principal sources.”</span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">On this crucial issue, Mandel was not able to draw on Che Guevara’s position as the latter did not directly broach the matter. What is clear is that Mandel tried, in the discussions they had in Cuba, to convince Guevara of the need to adopt policies favourable to workers’ management at enterprise level, workers’ democracy at State level and the importance of setting up a national congress of workers’ committees; in other words, the importance of building a socialist democracy.<a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn10" name="_ftnref10" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[10]</a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Ernest Mandel’s first visit to Havana in March-April 1964</span></strong></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mandel’s visit lasted seven weeks; his programme was intense. Mandel had followed events in Cuba closely.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Ernest Mandel met Che Guevara on several occasions. It was Che who had called upon him to take part in the ongoing debate within the Cuban leadership and the Cuban government. The debate involved people with ministerial portfolios from the former Stalinist, pro-Moscow Communist Party – people like Carlos Rafael Rodríguez, or political leaders like Blas Roca, president of the PSP and director of the daily newspaper Hoy. For years, the former Communist Party, known as the Popular Socialist Party (PSP), had been criticising the petit-bourgeois leftist nature of the 26th of July Movement founded and led by Fidel Castro; but then in the middle of 1958, six months before victory, it decided to join the insurrectionary movement .</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">On the Popular Socialist Party (PSP) </span></strong></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Here is how the official organ of the Stalinist PSP analysed the attack on the Moncada Barracks at Santiago de Cuba in July 1953:</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“On 26 July, the bourgeois-latifundista, pro-imperialist clique that was imposed on the country by the reactionary coup of 10 March 1952 in fact succeeded in carrying out another coup, this time aimed at accentuating the reactionary nature of its government and eliminating many obstacles to the completion of its plans.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Sterile and erroneous, the Eastern rebellion, whose high point was the assault on the barracks at Santiago de Cuba and Bayamo, easily put down by the regime’s military forces, provided the pretext – despite the good intentions its instigators may have had – for sweeping away any remaining shreds of legality and for coming down with full force on the mass democratic movement, which at the time was developing and becoming a serious threat to all the government’s plans. […] It has been well established that our party not only did not participate in the events in the Oriente, but also that it is opposed to these bourgeois putschist tactics, because they are false, because they take place outside the masses, because they compromise the struggle of the masses, who alone are capable – via their natural development into the highest and most militant forms – of leading the way to victory against reaction and imperialism” (excerpt from the report presented by A. Díaz on behalf of the national executive commission at the plenary session of the national committee of the PSP on 6 April 1954; in Michaël Löwy, Le Marxisme en Amérique latine, Anthologie; Paris: Maspero, 1980, p. 261–263; translation CADTM)</span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Fernando Martínez sums up PSP’s attitude regarding the goals of the struggle in Cuba prior to the victory in January 1959 in these terms: “agrarian,” “anti-imperialist,” “against residual feudalism,” “for national development,” etc. According to them, there was also a need to seek out and find a national bourgeoisie who could play a positive, active role against the camp made up of pro-imperialists of the international market and feudal or semi-feudal forces of the countryside. It would be a national, positive bourgeoisie against the comprador bourgeoisie. But History was to decide otherwise. (see Fernando Martínez Heredia and Éric Toussaint, “Du 19e au 21e siècle : une mise en perspective historique de la Révolution cubaine” (From the 19</span><sup style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; line-height: 0.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">th</sup><span style="color: #666666;"> to the 21</span><sup style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; line-height: 0.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">st</sup><span style="color: #666666;"> century: a historical perspective on the Cuban Revolution), interview conducted in 1998) </span><a href="https://www.cadtm.org/Du-19e-au-21e-siecle-une-mise-en" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://www.cadtm.org/Du-19e-au-21e-siecle-une-mise-en</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> [available in French or Spanish]</span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Following the revolutionary victory in 1959 the PSP, swearing allegiance to the Stalinist doctrine of revolution in stages, strongly opposed the socialist turn taken by the Cuban Revolution. One citation illustrates this orientation clearly: in August 1960, when the revolutionary Cuban government began to intervene in the operation of enterprises and to expropriate the big landowners, Blas Roca, secretary-general of the PSP, had the following to say at the party’s Eighth National Assembly:</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“In the current, democratic and anti-imperialist stage, it is necessary – within limits that are to be established – to guarantee the profits, the operation and the development of private enterprise […] There have been excesses; there have been abusive interventions which could have been avoided. […] Intervening in the operation of an enterprise or a factory without sufficient reason does not help us, because it creates irritation and turns against the Revolution […] those elements of the national bourgeoisie which must and can be kept on the side of the Revolution at this stage […].” Blas Roca.<a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn11" name="_ftnref11" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[11]</a></span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In 1962, a serious conflict broke out between Fidel Castro and the old guard of the PSP. The latter, thinking that the time had come for it to “reclaim” the revolution for their own benefit, and strengthened by the increasingly close relations established with the Eastern bloc, set about infiltrating the Integrated Revolutionary Organizations (ORI), which were intended by Castro as an intermediate stage toward the creation of the United Party of the Cuban Socialist Revolution (PURSC). The “struggle against sectarianism” rapidly put an end to these notions for the time being. Moscow did not intervene in the dispute. In the struggle for supremacy over the Communist world against China, beginning in the early 1960s, the Soviet Union could not afford to haggle over its support for the first Socialist government in Latin America, especially since that government enjoyed a certain prestige within the Third World.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Fidel Castro on the ORI crisis:</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“…were we really forming a true Marxist party? […] We were not integrating the revolutionary forces. We were not organizing a party. We were organizing or creating or making a straitjacket, a yoke, compañeros. We were not furthering a free association of revolutionists, rather we were forming an army of tamed and submissive revolutionists. […] The compañero who was authorized — it is not known whether he was invested with the authority or whether he assumed it of his own accord, or whether it was because he had slowly begun to assume leadership on that front, and as a result found himself in charge of the task of organizing, or of working as the Secretary in Charge of Organization of the Integrated Revolutionary Organizations. […] the one who despite this fell, who regrettably, most regrettably, fell into the errors we have been enumerating, was the compañero Anibal Escalante. […]We believe that Anibal Escalante’s actions in these matters were not the product of oversight nor were they unconscious, but rather that they were deliberate and conscious. […]And what was the nucleus? Was it a nucleus of revolutionists? The nucleus was a mere shell of revolutionists, well versed in dispensing favors, which appointed and removed officials and, as a result of this, it was not going to enjoy the prestige which a revolutionary nucleus should enjoy, a prestige born solely from the authority which it has in the eyes of the masses, an authority imparted to it by the example which its members set as workers, as model revolutionists. Instead of coming from these sources, the authority of the nucleus came from the fact that from it one might receive or expect a favor, some dispensation, or some harm or good. And as was to be expected, around the nucleus conditions were being created for the formation of a coterie of fawners, which has nothing to do with Marxism or with socialism. […] …that obsession with command, that mania for giving orders, that mania for governing […] took possession of a certain compañero (…) Then how were the nuclei of the Integrated Revolutionary Organization (ORI) formed? I’m going to tell you how. In every province the general secretary of the PSP was made general secretary of the ORI…” (Source: Fidel Castro Denounces Bureaucracy and Sectarianism (Speech of March 26, 1962), New York: Pioneer Publishers, 1962).</span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Following this major conflict, Anibal Escalante was sidelined and sent to Czechoslovakia for two years, but the PSP retained strong influence in various key ministries, in the security services, in trade unions, and in the press and the training apparatus.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Note that a book published in Havana in 2006 entitled </span><a href="https://www.marcialpons.es/libros/apuntes-criticos-a-la-economia-politica/9789590613913/" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Apuntes críticos economía política</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> contains a series of texts by Che Guevara and minutes of internal meetings of the leadership of Cuba’s Ministry of Industries. At one of these meetings, held on 22 February 1964, Guevara said the following about the Anibal Escalante affair:</span></span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“The fundamental error Anibal made, an error that needs to be analysed more in depth, was not Anibal’s personal aspirations. That is a personal matter, a personal misstep, which would not have resulted in major problems were it not for the fact that Anibal, in his position as Organising Secretary, needed to control all apparatuses of the party, which had become executive apparatuses. As a result all ideological control depended on a series of gentlemen who were both executives and controllers, which was impossible.” <a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn12" name="_ftnref12" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[12]</a></span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Beginning in early October 1967, a large segment of former PSP members directed by Anibal Escalante, who had returned from exile, was denounced by Fidel Castro for having organized a micro-faction within the Communist Party, founded in October 1965. Some forty members of this micro-faction were arrested, tried and sentenced to prison. They were accused of factional activities linked to the Soviet Embassy, as well as those of Czechoslovakia and East Germany. Anibal Escalante was sentenced to 15 years in prison in January 1968, but was released in 1971. Eight of the defendants were sentenced to 12 years, eight to ten years, six to eight years, five to four years, six to three years and one to two years. As an additional sign of Cuba’s distancing from Moscow, Fidel Castro announced that the Cuban Communist Party would not attend the meeting of pro-Moscow parties held in Bulgaria in March 1968. In several speeches from 1968, he harshly criticized the manuals published by Moscow. Anticipating possible reprisals by Moscow, the Cuban government gave orders to “adopt all measures and all procedures necessary for saving as much fuel as possible” (“La reunión del Comité Central,” Granma, La Habana, Año 4, n°24, 28 de enero de 1968. Translation CADTM).</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">In 1963-1964, pro-Moscow leaders of the PSP held important leadership positions in the government and the new apparatus of the state (in particular the security apparatus) and took part in the debate regarding the policies Cuba should conduct, stressing what was being done in the Eastern Bloc under Moscow’s direction. Among the high-level representatives of the PSP were Carlos Rafael Rodríguez, president of the Institute for Agrarian Reform (INRA). Alberto Mora, who defended the same positions as the PSP’s directors without actually being a member, was Minister for External Trade in 1963. And on the other side there was Che Guevara, Minister of Industries, whose proposals were supported and shared by the Finance Minister (Ministro de Hacienda), Luis Álvarez Rom. As was mentioned above, two international Marxist figures also took part at the invitation of each of the two tendencies. Che Guevara had invited Ernest Mandel, a member of the Fourth International (United Secretariat), while the defenders of the PSP’s pro-Moscow line had called on Charles Bettelheim, a pro-Moscow economist of the period. The documents of the Great Debate were published and publicly debated in Cuba in 1963–1964. Tens of thousands of copies were published in the journal of the Ministry of Foreign Trade, the magazine of the Ministry of Industry and the journal Socialista. A little over forty years later they were brought together in a </span><a href="https://www.oceansur.com/catalogo/titulos/el-gran-debate-2" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">book published in Cuba in 2006</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> by the Che Guevara Studies Centre – directed by </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleida_March" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Aleida March</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">, Che’s second wife – and by the publishing house Australian Ocean Press. It includes five contributions by Che, two by Ernest Mandel and one by Charles Bettelheim. These texts had been published together beforehand in 1969 in </span><a href="https://www.marxists.org/espanol/tematica/cuadernos-pyp/Cuadernos-PyP-5.pdf" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">issue no. 5 of the Argentinean journal Pasado y Presente</span></a><a href="https://www.marxists.org/espanol/tematica/cuadernos-pyp/Cuadernos-PyP-5.pdf" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">.</a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">What divided a part of the Cuban leadership, among other factors, was the issue of the rapidity of the evolution towards socialism; whether or not methods used in Eastern Europe and Moscow should continue to be used; the importance of central planning; the importance of moral and collective incentives for increasing production; and the importance of material incentives – wage increases, bonuses, etc.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In 1967, in the French journal Partisans, Mandel summed up the Great Debate, and in particular Che Guevara’s position, as follows:</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“Cuba’s nationalised industry was largely organised according to the trust system (consolidated enterprises) by branches of industry, very comparable to the organisational model used by Soviet industry over a long period. Financing of these trusts came from the central budget with financial control exercised by the ministries (of Industry and Finance). The bank played only a secondary intermediary role.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">One of the practical goals of the economic discussion of 1963–1964 was therefore: either in defence of this system – which was the position of Comrade Guevara and those who generally supported his theses–, or postulating its replacement by a system of financial autonomy for enterprises (leading to the principle of the individual profitability of the latter); that thesis was defended by Carlos Rafael Rodríguez and numerous other participants in the debate.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Che Guevara’s position appears fairly pragmatic in this particular case. He did not claim that centralised management was an ideal in itself, that is, a model to be applied always and in every case. He simply defended the idea that that method was the most effective way to manage Cuban industry as it existed at the time. The arguments he advanced were essentially the following: a limited number of enterprises (fewer than existed in the city of Moscow in the USSR alone!); an even more limited number of industrial and financial managers; means of communication that are fairly well developed, and greatly superior to those of other countries that have attained a level of development of the productive forces comparable to Cuba’s; the need for a stricter economy of resources and control of the latter; etc.”</span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mandel adds:</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“Certain opponents of Che Guevara’s theses have linked the question of greater efficiency of decentralised management (and the financial autonomy that stems from it) to that of material incentives. Enterprises which are compelled to be profitable are companies which must submit their entire operations to a very strict economic calculation, and which to do that may make much more ample use of material incentives, giving workers a direct interest in the growth of the productivity of labour, in improving the enterprise’s profitability (for example through savings in raw materials) and in surpassing the goals of the plan.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">In relation to that, Che Guevara’s response is essentially practical. He does not reject the need for strict economic calculation in the context of the plan, or the use of material incentives. But he subordinates that use to two conditions. Firstly, it is necessary to choose material incentives that do not weaken the internal cohesion of the working class, which do not result in rivalry between the workers. For that, he recommends a system of collective bonuses (for teams or enterprises, much more than a system of individual bonuses). Then, he is opposed to any excessive generalisation of material rewards, because this creates detrimental effects on the awareness of the masses. Guevara wishes to avoid having the entire society become saturated by a climate of selfishness and obsession with individual enrichment.”(translation CADTM; for the French version of this article available on </span><a href="http://www.ernestmandel.org/new/ecrits/article/le-grand-debat-economique-cuba" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">the Net</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">)</span></span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">We should recall that at the time of the Great Debate the two systems co-existed. The one supported by Che Guevara and Luis Alvarez Rom (the Finance Minister) was applied in a part of Cuba’s industry (in particular “heavy” industry), while the system allowing companies financial autonomy, backed by Alberto Mora, Carlos Rafael Rodríguez and the PSP, was implemented in another part of the industrial sector and in part of the agricultural and trade sectors.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Charles Bettelheim’s intervention and Che Guevara’s and Ernest Mandel’s rebuttals</span></strong></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Charles Bettelheim’s intervention in the debate was particularly conservative, following the lead of the policies pursued in the bloc that was led from Moscow. In his contribution to the debate, he cited the writings of Joseph Stalin on ten different occasions. At no point did he ever mention the forced collectivization imposed by Stalin and the dramatic consequences it had. He presented the countries of Central and Eastern Europe as the most advanced of all socialist countries. He also attacked Rosa Luxemburg.<a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn13" name="_ftnref13" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[13]</a> No revolutionary fervor is perceptible in his text, despite the fact that at the time Cuba was in ferment and the Ministries for Industries and Finance were endeavouring to promote a model that was appropriate to realities on the island while refusing to adopt the model of Eastern Europe and Moscow.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Bettelheim adopted a mechanistic and deterministic approach in conformity with the dogmatic Marxist principles that held sway in Eastern Europe. According to him, the state of Cuba’s productive forces did not make it feasible to adopt policies of the kind Che Guevara and Luis Álvarez Rom promoted.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Che Guevara challenged the notion that the insufficient development of the productive forces would impose an unsurpassable limit, explaining that: “We consider that two fundamental errors have been committed in this article by Bettelheim, and we shall attempt to clarify them. The first concerns the interpretation of the necessary correlation between productive forces and relations of production […].” Che asks the question: “When can the relations of production not be a faithful reflection of the development of the productive forces?” and he answers:</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“At times when an advancing society breaks the preceding one in order to develop, and at times when the old society is breaking and the new one, whose relations of production are yet to established, struggles to consolidate itself and to break the old superstructure. Thus, the productive forces and the relations of production, at a given historical point in time, analysed concretely, will not always be able to correspond in a totally coherent way […] In the broader context of the worldwide capitalist system in struggle against socialism, one of its weak links – in this concrete case, Cuba – can break. Taking advantage of exceptional historical circumstances and under the able leadership of its vanguard, at a given point in time, the revolutionary forces take power and, based on the existence of sufficient objective conditions as regards the socialisation of labour, burn through the stages, declare the socialist character of the revolution and set about building socialism.” (Che Guevara, “La planificación socialista, su significado,” Revista Cuba Socialista, año 4, n°4, junio 1964, pp. 13-24. Republished in El Gran Debate, p. 221–222. Translation CADTM).</span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">And in opposition to Bettelheim, Che Guevara underlines the role of the consciousness of the people as a factor for overcoming the limitations imposed by the insufficient development of the productive forces.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Guevara also stresses the conscious role of the state: “The productive forces develop, the relations of production change, and everything depends upon the role of the workers’ state on the consciousness of the workers.” (Che Guevara “Sobre el sistema presupuestario de financiamiento” (On the budgetary finance system), published in February 1964). Note that Che Guevara uses here the concept of the workers’ state, also used by Ernest Mandel and by the Fourth International to characterise the Cuban State at that time.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">According to Bettelheim (and on the Cuban side for Alberto Mora) it is not possible to consider that, in the nationalised sector, commercial relations can be abandoned. Guevara answers (as does Mandel): “we deny the existence of a commodity category in relations between nationalised companies”, Che Guevara.<a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn14" name="_ftnref14" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[14]</a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In opposition to Bettelheim, Ernest Mandel defended Guevara’s position, recalling that at</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“the transitional period from capitalism to socialism involves a partial survival of commodity production and the monetary economy, but the means of production are not commodities, since they circulate within the nationalised sector. The debate may seem Byzantine or Talmudic,” he wrote, “but it has many implications, and especially regarding the degree of autonomy of the state in economic decision making. Because from the idea that everything that is produced during the transitionional period is commodity production stems the conclusion that the law of value continues to govern the economy. And an even more serious conclusion, for the Stalinists, is that autonomy of decision is in reality very restricted, since there is no choice but to use the iron laws of economics which continue to govern the evolution of society. This pseudo-materialist position is in total contradiction with Marx’s idea of what the transitional period should be. And, and this is the paradoxical aspect of the affair, that theoretical position is also in total contradiction with the extreme subjectivism of Stalinist practice, which while constantly referring to objective economic laws, set arbitrary prices and behaved like adventurers when it came to planning.” <a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn15" name="_ftnref15" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[15]</a></span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Ernest Mandel added, about Bettelheim, Alberto Mora and other Cuban leaders who advocated the application of methods imported from the Eastern Bloc:</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“For them, everything that is produced in Cuba is commodity, and therefore the criteria of profitability must be established for enterprises, in other words an economic development model inspired by the Soviet Union. There was a logic that was to lead to a faithful, if not servile, imitation of Stalinist theory and its model of organisation of the economy in the Soviet Union, with consequences for the political framework of the workers’ state.” <a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn16" name="_ftnref16" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[16]</strong></a></span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mandel warned in no uncertain terms against the serious consequences of the policies recommended by Bettelheim and Mora:</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“Comrade Bettelheim appears […] to be concerned with balancing excess demand (relative to the plan) with additional supply induced (through hidden reserves) by the incentive of ‘market prices.’ In a sense, this would be to legalize and institutionalize the ”parallel market.”</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">We will not deny that some increase in production can be obtained this way. But one should be aware that:</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">1. This method could lead to major social injustices […]</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">2. The prices formed by this ”free” market would not coincide with average costs of production, and they would inevitably cause distortions as well as an enormous amount of speculation, which could well disrupt the plan in the area of production. For example, in some world agricultural-product markets, prices are formed according to changes in supply and demand caused by national production surpluses in the large exporting countries; in other words, by an insignificant fraction of world production. This leads periodically to drastic price shifts. Even bourgeois economists see the need to control this chaotic state of affairs in the capitalist economy. Is it really worth considering its introduction into a socialized economy?</span></p></blockquote><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">3. This method may create additional disturbances rather than bring about the more harmonious operation of socialized industry, because the face-to-face existence of two systems of prices, some low, some high, is a permanent temptation for enterprises to shift some part of the production intended for the regulated market to the ”free market.” This is especially true if such enterprises operate under the auto-finance system. The logic of a system of ”free” prices determined by equilibrium between excess demand and additions to supply would exert a growing pressure to have investment priorities determined by the size of unsatisfied effective demand. It is useless to recall that this would mean building luxury apartments before investing in public housing. In other words, it would be to recreate an economic logic nearer capitalism (where investment is determined essentially on the basis of the profit to be derived from effective demand) than socialism (where investment is deter mined by priorities consciously established in accordance with socialist socioeconomic criteria).” (Source: Ernest Mandel, “Mercantile Categories in the Period of Transition,” originally published in Nuestra Industria, Revista económica, year 2, No. 7, June 1964, pp. 9–36 in El Gran Debate, pp. 206–207. </span><a href="https://www.iire.org/node/1024" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">English version</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">).</span></span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">We should stress that the arguments advanced by Ernest Mandel in 1964 concerning the dangers of pro-market reforms have been confirmed in fact throughout the decades that followed and are still valid for analysing the reforms currently under way in Cuba.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Responding to Bettelheim, who defended the reforms coming from the Eastern Bloc, Che Guevara writes:</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“we are returning to the market theory. The entire organisation of the market relies on material incentives… and it is the directors who earn more every time. Just look at the latest project of the German Democratic Republic, and the importance that the director’s management – or better the remuneration of the director’s management.” <a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn17" name="_ftnref17" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[17]</strong></a></span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">It is important to mention that a few years later, in the late 1960s – early 1970s, Bettelheim was to move to another extreme.<a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn18" name="_ftnref18" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[18]</a> Whereas he rejected the possibility of overcoming capitalist market relations in the state sector on the grounds that the state of the productive forces made it impossible, he then adopted a position of following the voluntarist policy applied by the Chinese authorities under the authority of Mao Tse Tung.<a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn19" name="_ftnref19" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[19]</a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In his contribution to the debate in Cuba, Bettelheim places no importance on the exercise of power by workers, intervention by the people in decision-making,<a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn20" name="_ftnref20" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[20]</a> worker’s control, etc. in total opposition to the ideas of Ernest Mandel.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Bettelheim cites Lenin abundantly, but only when justifying economic policies for necessary concessions made to the market economy in order to restore the alliance between peasants and workers, and never when it is a question of the role of trade unions and the dangers of bureaucratisation, despite the fact that Lenin clearly called attention to them. <a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn21" name="_ftnref21" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[21]</a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">In his contribution cited above, published in Havana in June 1964, in response to Bettelheim, Mandel states: “As to the enterprise’s internal organization of work and production, we believe it is essential to pursue the goal of placing administrative responsibility in the hands of the workers themselves (labourers and employees). One cannot conceive of socialism, much less communism, without this ‘performance of administrative functions by each worker in turn.’” (El Gran Debate, p 210 – </span><a href="https://www.iire.org/node/1024" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">English version</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">).</span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">As for Che, he expressed his concerns about the insufficient participation of workers in decisions several times. In a very long letter to Fidel Castro on 26 March 1965, when he had decided to give up his responsibilities in the government, he wrote: “How can worker participation be achieved? That is a question I have not been able to answer. It is my greatest failure, and it must be reflected upon because it concerns relations between the Party and the State.” <a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn22" name="_ftnref22" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[22]</a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">I would like to deal with an additional point concerning the debate between Charles Bettelheim and Ernest Mandel upon which, to my knowledge, no other author has commented until now. Charles Bettelheim maintained that workers of enterprises in the state sector did not sell their labour power. “Thus, the wage in socialist society [note by Éric Toussaint: Bettelheim is referring to the USSR and its Bloc] is no longer the ‘price of labour power’ (since the producers are no longer separated from their means of production, since they are in fact their collective owners), but rather the form in which a part of the social product is distributed.” This affirmation by Bettelheim was in conformity with the position of Soviet authors and of Stalin: as Socialism had been achieved in the countries of the Moscow Bloc, since the workers were co-owners of the means of production, it was unimaginable to state that they sell their labour power to the enterprise as a commodity. Nevertheless, this affirmation contradicted Bettelheim’s other statement, namely that the capital goods or raw materials which public companies exchanged were commodities (contrary to what Che Guevara and Mandel held). But let us leave that for now. What is interesting is the fact that Mandel expresses his disagreement with Bettelheim and the authors in the countries of the Moscow Bloc regarding the question of the sale of labour power. Mandel shows that in contradiction with Moscow’s propaganda, in a society in transition towards socialism, the worker continues to sell her or his labour power. After having demonstrated that, he says: “Why cannot a member of a collective enterprise, a co-proprietor of the enterprise, sell individually owned property to that enterprise? The crux of the matter is that labor power is still private property (Mandel is speaking of a transitional society from capitalism to socialism [Éric T]), while the means of production are already (in essence) collective property. To abolish private ownership of labor power before the society can assure the satisfaction of all its people’s basic needs would actually be to introduce forced labor.” (El Gran Debate, p. 196 – </span><a href="https://www.iire.org/node/1024" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">English version</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">). This argument of Mandel’s is highly important because workers’ need to be able to organise and act to make demands regarding wages, for example, follows from it. A fortiori, that need was all the more vital in the case of countries of Moscow Bloc at the time, which were bureaucratically degenerated workers’ states that had begun an evolution towards restoration of capitalism.</span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Che Guevara on the National Bank and loans in Cuba’s transition towards Socialism</span></strong></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">During the Great Debate, Che Guevara, who was president of Cuba’s National Bank from November 1959 to early 1961, disagreed with Marcelo Fernández Font, president of Cuba’s National Bank in 1963-1964.<a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn23" name="_ftnref23" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[23]</a> In a contribution to the debate published in the magazine Cuba Socialista in February 1964 under the title “Desarrollo y funciones de la banca socialista en Cuba” (Development and functions of the socialist bank in Cuba),<a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn24" name="_ftnref24" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[24]</a> the latter sharply criticized the system supported by Che Guevara and claimed it was much less efficient than the one implemented in the USSR and supported by Alberto Mora, Carlos Rafael Rodríguez and Charles Bettelheim. While in Che’s system, enterprises were financed by the state budget, in the system of financial autonomy (or self-management, as it was sometimes improperly called) imported from Eastern European countries and the USSR, enterprises were financed by loans with interest granted by the National Bank of Cuba, which could then monitor their activities. Marcelo Fernández Font saw Che’s system as bad for the economy and the transition towards Socialism since it involved excessive monetary issuance and increased the State deficit. He actually demanded more powers for the National Bank, notably to monitor enterprises that functioned within the system applied by the Ministry of Industry, which had not been the case so far. The president of the National Bank also wanted his institution to decide on which investments could be financed, as was already happening in the sector in which the Eastern European and USSR model was applied.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In his reply entitled “Banks, loans and socialism” published in the magazine Cuba Socialista in March 1964, Che Guevara frontally opposed such extension of power over the economy of the country and notably over the sector of the economy in which enterprises were financed by the State budget. He also opposed the loans with interest granted to enterprises by the National Bank. He refused to allow the function of monitoring enterprises to be delegated to the Bank. He considered that such a monitoring function belonged to banks in the capitalist system, not in a transitional society towards Socialism.<a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn25" name="_ftnref25" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[25]</a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">How they debated</span></strong></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">At this stage we should introduce an important point of general interest on how opponents debated. In their various contributions, Alberto Mora, Marcelo Fernández Font and those who questioned Che’s system never openly said that they disagreed with the Minister of Industry and the Minister of Finance: they criticized the positions of “some (unnamed) comrades”. This was the case in the article by Alberto Mora (Minister of Foreign Trade) in June 1963 entitled “About the issue of how the law of value functions in the Cuban economy today”<a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn26" name="_ftnref26" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[26]</a> and in the article by Marcelo Fernández Font (director of the National Bank of Cuba) quoted above. In his replies, Che Guevara assumed his responsibilities and stood by his positions, blaming them for not having the courage or candour to clearly identify the target of their criticism. He did it politely but firmly. This is undoubtedly one of Che’s main qualities: his candour in debate and his determination to engage in a thorough and public debate, which was completely at odds with the Stalinist tradition imposed since the mid-1920s in the USSR and in its camp, including, in the capitalist countries, the Communist parties that were under Moscow’s control.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Ernest Mandel’s impact in Cuba</span></strong></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Ernest Mandel had a significant impact in Cuba in 1964 when he stayed there and in subsequent years in the second half of the 1960s and in the early 1970s. He would meet up with members of the Ministry of Industry, with Che Guevara himself as well as with Luis Álvarez Rom, Minister of Finance, and with members of his cabinet. He was invited to deliver lectures at the university. There were sessions of collective reading of chapters from his Marxist Economic Theory. As mentioned above the book had been translated into Spanish and distributed to leaders and senior executives, notably in the Ministry of Industry and the Ministry of Finance.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">When he stayed in Cuba in 1964, Mandel did not meet Fidel Castro. Che had wanted them to meet and talk. He urged Fidel to speak with Mandel but it did not happen. There is a simple explanation: strong pressure from the PSP leaders and Moscow. Consequently, Castro probably considered that it would have been too risky to meet with Mandel, who was rightly identified by Moscow as leader of the FI and opposed to the policies implemented in the Soviet Union and in Eastern and Central Europe, which pro-Moscow leaders such as Carlos Rafael Rodríguez wanted to implement in Cuba.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">While in Cuba, Ernest Mandel also met Che’s first wife, </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hilda_Gadea" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Hilda Gadea</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">, of Peruvian origin, who still had political relations with him. Hilda expressed her interest in the Fourth International and met Mandel, to report on the situation of Trotskyists in Peru. She had met Peruvian Trotskyists when she had visited her native country shortly before. She sent several letters to Mandel from Cuba in 1964, to which he replied. She also went to Paris and met in 1965 </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pierre_Frank" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">Pierre Frank</a><span style="color: #666666;"> , member of the Unified Secretariat of the FI. She was in touch with young Cuban executives who sympathized with the positions of the FI (see Box on the Fourth International); she also tried to protect them from repressive and intimidating measures taken by members of the PSP, who were very active within the state security services they had infiltrated.</span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Fourth International and Trotskyists in Cuba during the 1960s</span></strong></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The Fourth International leadership had wholeheartedly supported the Revolution and its initial achievements after the dictator Batista was overthrown on 1<sup style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 0.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">st</sup> January 1959. There was a group of Fourth International activists in Cuba; other activists from countries such as Argentina and Uruguay had joined them. Cuban Trotskyists had participated in the insurrection in the ranks of the 26 of July Movement. Some of them were close collaborators of Che, such as Roberto Acosta, a militant Trotskyist since the 1930s. After the victory, there had been diverging views within the Fourth International regarding their relationship with the revolutionary government. Should an autonomous Trotskyist organization be created? Which tasks should be prioritized? The majority of members of the small POR-T (Trotskyist Revolutionary Workers’ Party) were in favour of self-assertion while the majority of members of the Unified Secretariat were in favour of accompanying the process without developing an autonomous party. Disagreements between the majority of the FI and the main Latin-American leader, the Argentinian Juan Posadas, went far beyond the question of what position to adopt in support of the Cuban revolution. In the spring of 1961 Juan Posadas and his supporters eventually decided to leave the Fourth International and create their own international organization. During the missile crisis in October 1962 his international organization and the POR-T which was part of it defended the idea that Cuba must use nuclear weapons against US imperialism. It implied self-sacrifice in order to wipe imperialism off the face of the planet and allow socialism to triumph on the other continents. The members of the POR-T were not the only revolutionaries in Cuba to defend such an unacceptable position, which the Fourth International rejected.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In March 1965, six members of POR-T were sentenced to prison terms ranging from 3 to 8 years on totally outlandish charges. They were accused of being agents of US imperialism. A few months later, they were released thanks to the direct intervention of Che Guevara, who invited Roberto Acosta Hechevarría, one of the leaders of the POR-T, who had been detained for two months (without having been sentenced), to his office. He was taken to his office under the guard of two state security agents. As we have already mentioned, Roberto Acosta worked alongside Che Guevara at the Ministry of Industry, as head of the standards and metrology department. According to Roberto Acosta, he and Che had a positive and constructive exchange on Trotskyism. In the end, Che Guevara obtained the release of Roberto Acosta and his comrades imprisoned in Santiago de Cuba.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Next to members of the POR-T, with whom the Unified Secretariat of the FI stayed in touch in spite of diverging views, other activists in Cuba reinforced their collaboration, notably through written correspondence with Ernest Mandel, with </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Hansen_(socialist)" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Joseph Hansen</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> (one of Trotsky’s former secretaries from 1937 until Trotsky’s murder by an agent of Stalin in August 1940). Hansen, who was a member of the United Secretariat of the Fourth International and a member of the leadership of the SWP in the United States, visited the island on several occasions with leaders of the Canadian section of the Fourth International. </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Livio_Maitan" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Livio Maitan</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">, another member of the Unified Secretariat of the FI, also kept track of the situation in Cuba though with the allocation of tasks among leaders, his priority was South America. Vazquez Menendez was a member of the POR-T who maintained regular exchanges with Mandel in spite of the separation with the Unified Secretariat.</span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Among Cubans who shared the views of the Unified Secretariat of the FI were Nelson Zayas, who was 25 and worked in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Javier de Varona, a legal expert, professor of philosophy (24), Walterio Carbonell (44), an Afro-descendent Cuban, author of a book published in 1961 under the title Como Surgió la Cultura Nacional ? (published in English under the title How Cuba’s national culture came to be). Walterio Carbonell, who had known Fidel Castro when they were students together, was later in touch with the Black Panthers in the US.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Che, his speech in Algiers and his resignation from the Cuban government</span></strong></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">After leaving the island, Ernest Mandel maintained close relations with Cuba. He was in touch with Che Guevara when the latter delivered </span><a href="https://www.marxists.org/archive/guevara/1965/02/24.htm" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">a very significant speech at the Afro-Asian conference in Algiers on 24 February 1965</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">. In it, Che Guevara criticized the selfish attitude of governments of the Eastern block of so-called socialist countries. About the high prices they demanded when trading with Third World countries he said:</span></span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“How can it be ‘mutually beneficial’ to sell at world market prices the raw materials that cost the underdeveloped countries immeasurable sweat and suffering, and to buy at world market prices the machinery produced in today’s big automated factories? If we establish that kind of relation between the two groups of nations, we must agree that the socialist countries are, in a certain way, accomplices of imperialist exploitation.”</span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">It was courageous of him and caused great discontent in Moscow. Soon after this speech Mandel phoned Che Guevara and said he was ready to go to Algiers. Che wanted him to come. Mandel applied to the Algerian Embassy to leave on the next day, but it turned out not to be possible.<a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn27" name="_ftnref27" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[27]</a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The outcome of the Great Debate was that the Eastern Bloc’s positions backed by Alberto Mora, Marcelo Fernández Font, Charles Bettelheim and Carlos Rafael Rodríguez, leader of the former PSP, carried the day. Fidel Castro had remained aloof and had not publicly taken sides. Che Guevara, whose positions were clearly at odds with the interests of the authorities in Moscow and the Eastern European countries, gave up all his responsibilities in the Cuban government.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Che Guevara’s last known letter to Fidel Castro</span></strong></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">In a </span><a href="https://chicagoalbasolidarity.org/2023/07/14/the-other-farewell-letter-from-che-guevara-to-fidel-castro/" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">37-page letter to Fidel Castro dated 26 March 1965</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">, which was not published in extenso until 2019,</span><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn28" name="_ftnref28" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[28]</a><span style="color: #666666;"> Che Guevara begins, in some fifteen pages, with a highly critical assessment of the country’s economic situation, and then, in some ten pages, summarizes the model for the operation and financing of the economy that he advocates (“sistema de financiamiento presupuestario” or budgetary finance system). Next he develops his thoughts on the party and the state.</span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In the part in which he advocates the model of financing by the state budget vs the model implemented in the countries of the Moscow Bloc and in Yugoslavia, he describes in very strong terms one of the consequences of those countries’ evolution: “Factories are closed and Yugoslav (and now Polish) workers emigrate to the countries of Western Europe in full economic expansion. They are slaves that the socialist countries send as an offering to the technological development of the European Common Market.”</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In the final part when he discusses how the economy, the party and the state function he writes (as already quoted above):</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“How to involve the workers is a question I have not been able to answer. I consider this as my greatest failure and it is one of the things to think about because in it is also involved the problem and the relationship of the party and the state.”<a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn29" name="_ftnref29" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[29]</strong></a></span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">He writes about the Party:</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; -tw-border-spacing-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“To fulfil its task of an ideological driving force, the party and each member of its member, must be a vanguard and, for this, they must present the closest image to what a communist should be. Their standard of living, that is, the standard of living of the party members, must never exceed, neither as professional cadres, nor as cadres in production, that of their peers.” (…) “All this, seeking to act in such a way that the struggle against the tendency to bureaucratise the Party, i.e. to turn it into another instrument of statistical control of the government, or into an executive body, or into a parliamentary body, with many paid people and many jeep-riders, going from one meeting to another, etc. etc. etc. is always kept in mind.” (…) “The Party, naturally, must have its own organization, separate from the state, even though today there are occasionally a series of positions in which the party and the state are mixed.”</span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">At the end of the letter, he writes about the training of party cadres: “To make the party cadre a thinking element, not only of the realities of our country but also of the Marxist theory which is not an ornament but an extraordinary guide for action (the cadres do not know Trotsky or Stalin but they qualify them as ‘bad’ scholastically).” In this part of the letter, Che Guevara explicitly mentions as an instance of scholastic warping the daily paper Hoy controlled by leaders of the former PSP.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">It should be noted that this long letter does not include a clear determination to propose and achieve political reform so as to organize socialist democracy with workers actually exercising power. This is undoubtedly one of Che Guevara’s serious mistakes.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Ernest Mandel’s second trip to Cuba in 1967</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Ernest Mandel went back to Cuba in June 1967, invited by the Cuban leadership. We should keep in mind that in June 1967, Che Guevara was conducting guerilla warfare in Bolivia so the decision to invite Mandel to La Havana came from the Cuban leadership and Fidel Castro. Che Guevara could not have had any part in it since the level of material communication with Cuba was very low and anyway he no longer had any direct say in Cuban debates. Mandel stayed for more than a month and had again a number of significant contacts, since at the time Cuba played a key role on the international stage as founder of the Latin-American Solidarity Organization (OLAS), a structure that brought together a large number of political organizations inclined to armed struggle. The organization was necessary for the revolutionary current to avoid Moscow’s and China’s direct control. There was a buzz in Cuba in terms of internationalism, debate and openness in the international context which, moreover, would lead to May 68. Fidel Castro and the leadership of the Cuban Communist Party (founded in 1965) were very critical of the Soviet leadership. On that occasion, Ernest Mandel travelled with his partner Gisela Scholz, who became a leader of the FI. Back in Belgium, he published several articles in support of the Cuban revolution and of OLAS in the weekly La Gauche.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The assassination of Che Guevara in Bolivia</span></strong></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">A few months after Mandel had returned to Europe, we heard about the tragic death of Che Guevara, who had been assassinated by the CIA and the Bolivian army on 9 October 1967. Ernest Mandel immediately wrote </span><a href="http://www.ernestmandel.org/new/ecrits/article/l-exemple-de-che-guevara-inspirera" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">an article in homage to Che Guevara’s memory in the paper La Gauche</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">. He wrote: “The Cuban and Latin-American revolution has lost one of its main leaders; we have lost a dear comrade.” It was reprinted in organs of the FI.”</span><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn30" name="_ftnref30" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[30]</a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mandel and Cuba in the 1990s</span></strong></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">At the end of 1989, Ernest Mandel wrote a short polemical text about the way supporters of Glasnost and Perestroikawanted to claim Che’s heritage. He starts </span><a href="https://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article67378" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">his article</span><span style="color: #666666;">[31]</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> as follows:</span></span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Among the many attempts at reclaiming Che’s heritage, the latest one is not the least surprising. Emphasizing the ‘spiritual and psychological affinity’ between Che and Gorbachev with regards to the ‘values of socialism’ is the hazardous project of </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kiva_Maidanik" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Kiva Maidanik</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> in his 1987 book published in Nicaragua, </span><a href="https://www.marxists.org/espanol/harnecker/90189.pdf" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Perestroika : la revolución de las esperanzas</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">. (Perestroika: the hoped-for revolution, not translated). He was interviewed by </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marta_Harnecker" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Marta Harnecker</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> (1937-2019), a well-known journalist in Cuba, often inspired by pro-Soviet stance, who seemed to have been invested with a mission of good offices between the ‘orthodox’ Latin American CPs and the loyalist current. However, this attempt at reclaiming – even under the label of perestroika – presented a number of difficulties.</span></span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Next Mandel sums up again the ideas Che advocated in the Great Debate:</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“Market-based economic reforms were not among the ‘values of socialism’ to which Che was particularly attached. His hostility to the reforms advocated by Liberman and Trapeznikov in the 1960s was quite clear; he was against the introduction of ‘economic calculation’ based on the financial autonomy of enterprises, and against a payment system based above all on material incentives, piecework and bonuses. His opposition was not the result of any contempt for ‘economic laws and mechanisms’: Che supported a strict planning, a centralized fiscal system involving monitoring investments and loans with regards to general not sectorial interests, in the name of the construction of a form of socialism that would be radically different from a capitalist society, based on categories opposed to those of profit and commodity. He considered that using market-based categories had to be limited to the least socialized sectors when it was not possible to avoid them. ‘With the rotten weapons inherited from capitalism, commodity as economic unit, return on investment, individual material interest as incentive, we run the risk of heading into a dead end.’ This has been confirmed by history.”</span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Afterwards Mandel challenges Kiva Maidanik’s assertion that Che’s positions in the Great Debate did not form the “core of Che’s conception as a theorist.”</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">He claims that</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“Che thought that mobilizing the masses and their class consciousness could be stimulated by international policies supporting revolutionary processes, by fighting bureaucracy and corruption, by the exemplary behaviour of leaders and by the development of socialist democracy although, on this issue, his views were somewhat short-sighted.”</span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mandel condemns Gorbachev’s agreements with Ronald Reagan at the expense of the revolutionary process underway in Central America at the end of the 1980s:</span></p><blockquote style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; border-color: rgb(231, 231, 231); border-style: solid; border-width: 0px 0px 0px 0.1em; margin: 1rem 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0.5em 0px 0.5em 2em;"><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“It all adds up: Che’s internationalism would have found it hard to accept the priority given to diplomatic ‘dialogue’ with the USA to the detriment of revolutionary processes in the Third World, which were reduced to the status of mere ‘regional conflicts’. At a time when Nicaragua was short of oil, granted sparingly and conditionally by the Soviet government, Gorbachev was considering reducing its military aid ‘to the level of light weapons of the type used by the police.’”</span></p></blockquote><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">I would also like to mention an episode regarding the relationship between Ernest Mandel and Cuba in which I am personally involved. It happened in 1992 and concerns the meeting between Marta Harnecker, mentioned above, and Ernest Mandel. Marta Harnecker had been a member of Chile’s Socialist Party under Allende’s presidency; she was known as a popularizer of Marxist ideas, notably with her booklet The Elementary Concepts of Historical Materialism.</span><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn32" name="_ftnref32" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[32]</strong></a><span style="color: #666666;"> She lived in Cuba, and was the partner of Barbarossa, the moniker of </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manuel_Pi%C3%B1eiro" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Manuel Piñeiro Losada</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">, who was a trusted comrade of Fidel Castro and the man in charge of all guerrilla operations in Latin America supported by the Cuban leadership. I had been in close contact with Marta Harnecker since 1988-1989 and with Manuel Piñeiro Losada since 1991. I had met Marta Harnecker in Managua in the 1980s and 1990s, in the context of the Fourth International’s support of the Sandinista revolutionary process. At the time, she often stayed in Managua (I’ll come back to this point in another article). After the Sandinistas failed to win the elections in 1990, Marta Harnecker went back to Cuba. I visited Cuba on a regular basis since I was in charge of the Coordination against the US embargo against Cuba, a very large coordination created in Belgium, that brought together political parties such as the FI and others such as the Communist Party of Belgium and major solidarity movements, NGOs such as Oxfam. At the time I was invited to Cuba as a member of the Political Bureau of the Belgian section of the FI. It was in this context that I regularly met Marta Harnecker and Barbarossa, aka Manuel Piñeiro.</span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In 1992, Marta Harnecker was invited to Brussels by the Workers’ Party of Belgium (PTB, Parti du Travail de Belgique), a party of Maoist origin that was still imbued with Stalinist ideology. She gave a lecture during which she was booed by some because she mentioned Trotsky and it was inconceivable to say anything positive about Trotsky in an assembly of cadres of the Workers’ Party of Belgium. While she was in Brussels, she contacted me because she really wanted to meet Ernest Mandel. We went together. It lasted for two and half or three hours in his house in Schaerbeek. It was one year after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Cuba, which had depended to a large extent on its economic exchanges with the USSR, was experiencing a severe economic crisis. The island’s authorities responded by declaring a special period. Given the effects of the dismantling of the Soviet Union, economic relations between Cuba and Moscow had fallen sharply, particularly those involving the supply of oil. The economic situation in Cuba was extremely difficult, and there were major concerns about the collapse of the Soviet Union. Marta Harnecker told Mandel, “Listen, Comrade Ernest, we would really like to know how you explain the collapse of the USSR. You are one of the few people able to formulate a coherent explanation whom Fidel Castro would listen to. If you agree,” she said, ” on my return to Cuba I could try and persuade Fidel Castro to invite you to Cuba to present your analysis of the end of the Soviet Union”. We thoroughly discussed the reasons for the collapse and what had been the nature of the Soviet Union, what sort of projects were perestroika and glasnost, how to analyse Gorbachev’s policies, the attempt at self-reform of the Soviet bureaucracy that had ultimately led to the implosion of the Soviet Union. Did this mean victory for the restoration of capitalism, which was under way, with privatizations and shock therapy applied to the various republics that had emerged from the Soviet Union? The discussion was constructive. But Ernest said to Marta: “Look, I’ve been to Cuba twice, I’m in complete solidarity with Cuba over the American embargo, but I’m convinced that Fidel Castro won’t want to see me, he won’t want to have a real debate. In 1964 and 1967 I noticed that even though I was invited with his agreement it was out of the question for Fidel Castro to meet me and have a discussion that would include both an internal and an external dimension. So you can try and persuade him, but there is practically no chance that Fidel would wish to meet me.” To the end of his life, Ernest Mandel expressed his support for the Cuban people against the US embargo, he hailed Fidel Castro’s initiative to call for Third World countries not to pay their external debt and he was willing to debate and develop his views on the critical revolution. If he had met Fidel Castro, if there had been a public debate, he would no doubt have mentioned socialist democracy as a sine qua non condition for a transition towards socialism.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Conclusions</span></strong></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">– Ernest Mandel was quick to understand the significance of the Cuban revolution and expressed solidarity with Cuba throughout his life.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">– He supported Che Guevara’s positions in the Great Economic Debate on which policy to choose for a transition towards socialism as early as the last quarter of 1963, when he heard about the positions Che had publicly voiced a few months earlier.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">– Che Guevara and the leaders who shared his views, such as the Minister of Finance, Luis Álvarez Rom, invited Ernest Mandel to Cuba where he tried to help reinforce their positions in dealing with those supporting the policies implemented in the Soviet Bloc while distancing himself from the positions of the Yugoslav leaders (whom Stalin had excommunicated starting from 1948).</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">– In each of his contributions, Mandel tried to introduce into the debate the issues of socialist democracy, of workers’ and the people’s direct participation in the decision-making process. He very clearly insisted on the vital need to give priority to the people making decisions. On this score, while aware of the problems resulting from the absence of workers’ participation, Che did not share the point of view of Mandel and the Fourth International. Yet in his long letter to Fidel dated 26 March 1965, when he left the Cuban government, Che wrote: “How to involve the workers is a question I have not been able to answer. I consider this as my greatest obstacle or my greatest failure and it is one of the things to think about because in it is also involved the problem of the Party and the State, of the relations between the party and the state.”<a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn33" name="_ftnref33" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[33]</a> Later in 1966, when Che Guevara wrote the critical notes in the margin of the Soviet Manual during his stay in Prague, he stated that it was up to the people, the masses, to decide the priorities of the plan.<a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn34" name="_ftnref34" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[34]</a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">– In later years Mandel never stopped giving this issue central significance through texts, speeches, debates and resolutions at world congresses. To mention only two instances, in his 1970 anthology Contrôle ouvrier, conseils ouvriers, autogestion (Workers’ control, workers’ councils and self-management) and his contribution to a text on the Dictatorship of the Proletariat and Socialist Democracy, in which he wrote “A living pluralist and socialist democracy, the free confrontation of choices among various priorities, independence of political and social organizations from the state apparatus, are not some luxury for rich countries which poor countries ought to do without until better times. In any socialist revolution they are a functional demand, in order to overcome the contradictions of the economy, to reduce disproportions, to rein in injustices, to find in collective consciousness ways to defeat obstacles. Human civic and social rights, State of Law, unrestricted political democracy, democracy of associated producers, democratically centralized planning, necessary but limited use of market mechanisms, and self-management necessarily complement each other in the construction of a socialist society. Only one missing link can pervert the whole.” (Manifesto adopted by the 13<sup style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 0.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">th</sup> World Congress of the Fourth International in February 1991. Special leaflet Fourth International, Paris, 1993).</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">– Beyond the positions supported in the Great Debate and the deep convergences between Che Guevara and Ernest Mandel in this context, we can add other points of agreement:</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">– The need for public debate on issues that call for choices.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">– The need to extend revolution to as many countries as possible – one of Che Guevara’s leitmotivs – with the prospect of creating one, two, three, four, five Vietnams and of developing Internationalism. It was also vital for Mandel and the Fourth International.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">– Che Guevara’s refusal to use repression against ideas within the Left (which led to him to free Cuban Trotskyist activist members of POR-T in March 1965 before he left for the Congo).</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">– The need to use armed struggle in a revolutionary strategy to extend socialist revolution. In this respect, as early as 1964, Ernest Mandel had been granted his request that Bolivian Trotskyist activists receive a military training in Cuba<a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn35" name="_ftnref35" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[35]</a>. Unfortunately in 1967, while some of them had been trained in Cuba, they could not join the guerilla group led by Che Guevara. The reasons for their being stopped have not been made clear. It should be mentioned that Ernest Mandel did not support a militarist version of armed struggle strategy. This is evidenced by the break between the Fourth International and the PRT-ERP in Argentina in 1973.<a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftn36" name="_ftnref36" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[36]</a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">– We should also mention that there were significant differences of appreciation between Ernesto Che Guevara and Ernest Mandel about the possibilities of revolutionary struggle in industrialized countries. In the notes he drafted in Prague in 1966 back from the Congo and before sneaking back to Cuba to get ready for Bolivia, Ernesto Che Guevara mentioned more than once that he did not think the working class in industrialized countries was ready for radical struggles while Ernest Mandel and the Fourth International were convinced of the anti-capitalist potential of the working class in countries of the North and in the three sectors of the world revolution. If Ernesto Che Guevara had not been assassinated in October 1967 and had witnessed the impressive rise of students’ and workers’ struggles in Europe from 1968 onward and in the first half of the 1970s, he might have revised the opinion expressed in 1966-1967.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The author is grateful to Rafael Acosta, Eric Corijn, Christian Dubucq, Michaël Löwy, Maxime Perriot, Claude Quémar, Pierre Salama, Catherine Samary and Patrick Saurin for reading this text through. He is also grateful to Christian Dubucq, Sushovan Dhar and Vicki Briault for their help in checking sources. Bibliography</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Aurelio Alonso, « Discutirla, con veneración e irreverencia, a propósito de la carta de Che Guevara a Fidel del 26/03/1965 », La Tizza, publicado el </span><a href="https://medium.com/la-tiza/discutirla-con-veneraci%C3%B3n-e-irreverencia-9d5b8c4914f0" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://medium.com/la-tiza/discutirla-con-veneraci%C3%B3n-e-irreverencia-9d5b8c4914f0</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Rafael Acosta de Arriba, “El final del trotskismo organizado en Cuba. Parte 1” publicado el 13 Abril 2023, </span><a href="https://revistacomun.com/blog/el-final-del-trotskismo-organizado-en-cuba-parte-1/" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://revistacomun.com/blog/el-final-del-trotskismo-organizado-en-cuba-parte-1/</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> “El final del trotskismo organizado en Cuba. Parte 2, publicado el 14 Abril 2023, </span><a href="https://revistacomun.com/blog/el-final-del-trotskismo-organizado-en-cuba-parte-2/" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://revistacomun.com/blog/el-final-del-trotskismo-organizado-en-cuba-parte-2/</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Rafael Acosta de Arriba, « La fin du trotskisme organisé à Cuba », Revue Contretemps n° 34, Paris, juillet 2017</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Carlos Alzugaray, « 1968 : una mirada retrospectiva ». In : Rafael HERNÁNDEZ (mod.). Temas, La Habana, N° 53, 28 de febrero de 2008 : 92-109.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">María del Carmen Ariet García, “Che Guevara: Una carta singular”, publicado por Cubadebate el 14/06/2019, </span><a href="http://www.cubadebate.cu/especiales/2019/06/14/che-guevara-una-carta-singular/#.XRy8S48pDIU" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">http://www.cubadebate.cu/especiales/2019/06/14/che-guevara-una-carta-singular/#.XRy8S48pDIU</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Charles Bettelheim, Planification et croissance accélérée, Éditions Maspero, Paris, 1967.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Charles Bettelheim « Formes et méthodes de la planification socialiste et niveau de développement des forces productives » in La transition vers l’économie socialiste. Éditions Maspero, Paris, 1968.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Charles Bettelheim, Calcul économique et formes de propriété, Éditions Maspero, Paris, 1970.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Fidel Castro, Version intégrale du discours de Fidel Castro, le 26 mars 1962, in Œuvre révolutionnaire, n° 10, La Havane, 1962</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Fidel Castro, Discurso pronunciado por el comandante Fidel Castro Ruz, Primer Secretario del Comité Central del Partido Comunista de Cuba y Primer Ministro del gobierno revolucionario, en el acto conmemorativo del XI aniversario de la acción del 13 de marzo de 1957, efectuado en la escalinata de la universidad de La Habana, La Habana, 13 de marzo de 1968. Disponible en ligne : </span><a href="http://www.cuba.cu/gobierno/discursos/1968/esp/f130368e.html" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">http://www.cuba.cu/gobierno/discursos/1968/esp/f130368e.html</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">>.</span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Jean-Luc Dallemagne, « Charles Bettelheim ou l’identification des contraires », Critiques de l’Économie Politique, n° 7-8, avril-septembre 1972, Paris</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">René Dumont, Cuba, socialisme et développement, Paris, Seuil, 1964</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">René Dumont, Cuba est-il socialiste ? Paris, Seuil, 1970</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Samuel Farber, Che Guevara, Ombres et lumières d’un révolutionnaire, Ed. Syllepse, 2017 </span><a href="https://www.syllepse.net/che-guevara-_r_76_i_698.html" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://www.syllepse.net/che-guevara-_r_76_i_698.html</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Samuel Farber, Cuba Since the Revolution of 1959: A Critical Assessment, Haymarket Book, 2011</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Ernesto Che Guevara, « Le socialisme et l’Homme à Cuba ». Dans Löwy, Michael. Ernesto Guevara : écrits d’un révolutionnaire. Ed. La Brèche, Paris, 1987</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Ernesto Che Guevara, Apuntes criticos a la economia politica, Editorial Ciencias Sociales, Centro de Estudios Che Guevara, Ocean Press, La Havane, 2006, 397 pages.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Ernesto Che Guevara, discours d’Alger, février 1965, Œuvres II, Textes politiques, Edit. Maspero, Paris, 1968</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Ernesto Che Guevara, El Gran Debate sobre la economía en Cuba (1963-1964), Centro de Estudios Che Guevara, Ocean Press, 2006, 428 pages.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Ernesto Che Guevara, « La otra carta de despedida del Che a Fidel » firmada el 26/03/1965 publicada el 28/06/2019 por La Tizza Cuba </span><a href="https://medium.com/la-tiza/la-otra-carta-de-despedida-del-che-a-fidel-d3a61b0443b" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://medium.com/la-tiza/la-otra-carta-de-despedida-del-che-a-fidel-d3a61b0443b</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><u style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Sergio De Santis Il Dibattito sulla gestione socialista a Cuba</span><span style="color: #666666;">, </span></u><span style="color: #666666;">Critica Marxista n.° 5/6, sept.-dec. 1965, pp. 285-327</span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Janette Habel, Ruptures à Cuba, le Castrisme en crise, La Brèche, Paris, 1989.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Janette Habel, « Quel socialisme et quelle démocratie pour Cuba ? », interview publiée le 20 juillet 2022, </span><a href="https://lecourrierdumonde.com/index.php/2022/07/20/entrevue-janette-habel-quel-socialisme-et-quelle-democratie-pour-cuba/" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://lecourrierdumonde.com/index.php/2022/07/20/entrevue-janette-habel-quel-socialisme-et-quelle-democratie-pour-cuba/</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Janette Habel, « El Gran Debate Cubano 1963-1965» Jacobin América latina, Jacobin Revista, Nùméro 5, Argentina, 2022, p. 56 – 65</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Janette Habel – Michaël Löwy, « Che Guevara: pensar en tiempos de revolución », La Tizza Cuba, publié le 10 juillet 2023, </span><a href="https://medium.com/la-tiza/che-guevara-pensar-en-tiempos-de-revoluci%C3%B3n-b4ccc585bc53" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://medium.com/la-tiza/che-guevara-pensar-en-tiempos-de-revoluci%C3%B3n-b4ccc585bc53</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> Janette Habel et Michael Löwy, « Ernesto Che Guevara : penser en temps de révolution. Contre l’approche biaisée de Samuel Farber », Revue Contretemps n° 58, juillet 2023.</span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Celia Hart Santamaria, Escritos politicos 2003-2008, Ediciones de la Presidencia de la Républica, Caracas, 2009.</span></strong></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">Rafael </strong><span style="color: #666666;">Hernández, «El año rojo. Política, sociedad y cultura en 1968», Revista de Estudios Sociales [En línea], 33 | Agosto 2009, Publicado el 01 agosto 2009, consultado el 15 agosto 2023. URL: </span><a href="http://journals.openedition.org/revestudsoc/15591" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">http://journals.openedition.org/revestudsoc/15591</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Jérôme Leleu, « Charles Bettelheim et la Révolution cubaine (1960-1971) », RITA, N°6 : février 2013, (en ligne), mis en ligne le 28 février 2013. Disponible en ligne</span><a href="http://www.revue-rita.com/notes-de-recherche6/jerome-leleu.html" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666;"> </span><span style="color: #2b00fe;">http://www.revue-rita.com/notes-de-recherche6/jerome-leleu.html</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Michaël Löwy, La pensée du Che, Edit. Maspero, Paris, 1970</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Michaël Löwy, Le Marxisme en Amérique latine, Anthologie, Edit. Maspero, Paris, 1980, 446 pages.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Michael Löwy et al, Socialismo para armar. Documentos urgentes de la historia contemporánea, Hijos Red Mundial, Colección Socialismo y Libertad, Libro 68, 2016, </span><a href="https://elsudamericano.wordpress.com/2016/07/28/socialismo-para-armar/" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://elsudamericano.wordpress.com/2016/07/28/socialismo-para-armar/</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Michaël Löwy, Le Marxisme en Amérique latine, Anthologie, Edit. Maspero, Paris, 1980</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Michaël Löwy, El Marxismo en América Latina, LOM, Santiago de Chile, 2007, 586 paginas ISBN: 9789562828789, </span><a href="https://lom.cl/products/el-marxismo-en-america-latina" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://lom.cl/products/el-marxismo-en-america-latina</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Livio Maïtan, « La Quatrième Internationale, la révolution cubaine et Che Guevara », Revue Inprecor, n° 417, octobre 1997, p. 6 à 8</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Ernest Mandel (as Ernest Germain), “The Law of Value in Relation to Self-Management and Investment in the Economy of the Workers’ States, Some remarks on the discussion in Cuba”, </span><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">World Outlook</strong><span style="color: #666666;">, No.14, 1963, </span><a href="https://www.ernestmandel.org/en/works/txt/1963/law_of_value.htm" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://www.ernestmandel.org/en/works/txt/1963/law_of_value.htm</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Ernest Mandel, “Mercantile Categories in the Period of Transition” (1964)</span><span style="color: #2b00fe;"> <a href="https://www.iire.org/node/1024" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">https://www.iire.org/node/1024</a></span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Ernest Mandel, “The OLAS Conference and the “Principles” of Paul-Henri Spaak” (October 1967) </span><a href="https://www.marxists.org/archive/mandel/1968/10/olas.htm" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://www.marxists.org/archive/mandel/1968/10/olas.htm</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Ernest Mandel, Sur la période de transition – Cuba, 1963-1964 : le Grand débat économique – publié d’abord par la Revue Partisan en 1967. </span><a href="http://www.ernestmandel.org/new/ecrits/article/le-grand-debat-economique-cuba" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">http://www.ernestmandel.org/new/ecrits/article/le-grand-debat-economique-cuba</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Ernest Mandel, « L’exemple de « Che » Guevara inspirera des millions de militants de par le monde », Éditorial de La Gauche n°39, 21 octobre 1967</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Ernest Mandel (1968), Marxist Economic Theory (New York: Monthly Review Press). Translated by Brian Pearce. Originally Traité d´économie marxiste (Paris: Julliard, 1962).</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Ernest Mandel (as Ernest Germain), “Anibal Escalante, Mike Banda and Whitewash for the Kremlin” (April 1968) </span><a href="https://www.marxists.org/archive/mandel/1968/04/escalante.htm" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://www.marxists.org/archive/mandel/1968/04/escalante.htm</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Ernest Mandel, “Economics of the Transition Period” (1968) </span><a href="https://www.marxists.org/archive/mandel/1968/xx/econtransper.html" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://www.marxists.org/archive/mandel/1968/xx/econtransper.html</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Ernest Mandel, Tratado de Economía Marxista (2 t.), colección Polémica, Instituto del Libro, La Habana, 1969.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Ernest Mandel, “Ten Theses on the Social and Economic Laws Governing the Society Transitional, Between Capitalism and Socialism” (1973) </span><a href="https://www.marxists.org/archive/mandel/1973/xx/10theses.htm" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://www.marxists.org/archive/mandel/1973/xx/10theses.htm</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Ernest Mandel, « La teoria marxiana de la acumulación primitiva y la industrialización del Tercer Mundo », Revista Pensamiento Critico, La Habana, n°36, Enero 1970, La Habana, pp. 115-131.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Ernest Mandel, « Au nom du Che », 1er décembre 1989, </span><a href="https://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article67378" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article67378</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Ernest Mandel, « Démocratie socialiste contre le « socialisme de marché » », Revue Quatrième Internationale, septembre 1987</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Ernest Mandel, « Les catégories marchandes en URSS », Quatrième Internationale, avril 1987</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Fernando Martínez Heredia et Éric Toussaint, « Du 19e au 21e siècle : une mise en perspective historique de la Révolution cubaine » (Interview réalisée en 1998) </span><a href="https://www.cadtm.org/Du-19e-au-21e-siecle-une-mise-en" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://www.cadtm.org/Du-19e-au-21e-siecle-une-mise-en</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Fernando Martínez Heredia, El Che y el Socialismo, Ediciones Casa de las Americas, La Habana, 1989</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Carmelo Mesa-Lago, “Le débat socialiste sur les stimulants économiques et moraux à Cuba”, Revue Persée, Année 1971, pp. 434-455 </span><a href="https://www.persee.fr/doc/ahess_0395-2649_1971_num_26_2_422368" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://www.persee.fr/doc/ahess_0395-2649_1971_num_26_2_422368</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Carlos Rafael Rodríguez, « Sobre la contribucion del Che al desarrollo de la economia cubana », Revista Cuba Socialista, año 8, n°33, mayo-junio 1988, pp. 1-29.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Catherine Samary, Plan, Market and </span><a href="https://fileserver.iire.org/nsr/NSR7.pdf" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">PLan, Market & Democracy</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">. The experience of so-called socialist countries, IIRE, 1988</span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Catherine Samary, Le marché contre l’autogestion. L’expérience yougoslave. Préface Ernest Mandel. Publisud/La Brèche, 1988</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Catherine Samary, « 1968: The Yugoslav self-management system at the crossroad. A ‘concrete utopia’ revisited in 2018 ». Pdf </span><a href="https://zdjp.si/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/AH_27-2019-1_SAMARY.pdf" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666;"> </span><span style="color: #2b00fe;">in Acta Histria</span><span style="color: #666666;"> </span></a><span style="color: #666666;">27, 2019, 1 pp. 163-186, Capodistria (Slovénie/Italie).</span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Catherine Samary, (co-edit Fred Leplat), Decolonial communism, Democracy & the Commons,</span><a href="https://www.iire.org/node/864" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666;"> </span><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Decolonial Commmunism, Democracy & the Commons</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">, Resistance Book, Merlin Press, and IIRE, 2019</span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Catherine Samary, Partisan Ruptures, Self-Managment, Market Reform and the Spectre of Socialist Yugoslavia, London, Pluto Press, 2019</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Jan Willem Stutje, Ernest Mandel A Rebel’s Dream Deferred, Verso, London-New York, 2009 [2007], 392 pages.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Paul Sweezy, Charles Bettelheim, Lettres sur quelques problèmes actuels du socialisme, Petite collection Maspero, Paris, 1970, 65 pages. In English : On the Transition to Socialism (1971) – </span><a href="http://www.marx2mao.com/PDFs/OTTS71.pdf" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">http://www.marx2mao.com/PDFs/OTTS71.pdf</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Carlos Tablada, Che Guevara : L’économie et la politique dans la transition au socialisme, Pathfinder, New York, 1992.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Paco Ignacio Taibo II, Ernesto Guevara también conocido como El Che, Editorial Planeta, Mexico, 1997, 850 pages</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Éric Toussaint, « Retour sur des révolutionnaires “ oubliés ” de l’histoire. Les trotskistes cubains des années 1930 à 1959 », 2000, </span><a href="https://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article29792" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article29792</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Éric Toussaint, « Idalberto Ferrera Acosta (1918-2013), militant cubain », published by Europe solidaire sans frontière, 24/07/2013, </span><a href="https://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article29791" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article29791</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Éric Toussaint, “Lenin and Trotsky confronting the bureaucracy – Russian revolution and transitional societies” published by Europe Solidaire Sans Frontières, 21 January 2017, <a href="https://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article37717" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">https://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article37717</a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Éric Toussaint, Yannick Bovy (sous la direction de), Cuba : Le pas suspendu de la révolution – Approche critique de la réalité cubaine, Éditions du Cerisier, Cuesmes-Mons, 396 pages (2001). With contributions from Abel Prieto, Silvio Rodriguez, Julio Carranza Valdés, Haroldo Dilla Alfonso, Mayra Espina Prieto, Julio Fernandez Bulté, Janette Habel, Maria López Vigil, Osvaldo Martínez, Fernando Martínez Heredia, Mirta Rodriguez Calderon, Maya Roy, Manuel Vázquez Montalbán, Aurelio Alonso Tejada.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">See review : </span><a href="https://www.persee.fr/doc/rint_0294-3069_2001_num_65_3_926_t18_0188_0000_1" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://www.persee.fr/doc/rint_0294-3069_2001_num_65_3_926_t18_0188_0000_1</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Éric Toussaint entrevistado por Wilder Pérez Varona, “La lección de la Unión Soviética es que la burocracia elige la restauración capitalista” publicado por La Tizza Cuba el 29 mayo 2019, </span><a href="https://medium.com/la-tiza/la-lecci%C3%B3n-de-la-uni%C3%B3n-sovi%C3%A9tica-es-que-la-burocracia-elige-la-restauraci%C3%B3n-capitalista-be801bb25126" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://medium.com/la-tiza/la-lecci%C3%B3n-de-la-uni%C3%B3n-sovi%C3%A9tica-es-que-la-burocracia-elige-la-restauraci%C3%B3n-capitalista-be801bb25126</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Éric Toussaint, “A Personal Testimony to Ernest Mandel (1923-1995), a revolutionary and internationalist activist; both in thought and action” published by Europe Solidaire Sans Frontières on 20 July 2023 </span><a href="https://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article67712" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article67712</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> ; Also published by International Viewpoint on 10 Aug 2023:</span><span style="color: #2b00fe;"> <a href="https://internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article8202" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">https://internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article8202</a></span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Léon Trotsky, Écrits 1928-1940, Tome I, Librairie Marcel Rivière, Paris, 1955</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Léon Trotsky, “Stalin as a Theoretician” (March 1930) </span><a href="https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1930/03/stalin.htm" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1930/03/stalin.htm</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Léon Trotsky, “The Soviet Economy in Danger” (October 1932)</span><span style="color: #2b00fe;"> <a href="https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1932/10/sovecon.htm" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1932/10/sovecon.htm</a></span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Léon Trotsky (1936), The Revolution Betrayed, What is the Soviet Union and Where is it Going? </span><a href="https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1936/revbet/" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1936/revbet/</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Notes.</span></strong></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[1]</a><span style="color: #666666;"> It was published in English in 1968: Ernest Mandel (1968), Marxist Economic Theory (New York: Monthly Review Press). Translated by Brian Pearce. Originally Traité d´économie marxiste (Paris: Julliard, 1962). In audio: </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_wbOcVkwgck" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_wbOcVkwgck</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[2]</a> Che understood and spoke French.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[3]</a><span style="color: #666666;"> Ernest Mandel used several pen names: Ernest Germain, Henri Valin, Pierre Gousset and, in the Fourth International, he was called Walter. See </span><a href="https://maitron.fr/spip.php?article89557" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://maitron.fr/spip.php?article89557</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> (in French).</span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[4]</a> Ernesto Che Guevara criticized those manuals on several occasions during the Great Debate of 1963-1964. And after he left Cuba, while he was staying in Tanzania and in Prague in 1966, he drafted a systematic critique of Political Economy. A Textbook issued by the Academy of Sciences of the USSR in 1954 [English edition 1957]. Che Guevara’s notes were published at La Havana in 2006. See Ernesto Che <strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">Guevara</strong>, Apuntes criticos a la economia politica, Editorial Ciencias Sociales, Centro de Estudios Che Guevara, Ocean Press, La Havana, 2006, 397 pages.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[5]</a> See Alberto Mora, “En torno a la cuestión del funcionamiento de la ley del valor en la economía cubana en los actuales momentos”, (Concerning the issue of how the law of value functions in the Cuban economy today), an article published in the journal of the Ministry of Industry, Nuestra Industría, Révista Económica, year 1, n°3, October 1963, pp. 10-20. Stalin’s phrase quoted by Mandel comes from this article by Alberto Mora.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[6]</a> Elsewhere, earlier in the article, Mandel discussed this question: “It is necessary to carry out strict calculations of production costs to show in the case of each commodity whether its production has been subsidized or not. But nothing calls for the conclusion that prices must be ‘determined by the law of value’, that is, by the law of supply and demand. If such a conclusion still has some meaning with regard to the means of consumption, it is senseless for the means of production which, we repeat, are not commodities, at least in the great majority of cases. And even means of production which are still commodities – those produced by the private or co-operative sector for the delivery to the State, and which the State furnishes to private enterprises or co-operatives – cannot be ‘sold at their value’ without encouraging under certain conditions private primitive accumulation at the expense of Socialist accumulation.”</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[7]</a><span style="color: #666666;"> For more on the conditions under which Yugoslavia adopted self-management, see Catherine Samary, Decolonial Communism, Democracy and the Commons – Resistance Books, London, 2018, </span><a href="https://resistancebooks.org/product/decolonial-communism-democracy-and-the-commons/" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://resistancebooks.org/product/decolonial-communism-democracy-and-the-commons/</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> Catherine Samary, Plan, Market and Democracy, The experience of the so-called socialist countries, IIRE, Amsterdam, 1988, </span><a href="https://fileserver.iire.org/nsr/NSR7.pdf" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">https://fileserver.iire.org/nsr/NSR7.pdf</a><span style="color: #666666;"> Catherine Samary, “In the name of the Communist ideal” in Le Monde Diplomatique, English edition, May 2020 ; translated from the French : « Quand les peuples de l’Est luttaient au nom de l’idéal communiste » Le Monde Diplomatique, March 2020.</span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[8]</a><span style="color: #666666;"> In English, Ernest Germain, “Soviet Management Reform”, International Socialist Review, Vol.26, n°3, Summer 1965, pp.77-82. </span><a href="https://www.marxists.org/archive/mandel/1965/03/sovreform.htm" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://www.marxists.org/archive/mandel/1965/03/sovreform.htm</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[9]</a>Leon Trotsky: The Soviet Economy in Danger. In English, in a different translation, see The Soviet Economy in Danger in Militant, 12 November 1932-7 January 1933.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref10" name="_ftn10" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[10]</a> See Jan Willem Stutje, Ernest Mandel A Rebel’s Dream Deferred, Verso, London/New York: 2009, 392 pages, p.151</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref11" name="_ftn11" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[11]</a> Blas Roca, Balance de la labor del Partido desde la última Asamblea Nacional y el desarrollo de la revolución, La Habana: 1960, pp. 87–88. Cited by Michael Löwy in “La revolución permanente en América Latina”, (Permanent Revolution in Latin America), in: Michael Löwy et al, Socialismo para armar. Documentos urgentes de la historia contemporánea, Hijos Red Mundial, Colección Socialismo y Libertad, Libro 68, 2016, p. 19. Translation CADTM.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref12" name="_ftn12" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[12]</a> Ernesto Che Guevara, Apuntes criticos a la economia politica, Editorial Ciencias Sociales, Centro de Estudios Che Guevara, Ocean Press, Havana, 2006, 397 pages. P. 285. (Translation CADTM).</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref13" name="_ftn13" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[13]</a> Bettelheim wrote: “Rosa Luxemburg, [who] in a ‘leftist’ perspective felt that in a socialist society there are no economic laws and that political economy therefore becomes inapplicable…” To bolster his argument, he cites an excerpt of a text where Luxemburg states: “… political economy as a science has played out its role as soon as the anarchic economy of capitalism makes way for a planned economic order, consciously organized and managed by the whole of working society. The victory of the modern working class and the realization of socialism accordingly mean the end of political economy as a science.” (The Complete Works of Rosa Luxemburg, Vol. 1, Economic Writings 1 [Peter Hudis, ed.], London: Verso, 2013). However, contrary to what Bettelheim claims, nowhere in that citation is it stated that in Socialism there are no longer any economic laws. And further, Luxemburg is speaking of the end of political economy once Socialism has come about; she is not speaking of society in transition towards Socialism. There is no doubt that the Stalinist economists were endeavouring to denigrate Rosa Luxemburg.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref14" name="_ftn14" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[14]</a> In Che Guevara “Sobre el sistema presupuestario de financiamiento” (On the budgetary finance system), published in February 1964 and as “La planificación socialista, su significado” (Socialist planning, what it means), in June 1964.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref15" name="_ftn15" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[15]</a> Ernest Mandel quoted by Janette Habel, in « El Gran Debate Cubano 1963-1965» Jacobin América latina, Jacobin Revista, Nùméro 5, Argentina, 2022, p. 58-59</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref16" name="_ftn16" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[16]</a> Ernest Mandel, Interview “L’économie de transition et l’homme nouveau,” transcript of a speech recorded in 1965 cited by Janette Habel, in « El Gran Debate Cubano 1963-1965» Jacobin América latina, Jacobin Revista, Nùméro 5, Argentina, 2022, p. 56–65. (Translation CADTM).</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref17" name="_ftn17" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[17]</a> Ernesto Che Guevara, Écrits d’un révolutionnaire Ed. La Brèche, Paris, 1987. Translation CADTM.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref18" name="_ftn18" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[18]</a><span style="color: #666666;"> In his debate with </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Sweezy" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Paul Sweezy</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> (1910–2004) and the Monthly Review following the invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968 by Warsaw Pact troops, Bettelheim wrote “the fact is that the proletariat (Soviet or Czech) has lost its power to a new bourgeoisie, with the result that the revisionist leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union is today the instrument of this new bourgeoisie.” In the same article Bettelheim says that the 20</span><sup style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; line-height: 0.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">th</sup><span style="color: #666666;"> Congress of the CPSU (which was held in 1956 and is considered the congress of de-Stalinisation) marked the arrival to power of that new bourgeoisie and the abandonment of the proletarian line that was predominant in the previous period. Bettelheim’s taking this position justifies the use of the epithet “Stalinist” in referring to him, because at that time he still considered that under Stalin the proletariat was in power. As noted by Jérôme Leleu in the following note, Bettelheim changed his position in the early 1980s. Further, in his exchanges with Sweezy, Bettelheim criticizes the “obscurantism” (sic!) of the positions developed by Fidel Castro and Che Guevara, saying that there are real problems behind their rejection of the market. Bettelheim considers, as did the various categories of Stalinists and sectarian leftists, that the Cuban leadership stemming from the 26 of July Movement was petit-bourgeois. Samuel Farber used that same characterization in the 2000s in several writings describing the PSP as “proletarian” and the 26 July Movement as “downgraded and petit bourgeois,” or even “Bohemian” in the case of Che Guevara. See the very fair critique made by Janette Habel and Michael Löwy, “Ernesto Che Guevara: penser en temps de révolution. Contre l’approche biaisée de Samuel Farber,” Contretemps No 58, July 2023 (in French).</span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref19" name="_ftn19" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[19]</a> According to Jérôme Leleu: “Charles Bettelheim’s thought was extremely variable throughout his life. A theoretician of planning and development strategies from the time of his doctoral thesis in 1939, he was later, in particular in the 1960s, to theorize the law of correspondence between production relations and the nature of the productive forces at a time when he was taking a particular interest in the transition towards Socialism. Starting in the late 1960s and during the 1970s, he would refute his earlier theses on the primacy of the productive forces to gradually promote the role of the Political, Ideology and the Party during the period of transition to Socialism in a Leninist perspective, encouraged by his infatuation with Maoism and the Chinese revolutionary experience.” Leleu adds: “During the 1980s, he again refuted his earlier vision by qualifying Leninism, and by demonstrating in the last volume of his Class Struggles in the USSR that the Russian Revolution had only led to a ‘new type’ of Capitalism (Bettelheim, 1982) and that the takeover of power by the Bolsheviks in 1917 was carried out by an intelligentsia who smothered the aspirations of the Russian population as a whole.” (Translation CADTM).</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref20" name="_ftn20" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[20]</a> A few years later, in 1968–1969, in the public exchange of letters with Paul Sweezy of Monthly Review mentioned above, Bettelheim states that the plan “must be developed and implemented by the base at the initiative of the masses.” During the same period, he took as his model of the transition to Socialism what was happening in China, which clearly shows the limits of Bettelheim’s vision regarding the initiative of the masses and their actual intervention in decision-making.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref21" name="_ftn21" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[21]</a><span style="color: #666666;"> I dealt with Lenin’s positions on these questions in “Lenin and Trotsky confronting the bureaucracy – Russian revolution and transitional societies” published by Europe Solidaire Sans Frontières, 21 January 2017, </span><a href="https://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article37717" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article37717</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref22" name="_ftn22" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[22]</a><span style="color: #666666;"> Guevara Ernesto Che, “La otra carta de despedida del Che a Fidel” firmada el 26/03/1965 publicada el 28/06/2019 por La Tizza Cuba </span><a href="https://medium.com/la-tiza/la-otra-carta-de-despedida-del-che-a-fidel-d3a61b0443b" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://medium.com/la-tiza/la-otra-carta-de-despedida-del-che-a-fidel-d3a61b0443b</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref23" name="_ftn23" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[23]</a> In June 1964, Marcelo Fernández Font replaced Alberto Mora as Minister of Foreign Trade. Alberto Mora became a collaborator of Che Guevara in the Ministry of Industry.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref24" name="_ftn24" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[24]</a> Marcelo Fernández Font, “Desarrollo y funciones de la banca socialista en Cuba” (Development and functions of the Socialist bank in Cuba), Revista Cuba socialista, year 4, n°30, February 1964, 32-50.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref25" name="_ftn25" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[25]</a> Che Guevara supported the same position on banks and loans in Apuntes (already quoted) La Havane, 2006, 174-178.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref26" name="_ftn26" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[26]</a> Alberto Mora, “En torno a la cuestión del funcionamiento de la ley del valor en la economía cubana en los actuales momentos”, Revista Comercio exterior, n°3, June 1963.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref27" name="_ftn27" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[27]</a> Jan Willem Stutje, Ernest Mandel A Rebel’s Dream Deferred, p. 154.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref28" name="_ftn28" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[28]</a><span style="color: #666666;"> Ernesto Che Guevara, “La otra carta de despedida del Che a Fidel” (The other farewell letter from Che to Fidel) dated 26/03/1965, published on 28/06/2019 on the Cuban website La Tizza Cuba </span><a href="https://medium.com/la-tiza/la-otra-carta-de-despedida-del-che-a-fidel-d3a61b0443b" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://medium.com/la-tiza/la-otra-carta-de-despedida-del-che-a-fidel-d3a61b0443b</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> (in Spanish). In English, see https://revolutionarystrategicstudies.wordpress.com/2019/07/15/the-other-farewell-letter-from-ernesto-che-guevara-to-fidel-castro-is-published/</span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref29" name="_ftn29" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[29]</a> “¿Cómo hacer participar a los trabajadores? Esta es una pregunta que no he podido responder. Considero que este es mi mayor fracaso, y es una de las cosas sobre las que hay que reflexionar, porque implica igualmente el problema del partido y el Estado, las relaciones entre el partido y el Estado”.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref30" name="_ftn30" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[30]</a><span style="color: #666666;"> </span><a href="http://www.ernestmandel.org/new/ecrits/article/l-exemple-de-che-guevara-inspirera" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">http://www.ernestmandel.org/new/ecrits/article/l-exemple-de-che-guevara-inspirera</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref31" name="_ftn31" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[31]</a><span style="color: #666666;"> See Ernest Mandel</span><strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">,</strong><span style="color: #666666;"> “Au nom du Che” (In the name of Che), 1December 1989, </span><span style="color: #2b00fe;"><a href="https://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article67378" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">https://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article67378</a> </span><span style="color: #666666;">(in French) In Spanish: </span><a href="https://rebelion.org/en-nombre-de-che-guevara/" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://rebelion.org/en-nombre-de-che-guevara/</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref32" name="_ftn32" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[32]</a><span style="color: #666666;"> Marta Harnecker, Les concepts élémentaires du matérialisme historique, Paris, (Introduction to Elementary Concepts of Historical Materialism) L’Harmattan, 1985 [1969], 365 pages. In English, see </span><span style="color: #2b00fe;"><a href="https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/theoretical-review/tr-7-1.pdf" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/theoretical-review/tr-7-1.pdf</a> </span><span style="color: #666666;"> (pp. 21-29).</span></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref33" name="_ftn33" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; color: #666666; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[33]</a><span style="color: #666666;"> See </span><a href="https://chicagoalbasolidarity.org/2023/07/14/the-other-farewell-letter-from-che-guevara-to-fidel-castro/" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://chicagoalbasolidarity.org/2023/07/14/the-other-farewell-letter-from-che-guevara-to-fidel-castro/</span></a></span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref34" name="_ftn34" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[34]</a> Ernesto Che <strong style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">Guevara</strong>, Apuntes criticos a la economia politica, Editorial Ciencias Sociales, Centro de Estudios Che Guevara, Ocean Press, La Havana, 2006, 397 pages.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref35" name="_ftn35" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[35]</a> Ernest Mandel refers to this in internal letters within the Fourth International he had sent from Cuba. See Ernest Mandel’s archives at the International Institute for Social History in Amsterdam.</span></p><p style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px 0px 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="applewebdata://6330E353-BCB4-4C9B-9676-BB2F90BF55D6#_ftnref36" name="_ftn36" style="--tw-border-spacing-x: 0; --tw-border-spacing-y: 0; --tw-ring-color: rgb(59 130 246 / 0.5); --tw-ring-offset-color: #fff; --tw-ring-offset-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-ring-offset-width: 0px; --tw-ring-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-rotate: 0; --tw-scale-x: 1; --tw-scale-y: 1; --tw-scroll-snap-strictness: proximity; --tw-shadow-colored: 0 0 #0000; --tw-shadow: 0 0 #0000; --tw-skew-x: 0; --tw-skew-y: 0; --tw-translate-x: 0; --tw-translate-y: 0; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;">[36]</a> See Jan Willem Stutje, Ernest Mandel A Rebel’s Dream Deferred.</span></p><p><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "Source Serif Pro", serif; font-size: 1.125em;"> </span> </p>Kamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-34622652371791092672024-03-05T13:36:00.000-08:002024-03-05T13:49:50.443-08:003558. Whose Planet? Essays on Ecocentric Socialism: Interview with Radio Rresistance<p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">By Kamran Nayeri and Rebel Fagin, March 3, 2024</span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjpyrXMrn2hlobW9RYo8Iw_pqJyrDck1hg5l1f8P6sQE2Isis8mH56cipfpFdJrzK9_XYlG3X5vGgjpOSrjXFZrvCYR2l9i-HLPRZeHOc2BGV-86JdpFJBUmusBDxRdpg-jW4qs3EXZlQAFkexgUa6tDQE7qr7af_olkYfv_s46uP1WTn70rHL_RWgt3TGs" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="275" data-original-width="183" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjpyrXMrn2hlobW9RYo8Iw_pqJyrDck1hg5l1f8P6sQE2Isis8mH56cipfpFdJrzK9_XYlG3X5vGgjpOSrjXFZrvCYR2l9i-HLPRZeHOc2BGV-86JdpFJBUmusBDxRdpg-jW4qs3EXZlQAFkexgUa6tDQE7qr7af_olkYfv_s46uP1WTn70rHL_RWgt3TGs=w267-h400" width="267" /></a></div><br /><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Editor's note: On Invitation by Rebel Fagin who has been running Radio Resistance program at KBBF 89.1 FM in Santa Rosa, California, I participated ina 50 minute interview. Here is the audio file. To listen to it, please copy and paste into a broswer window. There is a short song played at the begining. The interview starts after that song. </span></p><p><span style="color: #2b00fe;">https://ia800201.us.archive.org/3/items/radioresistance20240303/radioresistance20240303.mp3</span></p>Kamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-7514251245587826522024-02-16T08:28:00.000-08:002024-03-05T13:49:35.828-08:003557. Climate Chaos: The Planet's Tipping Points<p> <span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">By David Gelles and Manuela Anderoni, </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/02/15/climate/tipping-points-for-the-planet.html?searchResultPosition=1" style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">The New York Times</span></a><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">, Debruary 15, 2024</span></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEh3jo9uNHSNNcBV8P9MRdLKq8-Vlyftv1lOjgugibOPZdQ_WLHrdV52JLneibjHonpnOVrZ73AAX6OLr58iJO2eS3xCslSRRtXsonZ72uCyoU-qZDgBr0PooEYbZebPeTcCny6KQCHXi5dVgu3uhNv8Rqeo35SOT08E5JsVnVJ00KGSjohrRiU9sGKtIM1N" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img alt="" data-original-height="979" data-original-width="2197" height="286" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEh3jo9uNHSNNcBV8P9MRdLKq8-Vlyftv1lOjgugibOPZdQ_WLHrdV52JLneibjHonpnOVrZ73AAX6OLr58iJO2eS3xCslSRRtXsonZ72uCyoU-qZDgBr0PooEYbZebPeTcCny6KQCHXi5dVgu3uhNv8Rqeo35SOT08E5JsVnVJ00KGSjohrRiU9sGKtIM1N=w640-h286" width="640" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; font-size: x-small;">Possible tipping points</span></td></tr></tbody></table><br /><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><b style="color: #666666;">Editor's note:</b><span style="color: #666666;"> This article ends with a "good tipping points" section which notes how solar power has become competitive in prices with fossil fuels in the United States. It pushes the old argument that somehow "market forces" will result in outcomes that will stop catastrophic climate change. That is pure nonsense for a number of reasons. While it is true that lowering of prices of solar panels add economic incentives to install them at homes, anyone who has installed them, including this writer, knows that there are many obstacles to instaltion of solar system. In my own case, for example, the roof of my house was not a good candidate to install solar panels because of shading from nearby trees. The roof also lacked rafters which are used to secure heavey solar panels on the roof. So, I had to build a separate structure at the cost of $35,000 to install a solar system for $25,000. How many U.S. households can sped $60,000 to transition to solar power? Furthermore, solar systems will require the use of the electrial grid at night and during cloudy or rainy days the solar system does not produce electricity. A solution is to buy backup batteries. But they are VERY expensive. My house will require two Tesla batteries that have been outside of my budget to purchase. One bid was for $36,000. The lowest bid was for $21,000 but they also wanted to charge me $6000 for digging a trench and $6,000 for installing a new electircal panel. </span></span></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">So far only less than ONE PERCENT of the U.S. homes have solar systems! Why the Times and the capitalist politicians and media continue to promote "market forces" to stop climate change? For the same reason that NO government yet has honored its commitment to the UN sponosered Paris agreement to stop climate change. Let us recall that climate change is a world scale problem and the solution must come from a unified world response which will require unified government respose! The movement to stop climate change has died out precisely because of its reliance on the capitalist politicians. In the same article, the authors write about the cutting down of the Amazon rainforest as a stipping point while calling climate change "human caused!" But "humans" are not cutting down the Amazon forest, capitalist corporations are in search of profits! </span></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Fossil fuels are built into the fabric of anthrpocentric industrial capitalist economies the world over. That is why to get rid of them we need an ECOCENTRIC SOCIALIST REVOLUTION. This maybe an unreachable goal during the little time we have given the planet's time limits imposed by the tipping points. But at least we are not following the capitalist corporations, their politicians and media, to extinction. It is better to fight for survival of most of life on the planet. I have discussed these issues in detail in my book </span><a href="https://a.co/d/hsncEGc" style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Whose Planet? Essays on Ecocentric Socialism</span></a><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> 2023. </span></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-align: center; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">*. *. *</span></span></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">A drumbeat of recent reports has driven home the fact that our planet’s complex environmental systems are undergoing profound upheavals as a result of human activity.</span></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Glaciers around the world, from </span><a class="css-yywogo" href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/greenland-ice-sheet-melting-faster-than-scientists-previously-estimated/" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-color: var(--color-signal-editorial,#326891); text-decoration-style: solid; text-decoration-thickness: 1px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_blank" title=""><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Greenland</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> to </span><a class="css-yywogo" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/01/21/world/europe/switzerland-glaciers.html" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-color: var(--color-signal-editorial,#326891); text-decoration-style: solid; text-decoration-thickness: 1px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;" title=""><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Switzerland</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> to </span><a class="css-yywogo" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2023/10/23/climate/antarctic-melting-sea-level-rise.html" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-color: var(--color-signal-editorial,#326891); text-decoration-style: solid; text-decoration-thickness: 1px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;" title=""><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Antarctica</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">, are melting faster than expected as atmospheric and ocean heat hit new highs.</span></span></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">New research suggests that up to half of the Amazon rainforest could rapidly </span><a class="css-yywogo" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/02/14/climate/amazon-rain-forest-tipping-point.html" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-color: var(--color-signal-editorial,#326891); text-decoration-style: solid; text-decoration-thickness: 1px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;" title=""><span style="color: #2b00fe;">transform into grasslands or weakened ecosystems</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> in the coming decades as a result of deforestation, climate change and drought. Those stresses could eventually drive the entire forest ecosystem, home to a tenth of the planet’s land species, past a tipping point that would trigger a forest-wide collapse.</span></span></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">And a new study suggests that a crucial network of ocean currents that carries warm water into the North Atlantic is </span><a class="css-yywogo" href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/climate-environment/2024/02/09/atlantic-ocean-amoc-climate-change/" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-color: var(--color-signal-editorial,#326891); text-decoration-style: solid; text-decoration-thickness: 1px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_blank" title=""><span style="color: #2b00fe;">showing early signs of collapse</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> because of an influx of fresh water from melting glaciers.</span></span></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">All of these developments appear worrisome on the surface. But, most concerning of all, they raise the specter that the planet may be approaching some of the </span><a class="css-yywogo" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2022/09/08/climate/global-warming-climate-tipping-point.html" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-color: var(--color-signal-editorial,#326891); text-decoration-style: solid; text-decoration-thickness: 1px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;" title=""><span style="color: #2b00fe;">so-called tipping points</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> that could trigger severe and irreversible changes.</span></span></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Tim Lenton, a professor who studies climate and Earth systems at the University of Exeter, said tipping points were characterized by “amplifying feedback within a system that’s getting strong enough that it can cause a self-propelling change.”</span></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">What that means in layman’s terms: Once the key threshold is crossed, the change accelerates, and a profound transformation becomes inevitable. Change begets more change in a self-reinforcing loop.</span></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">There is no consensus that any large-scale tipping points have been reached, though there is debate about whether some, on the Greenland ice sheet and in many of the world’s coral reefs, are close or have already tipped.</span></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“Things that we actually observe happening in the climate look a whole lot like tipping point changes, or serious harbingers of those changes,” Lenton said.</span></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><h3 class="css-15h6bi9 e1gnsphs0" id="link-35797dce" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.75rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; max-width: 100%; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; font-size: small;">The planet’s tipping points</span></span></h3><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">The phrase “tipping point” has a </span><a class="css-yywogo" href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/wordplay/origin-of-the-phrase-tipping-point" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-color: var(--color-signal-editorial,#326891); text-decoration-style: solid; text-decoration-thickness: 1px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_blank" title=""><span style="color: #2b00fe;">complicated and controversial history</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">. Scientists started talking regularly about climate tipping points in the early 2000s. They quickly concluded that some of those tipping points were fast approaching, or might have already passed.</span></span></p><div style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;"></div><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The self-propelling mechanism of tipping points are typically made up of various feedback loops. Here are examples of how some of them work.</span></p><ul class="css-1le37cb ez3869y0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: none; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><li class="css-1i3ul0c eoqvrfo0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: disc; margin: 0px 0px 1rem 0.875rem; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;"><p class="css-1il0jfh evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Some of the most worrisome concern the world’s vast ice sheets. If the Greenland ice sheet collapses, for example, global sea levels could rise by seven meters, or 23 feet, over the next centuries. <span class="css-8qgvsz ebyp5n10" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: 700; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;">Feedback loops:</span> As the ice melts, its surface declines in altitude, which means the air on top of it is warmer, leading to more melting. And, disappearing ice means fewer white surfaces to reflect sunlight back into space, which warms the atmosphere even more.</span></p></li><li class="css-1i3ul0c eoqvrfo0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: disc; margin: 0px 0px 1rem 0.875rem; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;"><p class="css-1il0jfh evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Thawing of permafrost could release gigatons of planet-warming methane into the atmosphere. <span class="css-8qgvsz ebyp5n10" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: 700; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;">Feedback loop:</span> Methane causes the atmosphere to warm further, melting more permafrost, and so on.</span></p></li><li class="css-1i3ul0c eoqvrfo0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: disc; margin: 0px 0px 1rem 0.875rem; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;"><p class="css-1il0jfh evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Earth’s ecosystems — such as forests, coral reefs and lakes — are in danger, too, with far-reaching consequences. For example, the collapse of boreal forests, which burned at an unprecedented rate last year, could send enormous amounts of carbon into the atmosphere. <span class="css-8qgvsz ebyp5n10" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: 700; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;">Feedback loop:</span> Fires create water stress, reducing the ability of trees to resist insect infestation, which makes them more vulnerable to fires.</span></p></li><li class="css-1i3ul0c eoqvrfo0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: disc; margin: 0px 0px 1rem 0.875rem; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;"><p class="css-1il0jfh evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Currents and monsoons that regulate the oceans and the atmosphere can slow down, warm up and shift in all sorts of ways. If the currents that bring warm water to the North Atlantic collapse, for example, average temperatures in Western Europe could plummet in a matter of decades. <span class="css-8qgvsz ebyp5n10" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: 700; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;">Feedback loop:</span> These currents move saltier water from one part of the ocean to another. If they become weaker, less salt is transported, the surface water becomes less salty, which makes it less dense and less likely to sink, weakening currents further.</span></p></li></ul><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Since researchers started identifying tipping points, the list of systems that are close to the edge has grown steadily to the current two dozen; some closer, some farther from collapse. You can check them all out in </span><a class="css-yywogo" href="https://global-tipping-points.org/" rel="noopener noreferrer" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-color: var(--color-signal-editorial,#326891); text-decoration-style: solid; text-decoration-thickness: 1px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_blank" title=""><span style="color: #2b00fe;">a report about global tipping points</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> that Lenton and his colleagues published a few months ago.</span></span></p><h3 class="css-15h6bi9 e1gnsphs0" id="link-40ae7c54" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.75rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; max-width: 100%; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; font-size: small;">Good tipping points</span></span></h3><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">It’s not only the planet that can experience tipping points. There are industrial, technological and economic tipping points, too. And some of them might help curb global warming.</span></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Take the rapid decline in costs for renewable energy. Last year, </span><a class="css-yywogo" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2023/10/24/climate/clean-energys-powerful-momentum.html" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-color: var(--color-signal-editorial,#326891); text-decoration-style: solid; text-decoration-thickness: 1px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;" title=""><span style="color: #2b00fe;">we reported on a study</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> that argued solar power had already passed a tipping point because market forces alone, with no help from policymakers, could make it the cheapest source of electricity by 2027. Similar dynamics could benefit wind power, batteries and other parts of the clean energy transition.</span></span></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The new economics of green energy is leading to an influx of spending in the sector. Last year, for the first time, total global investments in solar were greater than investments in oil<span style="font-style: inherit; font-variant-caps: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: inherit; font-weight: inherit;">Solar panels, wind turbines and batteries are all experiencing startling gains in efficiency, too. And, the adoption of electric vehicles and heat pumps continues to rise as they become more affordable.</span></span></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="font-style: inherit; font-variant-caps: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: inherit; font-weight: inherit;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Lenton, who is writing a book about tipping points, noted that social norms could rapidly change, as well, practically overnight. (The phrase “tipping point” was used in social science to describe a sudden rush of white families moving out of a given neighborhood as Black families moved in.)</span></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px 0px 0.9375rem; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Some people believe that we may see the </span><a class="css-yywogo" href="https://www.theguardian.com/culture/2017/mar/19/yuval-harari-sapiens-readers-questions-lucy-prebble-arianna-huffington-future-of-humanity#:~:text=I'm%20vegan%2C%20and%20I,them%20from%20cells%2C%20then%20great." rel="noopener noreferrer" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration-color: var(--color-signal-editorial,#326891); text-decoration-style: solid; text-decoration-thickness: 1px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;" target="_blank" title=""><span style="color: #2b00fe;">animal farming industry</span></a><span style="color: #666666;"> we have today as unacceptable in the future. Could eating meat every day be frowned upon in the future? Will burning fossil fuels ever become unthinkable?</span></span></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variant-position: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“Sometimes change really is self-propelling, and something huge happens out of nowhere,” Lenton said. “It could be really bad, if it’s bad. But it can also be very good, if it’s good.”</span></p>Kamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-84824898951797434272024-01-18T10:16:00.000-08:002024-01-18T10:34:10.809-08:003556. Fidel Castro's Speech on May 1, 2000<p><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">By Fidel Castro Ruz,</span><a href="http://en.cubadebate.cu/news/2020/04/27/speech-by-dr-fidel-castro-ruz-on-occasion-international-labor-day-at-revolution-square-may-day-2000/"> <span style="color: #2b00fe;">Cuba Debate</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">, April 27, 2020</span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEiQeK1DZ4rwfoFKj1Q0ZwxUjBUmVwkm4GZURoO81hn_md43KNBpNmd79rpPfplJhuJUlnBvZ6QKv7wCD5BId3owFHFKr7BZrT-c8ZvkeaCiDQIsGwsrH_W_4CL3Hb-D51qQ-KVZh8bIrRehkcN_y4dKI3I1iWVy0nepGdLEbuDCAAF9WRKKlaJLFAOvv6kO" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><img alt="" data-original-height="252" data-original-width="300" height="538" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEiQeK1DZ4rwfoFKj1Q0ZwxUjBUmVwkm4GZURoO81hn_md43KNBpNmd79rpPfplJhuJUlnBvZ6QKv7wCD5BId3owFHFKr7BZrT-c8ZvkeaCiDQIsGwsrH_W_4CL3Hb-D51qQ-KVZh8bIrRehkcN_y4dKI3I1iWVy0nepGdLEbuDCAAF9WRKKlaJLFAOvv6kO=w640-h538" width="640" /></span></a></div><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span><p></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Speech by Fidel Castro Ruz, President of the Republic of Cuba, at the mass rally called by the Cuban youths, students and workers on the occasion of the International Labor Day at the Revolution Square. May Day, 2000. Photo: CubaDebate. </span></span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Compatriots:</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">We extend our gratitude to the admirable personalities accompanying us today, and our recognition to the workers, students and all of the people filling this square.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">We are living through days of intense and crucial battle. For five months we have been fighting restlessly. Millions of our compatriots, almost without exception, have participated in this fight. Our consciousness and the ideas sown by the Revolution throughout more than four decades have been our weapons.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Revolution means to have a sense of history; it is changing everything that must be changed; it is full equality and freedom; it is being treated and treating others like human beings; it is achieving emancipation by ourselves and through our own efforts; it is challenging powerful dominant forces from within and without the social and national milieu; it is defending the values in which we believe at the cost of any sacrifice; it is modesty, selflessness, altruism, solidarity and heroism; it is fighting with courage, intelligence and realism; it is never lying or violating ethical principles; it is a profound conviction that there is no power in the world that can crush the power of truth and ideas. Revolution means unity; it is independence, it is fighting for our dreams of justice for Cuba and for the world, which is the foundation of our patriotism, our socialism and our internationalism.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In real and concrete terms, for 41 years now we have confronted a neighbor located just 90 miles away, the most formidable power that has ever existed in a world that has become unipolar and hegemonic.</span></p><p style="background: ); border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">This time the struggle has taken on a particularly critical character, as a consequence of the kidnapping of a child. Has he by chance been the only one? No! Many Cuban children have been separated from one of their parents and illegally taken to the United States without the slightest possibility to recover them by turning to the U.S. authorities.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In just the first two and a half years of the Revolution, some 14,000 children were taken out of the country clandestinely, in this case with the consent of their fathers, mothers, or both. These parents were victims of deceit, taken in by a carefully crafted and deliberately fabricated rumor based on a fictitious law spread by the U.S. intelligence services and their agents in Cuba leading these parents to believe that they would be deprived of their paternal rights over their children. The subsequent abrupt suspension by the U.S. government of regular flights between Cuba and the United States left these parents separated from their children, many of whom suffered terribly feeling helpless and uprooted.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">On this most recent occasion, a humble father turned to our government for help: his son, who had not even turned six, had suffered a horrible tragedy. Without the father’s knowledge or consent, the child had been taken out of the country illegally as part of an irresponsible and hazardous misadventure organized by an aggressive and violent criminal. As Elián’s maternal grandmother Raquel stated upon arrival in New York on January 21 seeking her grandson’s liberation, that abusive individual had dragged her daughter into this tragedy.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The boat sank and the boy watched his mother drown. She was an excellent worker, a member of the Young Communist League and the Communist Party, and all those who knew her thought highly of her. She was one of the victims among the 11 Cubans who lost their lives that day. Like many others throughout the last 34 years, they were led to their deaths by a monstrous and bloody aberration known as the Cuban Adjustment Act, which promotes illegal migration and the smuggling of humans. Like millions of people from poor countries on this and other continents, they travel to the United States lured by the ostentatious luxury and extravagant displays of consumer societies.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In the particular case of Cuba, these attractions are enhanced by the tremendous privileges granted by the aforementioned legislation exclusively to the Cubans traveling illegally to the United States from Cuba, which come on top of four decades of a blockade and an economic war as abhorrent as this law. Thus, in spite of the migratory agreements signed by the two countries, Florida is being filled with criminals who arrive by illegal means. Five out of every ten individuals who reach the United States in this way have criminal records that include burglary and other similar crimes.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">As it is known, this child managed to survive by remaining adrift on an inner tube for more than 30 hours. The Cuban-American terrorist mob, created by irresponsible U.S. administrations after their own image and likeness, took control of the child as an invaluable poster boy. A corrupt and sinister individual –simply a distant relative who had only seen the child once in his life– was given temporary custody. Completely under the mob’s control, he refused to surrender Elián when his father claimed the boy after he was released from hospital.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Consequently, with their usual tenacity our people immediately began the fight to demand that the child be returned to his father and the close relatives with whom he had always lived.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">According to international law and the legal standards prevailing both in the United States and Cuba, the proper procedure would have been to immediately return the child to his country of origin and to resolve any dispute in a Cuban court of law. However, almost 10 days would pass before a response was given to the diplomatic note presented by the Ministry of Foreign Relations demanding the return of the child as requested by the father from the very beginning. By that time, the first public protests had taken place in Cuba, and they have continued up until today.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">It is obvious that they underestimated our people, who have not rested a single day in fighting for something absolutely just, and who have conveyed to the American people and the rest of the world their message of pain and indignation over the injustice committed against a humble Cuban family and the terrible crime perpetrated against this child. Elián has endured almost five months of mental torture, psychological pressure and political manipulation. Not even Dante could have described the hell he has been through!</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">These events aroused the sympathies of tens of millions of American families with children, grandchildren, great-grandchildren, nieces and nephews of Elian’s age. For them, as for the rest of the world, it became increasingly clear that there could be no political or ideological justification for such a barbaric and harsh crime against a child and his father, regardless of their nationality.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The Miami terrorist mob and its allies from the extreme right in the United States have accused us of politicizing the case, when we have actually been fighting against this crime through peaceful means. Not a single window has been broken at the U.S. Interests Section, not a single stone has been thrown at that building, not a single American official or visitor has been harassed, not a single U.S. flag has been trampled on or burned in our streets.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">I wonder what the U.S. government would have done if a similar situation had been created with a barely six years old American child kidnapped in Cuba and subjected to the appalling treatment this child has sustained in that country.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Throughout almost five months –from the time the child was found off the Florida coast– inconceivable things have happened and all kinds of abuses and mistakes have been made. Despite their knowledge of the situation, until very shortly before the boy was rescued, the various branches of the U.S. administration showed little concern over his mental health and the scandalous public exhibition and manipulation of which he was a victim, or something even more reprehensible: the physical dangers he was facing.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The chief of the commando force involved in the rescue operation recently stated that the resistance to the raid was perfectly organized and that there were numerous armed men around the house where the child was being held captive, just as the Cuban government had warned the State Department and publicly denounced between March 22 and April 22.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The last seven-point proposal sent by the Attorney General to the child’s father, at close to 10:00 p.m. on Friday, April 21 –approximately seven hours before Elián was freed from his kidnappers at 5:00 a.m. the following day– contained three points that I did not want to read at the mass rally in Jagüey Grande where we commemorated the painful episode of the Bay of Pigs mercenary invasion. I felt they were simply too grotesque and so I opted for the 24 four-hour truce of which I spoke, in recognition of the decision finally adopted by the Attorney General, although we remained profoundly concerned about future events. Those points were:</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“2. Saturday morning Elián and Lázaro’s family will fly to Washington on a USMS (United States Marshall Service) plane under the supervision of the USMS. DOJ (Department of Justice) will transport them directly to Airlie House. The child will be guarded by USMS.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“3. During the residence at Airlie, Elián will live with Juan Miguel, who will have full authority over Elián except for any condition of parole or other limitations imposed by the INS such as departure control. Upon Juan’s arrival at Airlie House, the AG (Attorney General) will parole Elián into Juan Miguel’s care. Lázaro’s family will reside at Airlie House in separate quarters.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“4. The parties will remain in residence at the site while the CA (Court of Appeals) 11 injunction remains in effect, or until the AG in consultation with experts determines it is appropriate to change the arrangements.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Nothing could be more humiliating, or more closely resemble the imprisonment or kidnapping of Juan Miguel with his wife and two sons. It was the beginning of a new stage in the psychological torture of the whole family, even worse than that sustained by the boy in Miami.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Those who have seen Marisleysis’ hysteria on television and know who the sinister Lázaro really is, and also all the honest psychiatrists, fully understand what this absurd and impossible cohabitation would have meant for Elián and his family. This is precisely what the Cuban American National Foundation (CANF) was demanding. It was such a proposal that led to Juan Miguel’s almost suicidal decision to immediately leave for Miami with his wife and son to personally rescue Elián.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">But, those crazed counterrevolutionary ringleaders were so stupid that they opposed this proposal, even though it was exactly what they themselves had been demanding, except that they wanted it to take place in Miami, and not in Washington.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The well-known Congressman Bob Menéndez, a lobbyist and close ally of the Miami mob, together with an assistant under-Secretary of State spent Friday, April 21, desperately searching for a place similar to Airlie House in the Miami area.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">These facts I have related to demonstrate the shameful lengths reached by the Attorney General to avoid the use of force. Nobody in our country ignores the potential dangers lying on the twisted path taken by the U.S. authorities –under pressure from the CANF– to resolve what would have been a simple migratory case if it had not involved a Cuban child.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Here are a few facts that support this statement:</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">First: The three judges on the panel responsible for ruling on the mob’s appeal are not trustworthy. The response to the Attorney General’s request for them to legally direct Lázaro González to surrender the child, after his obvious failure to abide by the INS order, will go down in history as a prime example of outrageous, biased and overbearing conduct. On that day, they decreed that a child of any age and nationality could apply for asylum in the United States against his or her parents’ will. On the other hand, the martyred child has been forced to remain in the United States until the legal proceedings have concluded. Nothing was said, however, about the failure to abide by the order issued to the kidnapper to surrender the child. The Attorney General had no choice. She was forced to either make shameless concessions or to use force. She did both. Only fate and the skill of the marshals prevented the worst from happening, and the child was rescued safe and sound.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">What guarantee does the father now have that the reunion with his son will be final? None!</span></p><p style="background: ); border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Second: The Nuevo Herald reported on April 26 that on the previous day, Tuesday, April 26, a group of 11 senators had called a meeting with Attorney General Janet Reno in order to “discuss concerns.” When she was asked, “what would happen if the Atlanta Court of Appeals or any other court decided that the child should be granted asylum,” the Attorney General answered, “Then I believe we will have to send him back to Miami.”</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The danger that this court will decide that the child has the right to asylum is real. It would fully coincide with the doctrine that it followed in its April 19 ruling and with what the terrorist mob demanded. Nobody could guess the reaction of the international public, and the public in the United States itself, if Elián were torn away from Juan Miguel and sent back to the living hell of the González’ house, now that they have seen everything that was done to the child in Miami and witnessed the moving images of the father and son’s reunion. It is impossibility, but this is what the Attorney General said, and this is what the Atlanta panel could decide.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Third: On April 26, the ANSA news agency issued the following report from Washington: “‘Wye River’ –that is the name of the place where Juan Miguel and his family are staying– ‘was chosen because it is very good for a child, who can play on its grounds. And it is big enough so that the relatives can potentially be there without bothering one another,’ said a Department of Justice official who asked for anonymity.”</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">As you can see, this is a recurrence of the old and sinister idea contained in the previously mentioned horrifying points in the proposal sent to Juan Miguel on the critical night of Friday, April 21. And none other than an “anonymous” Justice Department official stated it.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Fourth: On April 26, Gregory Craig, Juan Miguel’s attorney, presented to the three-judge panel at the Atlanta Court of Appeals what is known as an emergency motion requesting Juan Miguel’s intervention in the proceedings. The motion also requested that Juan Miguel replace Lázaro González as the child’s sole legal representative, both in his capacity as the only surviving parent and as Elián’s “next friend”, a strange term used in the U.S. legal proceedings when a minor has no close relative to represent him or her in court, which obviously does not apply in Elián’s case.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">On the following day, April 27, the Atlanta panel refused to recognize Juan Miguel as the child’s sole representative, but granted him the right to intervene in the proceedings, although voting was divided on the latter point.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">With regard to this matter, the New York Times reported on April 28, “In a mixed decision on the Elián González case, a federal appeals court today put off a request by the boy’s father to serve as his sole legal representative, which would have effectively ended the court challenge… In its ruling, the appellate court panel said it was ‘hesitant’ to grant Juan Miguel González the right to intervene in the case at this late date, but had agreed to the request because he was the boy’s father. One of the three judges dissented.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“The court also said it would be ‘premature’ to decide whether the boy’s father should serve as Elián’s sole representative.”</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The well-founded motion presented by Juan Miguel’s attorney and his sound arguments were dismissed by the panel with regard to the father serving as sole representative of his son.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">According to legal experts, if the ruling to be made by the three judges on May 11 is divided, that is, based on a two-to-one vote, the losing side could request that all of the judges on the Atlanta Court of Appeals pass judgment on the case and not only the three who have been assigned to it.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In any case, the experts say, this recourse would mean a further possibility of prolonging the duration of legal proceedings, and could always be followed by an appeal before the Supreme Court.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">There are five other alternatives that could be pursued to draw out the proceedings indefinitely.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">At the same time, the mob’s attorneys have applied for various orders and definitions.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Fifth: Going back to April 25, AP reported the following from Laredo, Texas: “‘The Clinton administration should try to persuade Elián González’s father to stay in the United States to raise his son here,’ said Republican presidential candidate George W. Bush. ‘I hope the government explains to the father that, if he prefers to, he can raise his son in freedom, that the father can stay here in the United States. It is important for our government to remember that the mother was fleeing in search of freedom, to bring her son to freedom. I hope that the government convinces the father to raise his son in the United States of America.’”</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Sixth: On the following day, according to a wire report from the EFE news agency, Hillary Clinton, the U.S. president’s wife, during a radio interview in Buffalo, New York, “expressed her hope that the father of the little Cuban boy Elián González, Juan Miguel, will eventually decide to seek exile and live in the United States.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“‘I hope that this taste of freedom and opportunity he has had with his son during this time might help him to reconsider staying definitively in the United States.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“‘I am convinced that many people would be happy to take him in if he decides to defect,’ said the first lady, using the term applied to soldiers who resolve to abandon their own country and seek refuge in another, usually an enemy country.”</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In other words, they do not mind talking about instigating the defection of a father who has been viciously slandered for months. They cannot even conceive of an honorable Cuban. First, they accused him of being a coward, who did not dare to travel to the United States and did not even care about his son. Then, they claimed that the Cuban government would not allow him to go to the United States, so that he did not defect. Now, that they have seen him arrive with his wife and infant son, at the exact time, hour and minute he should do so, they have still not recovered from their amazement at Juan Miguel’s dignity, courage and sense of honor. They are trying to keep him there indefinitely in the hope of enticing him away. They are all working in unison in pursuit of the same goal: to ensure that the boy never returns to Cuba, and thus deal a moral blow to the proud and heroic people that produced Juan Miguel and Elián.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Where are the ethics of that country’s political leaders? How can they be so utterly ignorant of the realities of Cuba? Why such contempt? How long will they go on believing their own lies?</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">On April 27, a whole series of limitations and obstacles were suddenly imposed on the movements of the Cuban officials responsible for Juan Miguel, his wife and his two sons, who are currently 70 miles away. Only four visas were granted for the children who should travel to the United States to help with Elián’s recovery, and they have been limited to a 15-day stay. An absurd formula has been developed by which they must rotate every two weeks; and none of the crucially needed specialists requested by the family has received permission to travel to the United States. Obviously, the purpose was to isolate Juan Miguel, his wife and the two children in the distant Wye River estate in Maryland.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Coinciding with Mr. Bush and Mrs. Hillary Clinton’s statements, Secretary of State Madeleine Albright said in an interview with the Fox TV network, “We have some very serious problems with Cuba and we are going to maintain the embargo law” –that is what she calls the blockade and the economic war– “and the Cuban Democracy Act” –that is how she refers to the genocidal Helms-Burton Act.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">It is amazing, though, because nobody in Cuba had asked the U.S. government for forgiveness nor had anyone asked it to put an end to this blockade, which is becoming increasingly unsustainable and is definitely crumbling because it is obsolete and it is ever more costly in political and moral terms for the United States.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The forefathers who instituted our homeland’s heroic tradition of challenging the United States’ two-hundred-year old dream of annexing Cuba taught us that rights are demanded, not begged for. Nothing will be easy with regard to Cuba in the future. Forty years resisting all sorts of aggressions and injustices, and the war of ideas we have been waging ceaselessly throughout five long months have made us much stronger.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">We will fight tirelessly against the murderous Cuban Adjustment Act; against the cruel Helms-Burton Act, whose sponsors deserve to stand trial for the crime of genocide, according to the conventions signed in 1948 and 1949 by both Cuba and the United States; and against the Act whose namesake, Robert Torricelli, is an ally of the Miami terrorist mob.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">We will fight against the blockade and the economic war that our people have endured for almost half a century. We will fight against all subversive activities carried out from within the United States, including terrorist acts aimed at destabilizing our nation, and we will fight for the return to our homeland of the territory illegally occupied in our country. We will fulfill everything we pledged in the Baraguá Oath, in honor of the indelible and immortal memory of Antonio Maceo, the Bronze Titan.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">We do not blame the American people; we blame those who are responsible for the lies used to deceive them for much longer than Lincoln ever imagined. On the contrary, we pay tribute to the overwhelming majority of those people who, despite all those lies, have opposed the odious crime committed against a small Cuban boy.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">It would be wise for the current and future leaders of the United States to realize that David has grown and that he has gradually become a moral giant who does not throw stones with his sling, but rather examples and ideas against which the Goliath of finances, colossal wealth, nuclear weapons, the most sophisticated technology and worldwide political power based on selfishness, demagogy, hypocrisy and lies is completely helpless.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">To ensure that they do not get their hopes too high over their ridiculous and Pyrrhic victory arising from the loathsome resolution adopted in Geneva, based on slander and imposed by the U.S. government through humiliating pressures and the backing of its NATO allies, during that same session Cuba put forward six resolutions in favor of Third World nations. They were all adopted by an overwhelming majority, with the United States voting against every single one, generally with the sole support or abstention of the small group of its wealthy European allies.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The peoples of an ungovernable world, who suffer poverty and indigence and are exploited and plundered at an ever-growing rate, will be our best comrades in arms. We certainly lack the financial resources to cooperate with them. Instead, we have an extraordinary and selfless human capital that the wealthy countries do not have and never will possess.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Long live patriotism!</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Long live socialism!</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Long live internationalism!</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Patria o muerte!</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 14px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Venceremos!</span></p>Kamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-62456584275735228802024-01-18T10:12:00.000-08:002024-01-18T10:21:07.594-08:003555. Why Am I Committed to the Fidelist Conception of Revolution?<p><span style="color: #666666;">By Olga Fernandez Rio,</span> <a href="http://www.cubadebate.cu/opinion/2016/11/28/por-que-me-comprometo-con-la-concepcion-fidelista-de-revolucion/"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">CubaDebate</span></a>,<span style="color: #666666;"> November 28, 2016</span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjE0KxG_8W1oafjTXCOGiZ2x7QVh5SdkR62BexyQF0ZBqGZhqE2nNkZ72St8C_5igky9FVBp4l8tm2YHH2ZRSpLGEhwgl8EPNZhPYvuWnnQElx96vdDXNS9l1X8BN-LZRoMi-sNUmEGzinFDOxuxYBIzxYy0SiPH4g4LqIeeyEEfeQvuOQIuugkzghxZ24O" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="546" data-original-width="760" height="460" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjE0KxG_8W1oafjTXCOGiZ2x7QVh5SdkR62BexyQF0ZBqGZhqE2nNkZ72St8C_5igky9FVBp4l8tm2YHH2ZRSpLGEhwgl8EPNZhPYvuWnnQElx96vdDXNS9l1X8BN-LZRoMi-sNUmEGzinFDOxuxYBIzxYy0SiPH4g4LqIeeyEEfeQvuOQIuugkzghxZ24O=w640-h460" width="640" /></a></span></div><span style="color: #666666;"><br /></span><p></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">There are many reasons for an entire people to pay tribute to the leader of the Cuban Revolution in a moment as sad as his physical departure. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">But despite the pain, it is a time for reflection and commitment to the one who educated us to think and feel like Cubans; </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">the one who united us and created the conditions for the people to act as protagonists of the collective work that has been and will continue to be the Cuban Revolution; </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">the sensitive and detached man; </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">the one who elevated our small country to a global example and paradigm. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">Together with Che he will always remind us that imperialism is not even a bit like that.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">But our task and commitment today is to grow as a people, delve into their thoughts and work and contribute to disseminating it so that it is reaffirmed as the shield and sword of the nation.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">Do not forget that his intellectual production - born from the daily struggle and the challenges of the revolutionary process for more than 60 years - is a comprehensive work in which several facets stand out, such as his permanent reflection on the importance of the historical contexts that mark the paths revolutionaries; </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">understand society as a whole; </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">his conception of history as a condition of the present and a source for its analysis; </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">the relationships between theory and practice and between strategy and tactics, together with the non-mechanistic management of the regularities of social development, contradictions and opportunities. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">Added to this are his commitment to the integrality and continuity of the social revolution, the recognition of the place of the human being in this process and the role of ethics, individuality, criticism and self-criticism.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">All of this is summarized in his concept of Revolution that he summarized on May 1, 2000 and that today, within the framework of the tribute to our Fidel, we are called to claim, not out of fanaticism, but because it is a profound concept that is an undoubted contribution to the theory and praxis of social revolution. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">Implicit in this concept is his humanist sensitivity, which led him to adopt the independence ideology of José Martí and to develop an intelligent receptivity to Marxism from anti-dogmatic positions.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">His concept of Revolution highlights the necessary interpretation of the historical conditions that in Cuba favored transformations in a simultaneous process of national liberation and construction of socialism that was capable of solving the problems derived from underdevelopment and dependence on the northern neighbor. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">He expresses a high sense of ethical responsibility translated into the necessary correlation between ethics and politics with the truth as a flag and as a commitment.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">His conception of revolution is consistent with his work as a revolutionary leader who from very early claimed national independence and sovereignty along with the communist ideal, and demystified the scheme that considered him alien to Latin American needs and conditions. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">This is also one of his great merits, both in his tactical handling and in demonstrating that the essence of socialism is not contradictory with the revolutionary roots and traditions on our continent, including workers' struggles and expressions of internationalism.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">An analysis of his life and work - so committed to the people, as well as so integral in itself - shows that for Fidel revolution and construction of socialism are concepts referring to the same anti-capitalist and pro-socialist process in which the education of the masses Popular movements, their active participation and their political culture are conditions that guarantee their advancement.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">Although the concept that he most used is revolution, he also used the construction of socialism, which is theoretically and politically valid to refer to the process of socialist transition that takes place in a context of global capitalist predominance, of control by a system transnational institutional on which this predominance is based and interference and blockade by the United States to prevent the advance of the Cuban Revolution.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">In Fidel's conceptions, revolution and construction of socialism are expressed as unity. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">The first marks the meaning of social transformation, as proposed on May 1, 2000, of "changing everything that has to be changed," and the second has to do with the nature of the contents of those changes, which are not just any change, but those aimed at adding favorable conditions to socialist society.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">Added to this is that in his commitment and revolutionary efforts Fidel relied on criticism as a thermometer that measures the result of the changes and revolutionary advance; </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">It is critical as an educational work and as an instrument of change that introduces a concept that has become political, rectification, understood as self-criticism and adjustment of the socialist order strategy.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">Among others, an example of this educational capacity of criticism was revealed on November 17, 2005 in his intervention in the Aula Magna of the University of Havana in which, at the same time, he recognized the meritorious feat of the people who prevented that the collapse of socialism occurred in Cuba as occurred in other countries, he carried out a deep analysis of endogenous problems that could jeopardize its continuity, hence they had to be faced. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">On that occasion, in addition to warning about the possible reversibility of socialism, he recognized that one of the biggest mistakes made was thinking that we knew about the construction of socialism, a reflection that deserves a much deeper analysis than we are in a position to carry out at this time. reflections. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">It is a debt that the Cuban social sciences owe in relation to the theory of social revolution that needs greater depth in the current conditions of our country and the processes of change that take place in Latin America.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">And it is precisely Fidel's thought and work that is an important contribution to that theory and to the revolutionary praxis that must accompany it. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">It is enough to point out that if we return to Fidel's conceptions of revolution as a “sense of the historical moment” and about the people as a plural revolutionary subject; </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">his criticism of capitalism and imperialism; </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">the socioeconomic coordinates that he links with the seizure of political power, the hegemony of the workers conceived within the framework of the necessary national unity, and socialism as a solution based on the conditions of our country, we find the keys to interpret his conceptions on the construction of socialism that become contributions of obligatory reference in the development of the theory of social revolution. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">Added to this is his handling of tactics, the way of confronting the enemy's contradictions, the ability to unite forces and the keen notion of the ideal moment and opportunity for action.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">Today, when millions of human beings consider fighting for a more just world and society and when in several countries the popular movement of workers, peasants, indigenous people, social activists, together with intellectuals and academics, return to criticizing capitalism with renewed vigor , Fidel Castro's conceptions contribute to the analysis and transformation of the unjust social order prevailing in the world. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">The same happens in Cuba when socialism has been ratified as a development option with the determination and determination not to stray from the chosen route that includes cycles of rectifications and adjustments in accordance with the various contexts that influence the national reality.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">In that effort, as the singer-songwriter says, "a machete may get tangled in the weeds," but the important thing is to know how to untangle it and for this we Cubans have a powerful weapon: the revolutionary legacy of Fidel Castro. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">Do not forget that there are already capacities created to continue involving Cubans more and more in solving the challenges of various kinds that are faced during the construction of socialism.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">In this effort, the analysis of Fidel's work cannot be missed, which today is more necessary than ever when it defends the revolution as a mass movement, hence the weight he has given to educational work and direct dialogue with the people. that thanks to his work is full of educated and cultured men, women and young people, capable of consolidating the political power that has been deployed since 1959, and capable of carrying out the revolution as a comprehensive and continuous process of national liberation of an anti-imperialist and socialist nature.</span></p>Kamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-40496389403854322332024-01-18T09:52:00.000-08:002024-01-18T09:57:38.259-08:003554. The Bolshevik Revolution On Its Centenary: What We Must Not Forget<p><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">By Olga Fernandez Rio, </span><a href="http://www.cubadebate.cu/especiales/2017/11/07/la-revolucion-bolchevique-en-su-centenario-lo-que-no-debemos-olvidar/#.WgKY14ZryC5"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">CubaDebate</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">, November 7, 2017</span></span></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjVmPloWxP3wG7Og-pO3OIMSRbSkK_5nYvCFsEJ1ExlK5tSDc-QctvTaVGwQh5kwAzY4MN7gJjFIAwpKyiA8oStA3CVF3khug-N6RBZz__NTSdtoC1hGQK1H9NfSDlXd8zyX87ApB73H7NhHAnJ3r5OSchfIogFVwjk9UwZp6l_vEd4Y52j8jeuaNhwdyov" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img alt="" data-original-height="720" data-original-width="1000" height="460" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjVmPloWxP3wG7Og-pO3OIMSRbSkK_5nYvCFsEJ1ExlK5tSDc-QctvTaVGwQh5kwAzY4MN7gJjFIAwpKyiA8oStA3CVF3khug-N6RBZz__NTSdtoC1hGQK1H9NfSDlXd8zyX87ApB73H7NhHAnJ3r5OSchfIogFVwjk9UwZp6l_vEd4Y52j8jeuaNhwdyov=w640-h460" width="640" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="color: #666666; font-size: x-small;">Lenin with Leon Trotsky as the leader of the Red Army at his side <br />at the second anniversary of the Russian October revolution</span></td></tr></tbody></table><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span><p></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The October Revolution of 1917 in Russia has a lot to do with the current search for a better world to which millions of human beings aspire for having provoked a far-reaching revolutionary transformation, beyond the Russian - later Soviet - borders, and for being the first experience of disconnection from capitalist and imperialist domination.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">T</span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">he merits of this important event are multiplied if we take into account the economic conditions of Russia at the beginning of the 20th century, an immense semi-feudal country, with millions of illiterate people and only a few pockets of industrial development. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">Added to this is that when he overthrew the reactionary tsarist monarchy and embarked on revolutionary change, he had to face the economic and military aggression of practically all the capitalist powers of the time.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">In those difficult conditions, the revolution caused a colossal socioeconomic, political and cultural transformation in favor of the interests of the dispossessed majorities and excluded from wealth and rights.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">It was an experience of search and discovery of a cultural and civilizational change and, as many recognize, it was a hurricane of hope, not only for Russia and for the Soviet republics that were later formed, but for the workers of the world determined to achieve a better distribution of wealth and the cessation of exploitation, along with the dignity of work.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">The Great October Socialist Revolution revolutionized the world, motivated the implementation of organizational formulas to confront capital and like a wave, communist parties, unions, worker and peasant movements, along with women's organizations in defense of their rights, multiplied. time the confrontation with colonialism and neocolonialism grew.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">That revolution infused with new vigor the popular struggle on our continent, brewing since the end of the 19th century when North American imperialism - as José Martí had foresaw - expanded with interventionist boots and usurpers of natural wealth. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">In this context, the working class grew in some countries with greater industrial development under the influence of revolutionary ideas, Marxist in many cases, anarchist in others, brought by European immigrants who arrived in Latin America and the Caribbean. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">They were revolutionary ideas and actions that multiplied after 1917.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">The revolution of 1917 in Russia had a lot to do with the social conquests obtained by broad popular masses throughout the 20th century and with the patriotic and internationalist capacities developed in the people of the Soviet republics who, together with the Red Army, were decisive. in the confrontation and defeat of fascism. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">It also had a lot to do with the reasons that led the USSR to become the second world power, to become a balancing factor that made possible better conditions for the achievement of independence of many colonial countries. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">That immense country was the one that sent the first man, the first woman and the first Latin American to space, which is not simple symbolism, but a sign of scientific and technological development in favor of peace.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">Capitalism itself could not avoid the impacts of the revolution and was forced to adapt to a new context in which a strong rival appeared that later led to bipolarity. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">The reformist theses and actions in favor of the so-called “Welfare State” in the formations of European capitalism was one of those impacts, as was the policy of the so-called New Deal (1933-1938) adopted by the President of the United States Franklin Delano Roosevelt. .</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">It was a genuine revolution with incalculable historical and political value, which cannot be underestimated due to the deviations that at some point distanced leaders and sectors of Soviet society from the conceptual and political bases of the revolution and from the honest Marxist roots of the ideals and actions of Vladimir I. Lenin and other leaders of that feat.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">It is not on this occasion that we are going to judge the distortions about the socialist ideal, nor the perversion of democratic practices that later permeated the USSR, nor will we stop with points of view about the dismantling of the construction of socialism that led to the collapse of a society that rose with notable successes as an alternative to capitalism. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">But much less are we going to detract from what the October Revolution and the existence of the USSR and the European socialist camp meant for the underdeveloped world and for the advancement of the Cuban Revolution.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">The truth is that what happened was an extraordinary experience whose achievements and errors require deepening and analysis. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">The first as a sample of what is possible for the people to achieve in favor of their interests, and the second to reflect on endogenous factors in a process of socialist transition that can lead to its dismantling, even in a very short time, if not They adequately resolve the contradictions inherent to that type of process.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">These are topics that must be explored in depth along with questions about conceptual, socioeconomic and political approaches that were established in the USSR on very sensitive problems, especially for the people.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">This is the case of the correlation between development and economic growth without the deployment of an individual and social consciousness permeated by socialist and communist values; </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">the distancing of party, state and government structures from the masses and the State from civil society, along with the undervaluation of the subjective factor in a revolutionary process and its role in the necessary renewal of socialist hegemony. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">Also the social impact of distortions in the field of culture, dogmatism, bureaucratism and corruption deserve serious reflection if we take into account the warnings raised by Lenin before the triumph of the revolution, but especially between 1918 and 1923.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">Of many works, notes and reflections presented during a little more than the first five years of the revolution in power, we highlight his analyzes in "The immediate tasks of Soviet power" and Will the Bolsheviks remain in power? </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">where he delved into the complexities associated with the task of governing while representing the interests of workers and peasants. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">We also highlight the projections on issues of party organization and politics presented in his letter of December 1922 to the party congress, which for many constitutes his political testament with clear references to the important role of workers and peasants, of the popular masses, in a process towards socialism.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">The truth is that what led to the collapse of the USSR cannot be attributed to Lenin or Marxism, nor can it be used to disqualify the historical and political value of the Bolshevik Revolution of 2017, an event that is highly topical beyond the celebration of its centenary. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">It is not about wrapping ourselves in nostalgia, but about analyzing in a balanced way the historical facts, the achievements, the errors, the contradictions that existed, but also the inconsistency of myths and traps that have arisen, especially since 1989, with a view to "substantiating" the supposed unviability of socialism and the inevitability of capitalism, which constitutes an unacceptable historical fatalism.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: none; line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 15px; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">But above all, the analysis of the October Revolution demonstrates that the lessons of history are an inalienable legacy that nourishes the anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist movement today, they are resources that fuel the actions to face the present and project the future of those who aspire. to a better world. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">They are lessons for the deployment of socialist transition processes that will always be developed with many unprecedented conditions because no two countries are the same, but at the same time they require compasses that allow directing the course towards a strategy of socialist order. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">Therefore, it not only contributes to the evaluation of the past, but also to the projection of the present and future of humanity.</span></span></p>Kamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-9131729652622580272024-01-11T14:08:00.000-08:002024-01-12T08:23:58.458-08:003553. Paul Burkett: May 26, 1956-January 7, 2024<p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span>Kamran Nayeri, January 11, 2024</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /><span></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjKvFYngCAzSC5N9FdAifVUaFoeiXNfPQ-rEGrrcUWd__BMFu_TAxmDHhhRjzVrL_wy6TNPEkxE7pGJ3Be4rrZzomggNrqlWotyq4JaLzKCgXQN2TzReMvvWWs0nelxXUpOg_1418E_oJ4P0_YHg-zSd1ZtFKXPeYzsvbUltbVUANXvbrF6ildf0g9kZ7ab" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="385" data-original-width="300" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjKvFYngCAzSC5N9FdAifVUaFoeiXNfPQ-rEGrrcUWd__BMFu_TAxmDHhhRjzVrL_wy6TNPEkxE7pGJ3Be4rrZzomggNrqlWotyq4JaLzKCgXQN2TzReMvvWWs0nelxXUpOg_1418E_oJ4P0_YHg-zSd1ZtFKXPeYzsvbUltbVUANXvbrF6ildf0g9kZ7ab=w499-h640" width="499" /></a></span></div><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span><p></p><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span data-preserver-spaces="true" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">Sadly, I just learned that Paul Burkett died last Sunday from complications of acute myeloid leukemia. I came to know Paul as a fellow Union of Radical Political Economics (URPE) member in the late 1980s and if I remember correctly, he was twice co-participating in the same URPE panel discussion at the American Economic Association annual conferences. Like me, Paul was interested in late capitalist development, which was the theme of his earlier presentation. He collaborated with Martin Hart-Landsberg of Lewis and Clark (Development, Crisis, and Class Struggle 2000). But by the early 1990s, he began researching capitalism and nature, leading to his excellent book </span><em style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;">Marx and Nature: A Red and Green Perspective</em><span data-preserver-spaces="true" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"> (1999). In that book, Paul gave a reading of Marx that illuminates his views on aspects of the problem of society and nature, or what he and John Bellamy Foster later called Marx's ecological insight. </span></span></p><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span data-preserver-spaces="true" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The last time I saw Paul was in Havana, Cuba, in May 2003 during The Works of Karl Marx and the Challenges of the 21st Century conference, the first of such conferences organized by the Philosophy Institute of Cuba. That conference attracted leftists from the Americas, Europe, and elsewhere and took place in a tense political moment. In March, George W. Bush invaded Iraq under false claims and overthrew Saddam Hussein's regime. Already, Bush's administration was threatening to invade Cuba. On April 2, six men using arms hijacked a ferry in Havana Bay and ordered the captain to sail to the United States. The Cuban government captured and tried those involved, and three ring leaders, Lorenzo Enrique Copello Castillo, Barbaro Leodan Sevilla Garcia, and Jorge Luis Martinez Isaac, were sentenced to death for endangering lives and threatening the security of the country and were executed. </span></span></p><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span data-preserver-spaces="true" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Some of the participants in the conference created a petition to the Cuban government that condemned the execution of these men and demanded that Cuba end capital punishment on the books since the triumph of the revolution in 1959. Paul and I disagreed on signing the petition. He did, and I did not. I did not, not because I am not against capital punishment; I am. But at the same time, if a revolution faces imperialist invasion and some armed individuals threaten the safety of some citizens and provide a pretext for imperialist invasion, they must be held accountable and dealt with according to the law. In this situation, I would not second guess the government of Cuba at such a critical time. Soon after the petition had circulated, one late afternoon before dinner time, Fidel Castro unexpectedly arrived in the lobby of our hotel. He held a conversation with some of the conference participants. I do not know if Paul attended that meeting; I was already gone for another meeting elsewhere. But Fidel discussed the situation and presented the reason for the executions to those present. </span></span></p><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span data-preserver-spaces="true" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">While I respected his views, I disagreed with Paul's uncritical support for Bernie Sanders. However, he was not alone among socialists and ecosocialists in such illusions. I left System Change, not Climate Change, a network of ecosocialists in part because its key leaders uncritically supported Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez after she was elected and promoted herself as the champion of the vague idea she called Green New Deal to combat climate change from the halls of U.S. Congress. </span></span></p><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span data-preserver-spaces="true" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Paul was several years ahead of me in recognizing and embracing ecosocialism. I considered myself an ecosocialist starting in 2000, and Paul's book, among others, was part of my coming up to speed about the theories of ecosocialism. I differed with Paul in his rereading of Marx in that while he was a pioneer in finding valuable aspects of Marx's interest in nature, he, Foster, or Saito, who claimed Marx was an ecosocialist, never tried to ask how these insights relate to historical materialism and his labor theory of value which quite consciously set aside nature to focus only on society (see, Nayeri, 2003). I tried to engage Paul in discussing these issues, but he was dismissive. I know now that this lack of interest in such discussion was at least in part due to his critical illness, which he did not disclose to me.</span></span></p><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span data-preserver-spaces="true" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Like Paul, I love jazz and wanted to learn to play saxophone. After the death of his beloved son, Paul picked up the saxophone, learned to play it well, and even composed short pieces he shared with me. However, I noticed there was always something dark in his music, which I attributed to the continued grieving of the loss of his son. Perhaps his failing health was also responsible. </span></span></p><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"></span></p><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span data-preserver-spaces="true" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Paul was a creative and passionate human being and contributed significantly to our understanding of Marx's evolving view of society and nature. I will miss him. </span></span></p><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; margin-bottom: 0pt; margin-top: 0pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Below is the obituary in</span><span style="font-family: georgia;"> </span><a href="https://obituaries.tribstar.com/obituary/dr-paul-burkett-1089265332" style="font-family: georgia;">Tribune Star</a><span style="font-family: georgia;">.</span></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span>TERRE HAUTE - Dr. Paul Burkett, 67, of Terre Haute, IN, died from sudden complications of acute myeloid leukemia on January 7, 2024. He died at home, lovingly attended by his wife Suzanne and son Shaun.</span></span></p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span>Paul was born in Wyandotte, MI in 1956 to William Loyd Burkett and Dorothy Whalen Burkett.</span><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /><span>Paul attended Wyandotte Roosevelt High School, Kalamazoo College, and received his PhD in Economics at Syracuse University. His teaching career began at Syracuse and took him to Auburn Correctional Facility in New York, the University of Miami, and Indiana State University, from which he retired in June of 2020.</span></span><div><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /><span>Paul was preceded in death by his parents, his twin brother Patrick J. Burkett, and his youngest son Patrick M. Burkett. He is survived by his wife of 38 years, Suzanne (Zann) Carter; sons Ian (Lisa) Hussey and Shaun Hussey; daughter Molly Burkett; granddaughters Sophia Hussey and Raven Renn, and his brothers Philip (DeAnn) Burkett, Charles Burkett, and Richard (Karen) Burkett; as well as many loving nephews and nieces.</span></span></div><div><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /><span>An intellectual and scholar, Paul published many books, journal articles, notes, reviews, and book chapters in his field. He felt his most important books are Marx and Nature: A Red And Green Perspective (1999) and Marxism and Ecological Economics (2006). He was passionate about his work, Socialism, the planet, and justice.</span></span></div><div><span style="font-family: georgia;"><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /><span style="color: #666666;">And Jazz! He began playing the saxophone when his son Patrick died, as a way to cope with deep grief, and proceeded to bring to his study of the instrument, of jazz, and of music in general, the same focus and fierce dedication he brought to his academic work. Calling himself PapaPatty in honor of Patrick, he played in many venues all around the area for almost two decades.</span><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /><span style="color: #666666;">He asked only for a simple memorial gathering in late spring so that's what we'll do. Any donations in his honor can be made to Doctors Without Borders.</span><br style="box-sizing: border-box;" /><span><span style="color: #2b00fe;">www.debaunfuneralhomes.com</span></span></span></div>Kamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-88822236190322914222024-01-08T09:47:00.000-08:002024-01-08T09:47:14.826-08:003552. Ongoig Genocidal Zionist State's War in Gaza<p><span style="color: #333333; font-family: verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></p><p><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">By Latin Press Agency</span><span style="color: #333333;">, </span><a href="https://www.escambray.cu/2024/casi-90-000-muertos-heridos-o-desaparecidos-en-gaza-por-agresion/"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Escambray</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">, January 6, 2024</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #333333; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #333333;"></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #333333;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEg-oU5gLg6rYVfxaNJ2Px2CDbQZspCCbTC0Mj72L41XF_e92yTyiVamf2pmTOKfrozp_rW6YfXQwOXvklY3gGIX_i1BgSjX3h8sHz1NCfHENiV6OmnsbJ0Fkf_BHFhaIvZK9TzLG54kargPJSMu1maUU-Zt23gZrwt0L8b3zcZ2BKVwSKR85ZqsAe8s8diF" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="720" data-original-width="1280" height="360" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEg-oU5gLg6rYVfxaNJ2Px2CDbQZspCCbTC0Mj72L41XF_e92yTyiVamf2pmTOKfrozp_rW6YfXQwOXvklY3gGIX_i1BgSjX3h8sHz1NCfHENiV6OmnsbJ0Fkf_BHFhaIvZK9TzLG54kargPJSMu1maUU-Zt23gZrwt0L8b3zcZ2BKVwSKR85ZqsAe8s8diF=w640-h360" width="640" /></a></span></span></div><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #333333;"><br /></span></span><p></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Almost 90,000 Palestinians, four percent of the total population of Gaza, died, were injured or are missing after three months of Israeli aggression against the territory, the Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Monitor reported on January 6.</span></p><p style="border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; list-style: none; margin: 0px 0px 20px; outline: none; padding: 0px;"><span style="border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; list-style: none; margin: 0px; outline: none; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">The non-governmental organization denounced in a statement that the Army's continuous air, land and sea attacks destroyed 70 percent of the civil facilities and infrastructure in the enclave.</span></p><p style="border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; list-style: none; margin: 0px 0px 20px; outline: none; padding: 0px;"><span style="border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; list-style: none; margin: 0px; outline: none; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">The approach of the Israeli bombings seems to be aimed at carrying out collective punishment against the population and turning the area into an uninhabitable place, he stressed.</span></p><p style="border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; list-style: none; margin: 0px 0px 20px; outline: none; padding: 0px;"><span style="border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; list-style: none; margin: 0px; outline: none; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">Gaza authorities estimate that since October 7, 22,600 Palestinians have died there and another 58,000 have been injured as a result of military operations by the Armed Forces of the neighboring nation.</span></p><p style="border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; list-style: none; margin: 0px 0px 20px; outline: none; padding: 0px;"><span style="border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; list-style: none; margin: 0px; outline: none; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">The Observatory pointed out that the majority of Gazans were displaced from their homes by the bombs and detailed that during the ongoing war campaign, almost 68,000 homes were destroyed and another 179,000 were damaged.</span></p><p style="border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; list-style: none; margin: 0px 0px 20px; outline: none; padding: 0px;"><span style="border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; list-style: none; margin: 0px; outline: none; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">Israel deliberately destroyed or caused serious damage to essential facilities, including 318 schools, 1,612 industrial centers, 23 hospitals, 57 clinics, 201 mosques and three churches, as well as 169 press and media offices, he stressed.</span></p><p style="border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; list-style: none; margin: 0px 0px 20px; outline: none; padding: 0px;"><span style="border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; list-style: none; margin: 0px; outline: none; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">That country's troops deliberately target Palestinian civilians in order to force them to emigrate, in violation of the norms of international law, he noted.</span></p><p style="border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; list-style: none; margin: 0px 0px 20px; outline: none; padding: 0px;"><span style="border: 0px none; box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; list-style: none; margin: 0px; outline: none; padding: 0px; vertical-align: inherit;">The entity stated that these actions amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes, including genocide.</span></p>Kamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-66110696370153237562023-12-24T10:39:00.000-08:002023-12-24T10:40:05.342-08:003551. Marx's Abstract Theory of Value and Money in Capital Volume 1<p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> By Fred Moseley, December 16, 2020</span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="266" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/9OuQtocg81c" width="320" youtube-src-id="9OuQtocg81c"></iframe></div><br /><p><br /></p>Kamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-74707384638017119842023-12-24T09:57:00.000-08:002023-12-24T10:08:45.101-08:003550. Marx’s Value Theory and the Value Form Interpretation<h2 class="widget-title" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; clear: both; line-height: 1.125; margin: 0px 0px 16px; max-width: unset; padding: 0px;"><label style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: small; font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: #666666;">From </span><a href="https://thenextrecession.wordpress.com/2023/12/23/marxs-value-theory-and-the-value-form-interpretation/"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Michael Robert's Blog</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">, December 23, 2023</span></span></label></h2><p><span style="clear: right; color: #666666; float: right; font-family: georgia; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img alt="" class="wp-image-26624" data-attachment-id="26624" data-comments-opened="1" data-image-caption="" data-image-description="" data-image-meta="{"aperture":"0","credit":"","camera":"","caption":"","created_timestamp":"0","copyright":"","focal_length":"0","iso":"0","shutter_speed":"0","title":"","orientation":"0"}" data-image-title="val1" data-large-file="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val1.jpg?w=415" data-medium-file="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val1.jpg?w=292" data-orig-file="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val1.jpg" data-orig-size="415,426" data-permalink="https://thenextrecession.wordpress.com/2023/12/23/marxs-value-theory-and-the-value-form-interpretation/val1/" height="640" sizes="(max-width: 415px) 100vw, 415px" src="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val1.jpg?w=415" srcset="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val1.jpg 415w, https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val1.jpg?w=146 146w, https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val1.jpg?w=292 292w" style="border-style: none; box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; max-width: 100%; vertical-align: bottom; width: 222px;" width="623" /></span><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">As I mentioned in a recent blog, at the Historical Materialism conference in London in November, there was a book launch for Fred Moseley’s new book</span><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span><a href="https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-031-13210-0" style="box-sizing: inherit; cursor: pointer; font-family: georgia; max-width: unset;">Marx’s Theory of Value in Chapter 1 of <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">Capital</em>: A Critique of Heinrich’s Value-Form Interpretation</a><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">. Michael Heinrich and Winfried Schwarz (a German Marxist who is also critical of Heinrich’s interpretation) participated in the book launch.</span></p><figure class="wp-block-image size-large is-resized" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); padding: 0px; text-align: center;"><a href="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val1.jpg" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: inherit; cursor: pointer; max-width: unset; text-decoration-line: none;"></a></figure><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Moseley’s book is an examination of Marx’s theory of value in Chapter 1 of <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">Capital</em>, almost paragraph by paragraph in Sections 1 and 2, and a detailed critique of Heinrich’s value-form interpretation of Chapter 1, as presented in his 2021 book <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;"><a href="https://monthlyreview.org/product/how-to-read-marxs-capital/" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: inherit; cursor: pointer; max-width: unset;">How to Read Marx’s Capital, </a></em>which is a translation of his 2018 book <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">Wie das Marxsche Kapital Lesen?</em></span></p><figure class="wp-block-image size-large" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); padding: 0px; text-align: center;"><a href="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val2.jpg" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: inherit; cursor: pointer; max-width: unset; text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><img alt="" class="wp-image-26625" data-attachment-id="26625" data-comments-opened="1" data-image-caption="" data-image-description="" data-image-meta="{"aperture":"0","credit":"","camera":"","caption":"","created_timestamp":"0","copyright":"","focal_length":"0","iso":"0","shutter_speed":"0","title":"","orientation":"0"}" data-image-title="val2" data-large-file="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val2.jpg?w=202" data-medium-file="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val2.jpg?w=202" data-orig-file="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val2.jpg" data-orig-size="202,244" data-permalink="https://thenextrecession.wordpress.com/2023/12/23/marxs-value-theory-and-the-value-form-interpretation/val2/" height="244" sizes="(max-width: 202px) 100vw, 202px" src="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val2.jpg?w=202" srcset="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val2.jpg 202w, https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val2.jpg?w=124 124w" style="border-style: none; box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; max-width: 100%; vertical-align: bottom;" width="202" /></span></a></figure><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Heinrich is a well-known German Marxist who has published widely on his value-form interpretation of Marx’s theory of value, and his work is influential not only in Germany, but also in the UK and other countries in Europe and around the world. He criticises the traditional interpretation of the labour theory of value, according to which the value of commodities is determined solely in production, and he argues that value is created only when it is converted into money through the sale of commodities on the market.</span></p><figure class="wp-block-image size-large" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); padding: 0px; text-align: center;"><a href="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val3.jpg" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: inherit; cursor: pointer; max-width: unset; text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><img alt="" class="wp-image-26626" data-attachment-id="26626" data-comments-opened="1" data-image-caption="" data-image-description="" data-image-meta="{"aperture":"0","credit":"","camera":"","caption":"","created_timestamp":"0","copyright":"","focal_length":"0","iso":"0","shutter_speed":"0","title":"","orientation":"0"}" data-image-title="val3" data-large-file="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val3.jpg?w=320" data-medium-file="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val3.jpg?w=300" data-orig-file="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val3.jpg" data-orig-size="320,180" data-permalink="https://thenextrecession.wordpress.com/2023/12/23/marxs-value-theory-and-the-value-form-interpretation/val3/" height="180" sizes="(max-width: 320px) 100vw, 320px" src="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val3.jpg?w=320" srcset="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val3.jpg 320w, https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val3.jpg?w=150 150w, https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val3.jpg?w=300 300w" style="border-style: none; box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; max-width: 100%; vertical-align: bottom;" width="320" /></span></a></figure><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Moseley is one of the foremost scholars in the world today on Marxian economic theory. He has written or edited many books on Marxist theory. He reckons instead that Marx presented a labour theory of value according to which the value of commodities is determined solely in production by the socially necessary labor time required to produce the commodities. And Moseley argues in his book that the textual evidence in Chapter 1 overwhelmingly supports the labour theory of value interpretation of Marx’s theory of value.</span></p><figure class="wp-block-image size-large" style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); padding: 0px; text-align: center;"><a href="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val4.jpg" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: inherit; cursor: pointer; max-width: unset; text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><img alt="" class="wp-image-26627" data-attachment-id="26627" data-comments-opened="1" data-image-caption="" data-image-description="" data-image-meta="{"aperture":"0","credit":"","camera":"","caption":"","created_timestamp":"0","copyright":"","focal_length":"0","iso":"0","shutter_speed":"0","title":"","orientation":"0"}" data-image-title="val4" data-large-file="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val4.jpg?w=320" data-medium-file="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val4.jpg?w=300" data-orig-file="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val4.jpg" data-orig-size="320,180" data-permalink="https://thenextrecession.wordpress.com/2023/12/23/marxs-value-theory-and-the-value-form-interpretation/val4/" height="180" loading="lazy" sizes="(max-width: 320px) 100vw, 320px" src="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val4.jpg?w=320" srcset="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val4.jpg 320w, https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val4.jpg?w=150 150w, https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/12/val4.jpg?w=300 300w" style="border-style: none; box-sizing: border-box; height: auto; max-width: 100%; vertical-align: bottom;" width="320" /></span></a></figure><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The relevance and importance of this debate may seem obscure to many readers of Marx. So Fred Moseley kindly agreed to be interviewed on his new book and the controversy with Heinrich.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: bolder; max-width: unset;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">MR: How did this book come about?</span></span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span style="box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: bolder; max-width: unset;">FM:</span> ”First of all, I want to thank you for the opportunity to discuss my book with you and your many readers.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Heinrich’s book cited above is a detailed textual study of the first seven chapters of <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">Capital</em>. Heinrich is not very well known in the US, but he is very influential in Germany and other European countries. He is something like a David Harvey of Europe. But I am convinced that Heinrich’s book is a fundamental misinterpretation of Marx’s theory, so I decided to engage critically with Heinrich’s book. </span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">I started by writing a paper on Chapter 1, the foundation of Marx’s theory and Heinrich’s interpretation. I presented this paper in a Zoom conference in June 2021 sponsored by Gyeongsang National University in South Korea. An assistant editor of Palgrave’s Marx, Engels and Marxism series, Paula Rauhala, watched the my presentation and she contacted me and suggested that I write a longer version of my paper as a Palgrave Pivot book. A Pivot book is a new initiative by Palgrave of short books, with a limit of 50,000 words (which I exceeded by 10,000 words!). I am grateful to Paula for that suggestion and this little book is the result.”</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: bolder; max-width: unset;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">MR: Please give us an overview of your book</span></span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span style="box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: bolder; max-width: unset;">FM:</span> “My little book is a detailed textual study of Marx’s Chapter 1 and Heinrich’s interpretation of Chapter 1. The book consists of only 4 chapters. </span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">Chapter 1</em> of this book presents my interpretation of Marx’s theory of value in Chapter 1 of Capital, including a section on each of the four sections of Marx’s Chapter 1. <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">Chapter 2</em> presents Heinrich’s interpretation of Chapter 1 of Capital and my detailed critique of Heinrich’s interpretation 1, with the same four sections.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">Chapter 3</em> is about a 55-page manuscript that Marx wrote in 1872 in preparation for the 2nd German Edition of Volume 1, which is mainly about Section 3 of Chapter 1, entitled ‘Additions and Changes to the First Volume of Capital’, which Heinrich has emphasised in his book and in previous works to provide textual support for his ‘value-form interpretation’ of Chapter 1. This important manuscript has not yet been translated into English. A translation of a 4-page excerpt of this manuscript is included in Heinrich’s book as an appendix. So Chapter 3 of my book presents my interpretation of this manuscript and a critique of Heinrich’s interpretation. A translation of this entire manuscript should be a high priority of Marxian scholarship.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">My book is very abstract theory, about the most abstract part of Marx’s theory, the beginning of Marx’s theory in which he presents the foundation of his labour theory of value. Marx said in the Preface to the 1<span style="box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 0; max-width: unset; position: relative; top: -0.5em; vertical-align: baseline;">st</span> edition of Volume 1 of <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">Capital</em> that <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">“beginnings are always difficult in all sciences”,</em> and that is certainly true of Marx’s theory. The best way to read my book is to have Heinrich’s book and Volume 1 of <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">Capital</em> close at hand.”</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: bolder; max-width: unset;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">MR: How would you summarise the main conclusions of your book?</span></span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span style="box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: bolder; max-width: unset;">FM</span>: “The main conclusions of my book are the following:</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">1. The subject of analysis of Chapter 1 is <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">the commodity</em>, not a separate, isolated commodity, but a <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">representative commodity</em>, a commodity that <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">represents all commodities</em> and the properties that all commodities have in common (use-value and exchange-value). In the Preface to the 1<span style="box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 0; max-width: unset; position: relative; top: -0.5em; vertical-align: baseline;">st</span> edition<em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">, </em>Marx described the commodity as the “<em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">elementary form</em>” or the “<em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">cell form</em>” of capitalist production. So Marx analyses the properties of a representative commodity similar to the way cellular biology analyses the properties of a representative cell. It’s like putting a commodity under a microscope and analysing its main properties.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Marx’s representative commodity in Chapter 1 is assumed to have been <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">produced, but not yet exchanged</em>. This is crucial for the critique of Heinrich’s interpretation. According to Heinrich, the subject of analysis of Chapter 1 is <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">not</em> the properties of a representative commodity, but instead is what he calls an “<em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">exchange relation</em>” between two commodities, which he argues is the end result <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">of two actual exchanges</em> between the two commodities and money on the market. </span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">2. The value of commodities is derived in Section 1 of Chapter 1 from the property of the <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">exchange-value</em> of the representative commodity (i.e. from the property that each commodity is <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">equal to all other commodities in definite proportions). </em>And this general relation of equality between each commodity and all commodities <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">requires a common property</em> that is possessed by all commodities and that determines the proportions in which different commodities are equal. </span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Marx argued that this common property of all commodities that determines their exchange-values is the <span style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset; text-decoration-line: underline;">objectified abstract human labour</span> contained in commodities. And this is the result of the abstract human labour expended in production to produce the commodities.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">According to Heinrich, on the other hand, the value of commodities is not derived from a relation of equality between all commodities, but instead is derived from an analysis of an “<em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">exchange relation</em>” between two commodities, which he argues <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">presupposes actual exchanges</em> of the two commodities with money on the market.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">3. The magnitude of the value of each commodity is “<em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">exclusively determined</em>” (p. 129) by the quantity of <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">socially necessary labour-time expended in production</em> to produce each commodity. Heinrich argues, on the other hand, that the magnitude of value of a commodity depends in part on the relation between <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">supply and demand for the commodity</em> on the market. This is the best-known assumption of the value-form interpretation of Marx’s theory of value.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">4. The labour that produces commodities has a <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">dual character in production</em>: both concrete labour and abstract labour are characteristics of the same labour process in production. Section 2 of Chapter 1 in particular presents very strong textual evidence to support this interpretation of the dual character <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">in production</em> of labour that produces commodities. </span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Weaving and tailoring are Marx’s two examples in Section 2. The labour process of weaving produces the use-value of linen, its dual character also being abstract human labour that produces the value of the linen. The same dual character is true of the labour process of tailoring (and all other particular labour activities). The values of the linen and the coat are compared by comparing the labour-time required to produce each one of them and <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">nothing is said in this about exchange in this section</em>.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Heinrich argues, on the other hand, that labour in production is only concrete labour and is not yet abstract labour. Abstract labour comes to exist <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">only in exchange</em>, and thus the dual character of the labour that produces commodities comes to exist only in exchange. According to Heinrich’s interpretation, tailoring and weaving (and any other labour process) possess only a single character in production, not a dual character. This interpretation is clearly contradicted by Section 2.”</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: bolder; max-width: unset;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">MR: Please say more about Heinrich’s interpretation of “exchange relation”. That seems to be a central concept in Heinrich’s interpretation.</span></span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span style="box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: bolder; max-width: unset;">FM:</span> “Heinrich’s concept of “exchange relation” is completely original with him. No one else puts so much emphasis on this term and defines it the way he does. And it is a new concept in his interpretation; it was not included in his 2012 book <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">Introduction to Marx’s Capital</em>. And unfortunately, he does not explain this very well in this book, especially for such a fundamental concept. There is nothing in his Introduction about this concept; there are only 1½ pages in an appendix in the back of the book on the abstractions that result in this concept (which he doesn’t refer to once in the rest of the book) and 1½ pages in his first discussion of this concept on pp. 53-54. And from then on, he just presumes his interpretation of exchange relation and applies it to different passages in Marx’s text. </span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">I am pretty sure that most readers of Marx (especially beginning readers) will not understand the meaning and significance of Heinrich’s concept of exchange relation in his interpretation. A young Marx scholar from Australia wrote a 2000-word review of Heinrich’s book for <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">Marx and Philosophy</em> and she didn’t mention the concept of exchange relation at all. I myself had to work pretty hard to understand it because it is so poorly presented.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Heinrich defines <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">exchange relation</em> as an exchange between two commodities. To take one of his examples that is borrowed from Marx: </span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">1 quarter of wheat is exchanged for x boot-polish.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Heinrich comments that this definition seems like direct barter exchange between the two commodities, but he states that this is not so, because direct barter seldom actually happens in capitalism. Instead, Heinrich interprets the <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">exchange relation</em> between two commodities as the <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">end result of two actual acts of exchange between the two commodities and money on the market.</em> Thus…</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">1 qtr. of wheat is sold for 10 shillings and 10 shillings is used to purchase <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">x</em> book-polish</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The important point is that Heinrich’s concept of exchange relation between two commodities <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">presupposes </em>actual exchanges between these two commodities and money on the market.<em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;"> </em>Heinrich does not clearly specify whether these acts of exchange that are presupposed in his interpretation of the exchange relation are assumed to be <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">actual</em> acts of exchange on the market. However, they<em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;"> </em>must be actual acts of exchange in order to be consistent with Heinrich’s general value-form interpretation, according to which commodities possess value only if they have been actually exchanged on the market. </span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Before actual exchange, according the Heinrich’s interpretation, commodities do not possess value (indeed, products are not even commodities) before exchange. Products of labour become commodities and commodities come to possess value <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">only as a result of actual exchanges on the market</em>. Therefore, since the commodities that Marx analyses in Section 1 (e.g. wheat and boot-polish) are assumed to possess value, in order to be consistent with Heinrich’s general value-form interpretation, he must also assume that these commodities have been actually sold and bought on the market. If the commodities have not been actually exchanged on the market, then these commodities would not possess value, according to Heinrich’s general value-form interpretation.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">However, there is <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">absolutely</em> <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">no textual evidence</em> in any of Marx’s several drafts of Chapter 1 to support Heinrich’s idiosyncratic interpretation of the exchange relation between two commodities – that it presupposes actual acts of exchange between these two commodities and money on the market. This interpretation is Heinrich’s invention. He does not cite any other authors with a similar interpretation of exchange relation, because there are none. And the exchange relation is the most important concept in Heinrich’s interpretation of Chapter 1. If his fundamental concept of exchange relation is a misinterpretation of Marx’s theory, then the rest of Heinrich’s interpretation of Chapter 1 is a misinterpretation and is unacceptable.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">I think it is clear that the subject of analysis of Chapter 1 is <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;"><span style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset; text-decoration-line: underline;">the</span></em> <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">commodity</em>, a representative commodity that is used to analyse the properties that all commodities have in common – use-value and value. Chapter 1 is not about exchange at all. The commodity that is analysed in Chapter 1 has been produced, but not yet exchanged. Exchange is not considered until Chapter 2 (“The Process of Exchange”).</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In recent weeks, while preparing for the HM conference and for this interview, I have come to realise more clearly that there is a fundamental contradiction in what Heinrich is trying to accomplish in his recent book. In his previous works, he has presented (many times and all over the world) a strong value-form interpretation of Marx’s theory of value, according to which the value of a commodity exists only as a result of an actual exchange on the market. Before exchange, a commodity does not possess value (it only possesses use-value). For the textual evidence to support this interpretation, he has used a handful of key passages that are taken from various texts in isolation and out of context. As we know, one can always find passages that seem to support almost any interpretation of Marx’s theory. And Heinrich is very good at this quotation game.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">However, his most recent book is different; it is an attempt to interpret the first seven chapters of Volume 1, especially Chapter 1, as a value-form theory – and that Marx was <span style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset; text-decoration-line: underline;">the</span> original value-theorist! Heinrich goes from page to page in Chapter 1 and consistently tries to interpret key passages in a value-form way. This is a very difficult task because there are so many passages in these chapters, especially Chapter 1, that <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">contradict</em> a value-form interpretation. Indeed, in my view, Heinrich’s task is an <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">impossible task</em>. My book follows his detailed commentaries point by point and exposes the errors in his value-form interpretation.”</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: bolder; max-width: unset;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">MR: What was the main disagreement between you and Heinrich in your book launch at the recent Historical Materialism conference?</span></span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span style="box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: bolder; max-width: unset;">FM:</span> “Not surprisingly, the main disagreement in the session was over the meaning of <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">exchange relation in two paragraphs </em>in Section 1. He argued that I misinterpreted Marx’s concept of exchange relation, not as an act of exchange between two commodities, but as a relation of equality between two commodities, and that I just substituted my meaning of exchange relation for Marx’s meaning in the two passages. And he argued that these two passages are proof that that Section 1 analyses individual commodities as part of an exchange relation.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">But that is not true. I did not just substitute my meaning of exchange relation for Marx’s meaning in these paragraphs. Rather, I argued that the exchange relation in these paragraphs is a <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">synonym for</em> <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">exchange-value</em>. The exchange-value of each commodity is defined in the preceding paragraphs in Section 1 as the property of each commodity that is <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">equal</em> to all other commodities in definite proportions that are mutually consistent. That implies that all commodities possess a common property that determines the proportions in which different commodities are equal. Therefore, the exchange relation between two commodities in these paragraphs is also a relation of equality between two commodities, which implies the necessity of a common property possessed by each one of them.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Instead I argued that Heinrich is the one who misinterprets Marx’s concept of exchange relation with his strange definition as the end result of actual exchanges between the two commodities and money on the market,. There is absolutely no textual evidence to support this interpretation of actual market exchanges presupposed in Chapter 1. My interpretation of exchange relation as a relation of equality between commodities is much more reasonable and plausible than Heinrich’s complicated and idiosyncratic interpretation of the end result of actual exchanges between commodities and money on the market. “</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: bolder; max-width: unset;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">MR: Are there other points that you would like to emphasise?</span></span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“I also want to mention Heinrich’s unusual interpretation of the word “<em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">common</em>” in Marx’s derivation of value in Section 1 – that value is the <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">common property</em> of commodities that determines their exchange-values – because it is an important point in his interpretation that he has emphasised in all his writings, including in the book I am criticising. </span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Take the concluding paragraph of Marx’s derivation of value on p. 128: “<em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">All these things now tell us is that human labour-power is expended to produce them, human labour is accumulated in them. As crystals of this social substance, which is <span style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset; text-decoration-line: underline;">common to them all, </span>they are values – commodity values</em>. ” I argue that Marx’s meaning of <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">“common to them all” </em>in this passage is the usual meaning of “common” , namely that the same property is possessed by each individual commodity by itself, on its own.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Heinrich argues, on the other hand, that the meaning of “common” in this passage and in other passages is ambiguous – i.e. it could also mean a property that each individual commodity possesses, not by itself, but<em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;"> only together with another commodity</em> <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">in an exchange relation </em>(exchange relation again!), and this is what Marx means here and elsewhere when he says that value is a common property of commodities. According to Heinrich, outside of an exchange relation, an individual commodity does not possess the ‘common property’ of value.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">However, I don’t think Marx’s meaning of <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">“common to them all” </em>is ambiguous at all; Marx states that the common property of commodities is the human labour accumulated in them as a result of the labour expended to produce them (each one of them), prior to and independent of its exchange with another commodity. Nothing is said about exchange and exchange relation in this key concluding passage.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Three paragraphs before the passage just quoted, Marx presents a geometric example of area as a common property of different geometric figures. Area is a ‘”common property” of each figure, independent of its comparison to the area of another figure. The similarity between the area of geometric figures and the value of commodities is that, in both cases, the objects possess a common property <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">independently</em> of a quantitative comparison between them. Heinrich does not comment on this illuminating geometric example which contradicts his interpretation that the common element of value is created in the exchange itself. Clearly, the area of geometric figures is not created by a <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">comparison</em> of their areas.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">One other point I want to mention. In working on this book, I noticed for the first time that Marx repeatedly used the phrase the “<em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">own value</em>” of an individual commodity in Section 3 of Chapter 1 (seven times); for example, the “<em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">own value”</em> of 10 yards of linen or the <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">“own value” </em>of a coat (see pp. 100 and 104-06 of my book). The own values of the linen and the coat are compared and equated, but nothing is said about exchange. These passages are clear and unambiguous textual evidence that each individual commodity possess its “own value”, independent of acts of exchange between commodities and money on the market. This directly contradicts Heinrich’s interpretation that an individual commodity possesses value only if it has been actually exchanged with money on the market. Heinrich quotes only 3 of these 7 ‘own value’ passages and presents little or no commentary on any of them. Twice he quotes the adjoining sentences, but not these revealing sentences.”</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: bolder; max-width: unset;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">MR: What difference does this debate over the details of Marx’s value theory make in the bigger picture?</span></span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span style="box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: bolder; max-width: unset;">FM:</span> “I think it is important to get the details of Marx’s theory of value straight, because it is the foundation for Marx’s theory of surplus-value as a theory of exploitation in Volume 1. And the theory of value is also the foundation of his theory of the falling rate of profit and crises that you have presented so well in your own work. In the Preface to the 1<span style="box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 0; max-width: unset; position: relative; top: -0.5em; vertical-align: baseline;">st</span> edition of <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">Capital</em>, Marx stated: <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">“To the superficial observer, the analysis of these forms [the commodity-form of the product of labor and the value-form of the commodity] seems to turn upon minutiae. It does in fact deal with minutiae, but so does microscopic anatomy.”</em> Microscopic anatomy is necessary for the understanding of organic bodies, and similarly Marx’s theory of value is necessary for an understanding of the capitalist economy.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">My book is specifically about Heinrich’s book, but it applies to the value-form interpretation of Marx’s theory in general. And my conclusion is that <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">Marx’s theory of value cannot be reasonably be interpreted as a value-form theory</em>. I think that is an important conclusion. We should move on from the value-form interpretation of Marx’s theory.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">I worry about Heinrich’s influence on the understanding of Marx’s theory. His interpretation is very influential in Germany and elsewhere in the world, especially among young people. And I am convinced that it is a fundamental misinterpretation of Marx’s theory. So I think it is important to engage with his popular but mistaken interpretation. I hope that my book will be read especially by young people and it will encourage them to make a deeper study of Marx’s theory of value in Chapter 1 of <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">Capital </em>and beyond.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;"><span style="box-sizing: inherit; font-weight: bolder; max-width: unset;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Let me add my pennyworth to what I think are the wider issues arising from this debate between Heinrich and Moseley (MR). </span></span></span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Marx put it this way: <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">“As the commodity is immediate unity of use value and exchange-value, so the process of production, which is the process of the production of a commodity, is the immediate unity of process of labour and process of valorisation</em>.” So, for Marx, it’s the process of production, the exertion of human labour that creates value. As Marx once put it: “<em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">Every child knows that any nation that stopped working, not for a year, but let us say, just for a few weeks, would perish. And every child knows, too, that the amounts of products corresponding to the differing amounts of needs demand differing and quantitatively determined amounts of society’s aggregate labour.”</em></span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The value-form approach of Heinrich is implicitly a simultaneist approach. Its characteristic feature is the belief that value comes into existence only at the moment of realisation on the market. Consequently, production and realisation are collapsed into each other and time is wiped out. But the process of production and circulation (exchange) is not simultaneous, but temporal. At the start of production there are inputs of raw materials and fixed assets from a previous production period. So there is already (constant or ‘dead labour’) value in the commodity <em style="box-sizing: inherit; max-width: unset;">before </em>exchange. Then production takes place to make a new commodity using human labour. This creates ‘potential’ new value, which is realised later (in a modified quantity) when sold.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">But why does all this matter? For me, Marx’s value theory is about showing the fundamental contradiction in capitalism between production for social need (use-value) and production for profit (exchange value). Under capitalism, units of production are commodities that have a dual character which epitomises this contradiction. </span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">For Marx, money is a representative of value, not value itself. If we think that value is only created when selling the commodity for money and not before, then the labour theory of value is devalued into a theory of money. Then, as mainstream neoclassical economics argues, we don’t need a labour theory of value at all because the money price will do. Money prices are what mainstream economics looks at, ignoring or dismissing value by human labour power – and therefore the exploitation of labour by capital for profit. It removes the basic contradiction of capitalist production. </span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-family: "PT Sans", -apple-system, "system-ui", "Segoe UI", Roboto, Oxygen, Ubuntu, Cantarell, "Fira Sans", "Droid Sans", "Helvetica Neue", sans-serif; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666;">Also, it leads to a failure to understand the causes of crises in capitalist production. It is no accident that <a href="https://www.academia.edu/12862357/Marxs_law_of_profitability_answering_old_and_new_misconceptions" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: inherit; cursor: pointer; max-width: unset;">Heinrich dismisses Marx law of profitability as illogical, ‘indeterminate’ and irrelevant to explaining crises and instead looks to excessive credit and financial instability as the causes.</a> Heinrich even claims that in later years, Marx dropped his law of profitability <a href="https://thenextrecession.files.wordpress.com/2023/11/ss-article-on-heinrichs-distortion-of-marxs-view-on-ltrpf.pdf" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: inherit; cursor: pointer; max-width: unset;">although the evidence for that is non-existent</a>.</span></p><p style="-webkit-font-smoothing: antialiased; box-sizing: inherit; font-family: "PT Sans", -apple-system, "system-ui", "Segoe UI", Roboto, Oxygen, Ubuntu, Cantarell, "Fira Sans", "Droid Sans", "Helvetica Neue", sans-serif; margin: 32px auto; max-width: calc(750px); overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666;">If profits (surplus value) from human labour disappear from any analysis to be replaced by money, then we no longer have a Marxist theory of crisis or any theory of crisis at all.</span></p>Kamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-6248719270273303922023-12-14T10:49:00.000-08:002023-12-14T10:56:01.946-08:003549. Christmas Greetings from Bethlehem<p><span style="background-color: #fff9ee; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px;"><a href="https://popular-resistance.blogspot.com/2023/12/christmas-greetings.html"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Popular Resistanace</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">, December 14, 2023</span></span></p><div class="post-body entry-content" id="post-body-7863995823884497628" itemprop="description articleBody" style="background-color: #fff9ee; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; line-height: 1.4; position: relative; width: 520px;"><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #666666;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #666666;"><br /></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #666666;">Greetings from Bethlehem:</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #666666;">We have been writing annual Christmas messages of peace, for human rights, and relating sometimes what happened in the passing year for decades. Since I returned to Bethlehem in 2008, these messages have been special. Since founding the Palestine Institute for Biodiversity and Sustainability (PIBS) in 2014, we also added greeting from PIBS. This year writing seems tougher than ever considering the ongoing and unprecedented genocide/holocaust occurring in Palestine. In the ten weeks before Christmas, more than 20,000 civilians (>8000 of them children) were killed. 2.3 million people were denied food, water and medicines while all means of life around them was systematically targeted. Palestinians (Muslims and Christians) are literally starving to death and dying from lack of medical care. 65% of Gaza residential buildings were destroyed or heavily damaged. Israel also targeted schools, hospitals, clinics, churches, mosques, bakeries, sewage and water facilities, electrical, communication and other infrastructure.</span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEim5GMM_tjCHbIjLhNHeIefpuWhbe-VUUgeQ76zyuUezgtDmVGn-y9KsNquIQxRvwSK82ZI_Gblp4Bm1FYLqUVeCcX9DM9Zyg6RzBtpEz-gR_tIbxBRIieSLQ4QS739mpJbO5A6_aAszGXHGNI_CjRiMF_y6FB7yzGdlczOTxCUy1D6KaidjzKXI6frizU/s900/Rubble%20christmas.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-decoration-line: none;"><img border="0" data-original-height="900" data-original-width="720" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEim5GMM_tjCHbIjLhNHeIefpuWhbe-VUUgeQ76zyuUezgtDmVGn-y9KsNquIQxRvwSK82ZI_Gblp4Bm1FYLqUVeCcX9DM9Zyg6RzBtpEz-gR_tIbxBRIieSLQ4QS739mpJbO5A6_aAszGXHGNI_CjRiMF_y6FB7yzGdlczOTxCUy1D6KaidjzKXI6frizU/s320/Rubble%20christmas.jpg" style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238); box-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1) 1px 1px 5px; padding: 5px; position: relative;" width="256" /></a>Rubble Nativity scene in Lutheran Church, Bethlehem</span></div><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #666666;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #666666;"> We local Christians cannot “celebrate” or do decorations while injustice persists. The Church of Nativity during this season usually received hundreds of thousands of pilgrims. Today it is shrouded in dark cloud. We can only pray and meditate on the need for peace and justice in the birthplace of the prince of peace. We native Christian Palestinians (the first Christians) reflect that some 2.5 billion human beings believe in a message that originated with a Palestinian baby born in a manger here. We reflect on the real message of Jesus of love and caring for the oppressed and the suffering. The harsh reality on the ground reminds us of our responsibility to shape a better future. Bethlehem is home to 260,000 Palestinian Christians and Muslims including over 60000 refugees. We natives are limited to live in only 13 percent of our district while over 150000 colonial Jewish settlers live on stolen Palestinian lands of the district. Bethlehem is besieged and blockaded. Bethlehem University like other universities is mostly offering courses online due to the apartheid system. Bethlehem is isolated from its urban twin city Jerusalem (5 miles away) via an apartheid wall destroying the economy for Palestinians on both sides of the wall. Israeli Jewish settlers and soldiers move freely and have taken over most of our land and natural resources and regularly attack us.</span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEju1muTJu76CWhoz_r-FiXkhTRP7FlpFejrSbvk3ciQ7b0imlfcgEImR5puJCzI206ud9vEbi19-RG5-IyOts6xf_grKIrfUVGtAmHa2cZGHDOAS_6F-MZJdB8weqXTGFnzNlJYS1iD_EfDaiRGU9WKz37If9KdqPOrNaHtEEkbAmXqJ5Z3tPUEyo85nCM/s600/christmas%2022.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-decoration-line: none;"><img border="0" data-original-height="399" data-original-width="600" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEju1muTJu76CWhoz_r-FiXkhTRP7FlpFejrSbvk3ciQ7b0imlfcgEImR5puJCzI206ud9vEbi19-RG5-IyOts6xf_grKIrfUVGtAmHa2cZGHDOAS_6F-MZJdB8weqXTGFnzNlJYS1iD_EfDaiRGU9WKz37If9KdqPOrNaHtEEkbAmXqJ5Z3tPUEyo85nCM/s320/christmas%2022.jpg" style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238); box-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1) 1px 1px 5px; padding: 5px; position: relative;" width="320" /></a>Nativity Square 2022</span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjRLQ9BL3siQMAlsD0-9aLX6xoxK228yV-wbSR8vJM7wCgWZbiwCVFy4K_kQMOzrtn1ahUy4p-lD818gqVeAYd3Oi10hvEmsSNrofkvy3ZTULBOg9-wBIwvqsPGX6aLIzACtUvjczgVWukTOjTAxJVGyF8WkFRDNobvxr-zXeJ9_QFgMGkAUBv-eVZw5yM/s1600/christmas.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-decoration-line: none;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1067" data-original-width="1600" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjRLQ9BL3siQMAlsD0-9aLX6xoxK228yV-wbSR8vJM7wCgWZbiwCVFy4K_kQMOzrtn1ahUy4p-lD818gqVeAYd3Oi10hvEmsSNrofkvy3ZTULBOg9-wBIwvqsPGX6aLIzACtUvjczgVWukTOjTAxJVGyF8WkFRDNobvxr-zXeJ9_QFgMGkAUBv-eVZw5yM/s320/christmas.jpg" style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238); box-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1) 1px 1px 5px; padding: 5px; position: relative;" width="320" /></a>Nativity square 2023</span></div></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #666666;">Eight million of the 15 million Palestinians in the world are refugees or displaced people thanks to a meticulous Western-backed program of ethnic cleansing. The vast majority of Palestinians who remain are living in concentration camps like Bethlehem, Jenin, and Gaza under a ruthless apartheid fascist Israeli regime. Despite all of this, we are still hopeful because we take a long view of history. Some 100,000 years ago humans migrated from Africa using Palestine as the passageway to Western Asia and then the rest of the world. This is where our ancestors first domesticated plants and animals (agriculture and pastoralism) some 11 millennia ago. This allowed development of the earliest civilizations (in the Fertile Crescent), the first writings and the first thoughts of deities. Our Canaanite ancestors spoke a language we refer to now as proto-Aramaic. From this language and its first alphabet came the Arabic, Syriac and Hebrew languages and alphabets. Aramaic was the language of Jesus. Phoenician Canaanites evolved the Latin alphabet delivered it to Europe and it is the alphabet you are reading now. ‘A’ is from Aramaic Alleph (turn upside down to be the symbol of the bull) and ‘b’ from Beit (house) turn to side to see a domed house and so on.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #666666;">People lived in relative harmony here with nature and with each other for thousands of years. Thankfully very few attempts to transform Palestine from a mixed society of various religions and backgrounds to make it monolithic. The latest such foolish attempt was to transform Palestine into a “Jewish state” (apartheid and ethnocentric chauvinistic state), a state that is failing though with significant bloodshed.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #666666;">As we reflect this Christmas from Bethlehem, we aspire to a certain future when refugees<br />are allowed to return and all people of all religions live in equality and justice. Jerusalem/Bethlehem will then become a true light unto the world. We are grateful that there has been tremendous growth of actions by civil society around the world to push for human rights and justice in this “Holy Land”. This has included some significant actions for boycotts divestments and sanctions (BDS) from Israel in the same way we did with Apartheid South Africa.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #666666;">So this Christmas we remember what Jesus said: “Blessed are they that mourn for they shall be comforted. Blessed are the meek for they shall inherit the earth. Blessed are they that hunger and thirst after righteousness for they shall be satisfied. Blessed are the merciful for they shall obtain mercy. Blessed are the pure in heart for they shall see God. Blessed are the peacemakers for they shall be called sons of God. Blessed are they that have been persecuted for righteousness’ sake for theirs is the kingdom of heaven” (Luke 6). So think of us Palestinians as you think of Christmas <span face="Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif" style="background-color: white; font-size: small;">and do boycott products that aid the occupation/oppression, see <a href="http://bdsmovement.net/" style="text-decoration-line: none;">bdsmovement.net</a></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #666666;">History teaches us that injustice cannot last long especially when so many people join the struggle. We in this land will continue to struggle and yearn for freedom. We at at PIBS, Bethlehem University ask for your prayers and for your support (time and money) which helps us expand our work with thousands of Palestinians especially from marginalized communities (see palestinenature.org). And do come visit us or at least email us/stay in touch. Such are the best of of Christmas gifts.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #666666;">May 2024 bring us closer to peace with justice.</span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #222222; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgCjPueVy5O-lc-8flAeTFR_fuqFe18ffuLpj71KluM5Tzgigl0y-utamVFasYbnJ2HVBjsi81JxHgxT-skPLpF4ZHryUaUgUIGx1BksrreyIHw78hxLE81brfFF2iPNBdWQhb4zyvgjgRQXwj5Tjsp4sBzvTAZ3hUjXlHcjS8dHwZ26UEn66genIKKqwI/s1920/free-palestine-the-boy-stand-with-flag-illustration-background-pray-for-palestine-flag-wallpaper-flyer-banner-t-shirt-post-illustration-free-vector.jpg" style="color: #993300; margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-decoration-line: none;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1920" data-original-width="1920" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgCjPueVy5O-lc-8flAeTFR_fuqFe18ffuLpj71KluM5Tzgigl0y-utamVFasYbnJ2HVBjsi81JxHgxT-skPLpF4ZHryUaUgUIGx1BksrreyIHw78hxLE81brfFF2iPNBdWQhb4zyvgjgRQXwj5Tjsp4sBzvTAZ3hUjXlHcjS8dHwZ26UEn66genIKKqwI/s320/free-palestine-the-boy-stand-with-flag-illustration-background-pray-for-palestine-flag-wallpaper-flyer-banner-t-shirt-post-illustration-free-vector.jpg" style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238); box-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1) 1px 1px 5px; padding: 5px; position: relative;" width="320" /></a><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiO9BDKHNQ2-NmsQuPLow-P2e1PaURSzeRoKr4SwnyGtoYioBP83PUd1vINeYZHGWTouZhDkaYY_fYsIkXd7yD7z05EvfnVTFlXdtQXuzdoxmLgvIO3LJ08QgM98d_xAJDMpqpdv_lQIsAMUY_4vd22nFHiYEbYXGLid7-bt8xRVm6dJFrxDfSurmPSOgg/s527/unnamed.png" style="color: #993300; margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-decoration-line: none;"><img border="0" data-original-height="527" data-original-width="526" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiO9BDKHNQ2-NmsQuPLow-P2e1PaURSzeRoKr4SwnyGtoYioBP83PUd1vINeYZHGWTouZhDkaYY_fYsIkXd7yD7z05EvfnVTFlXdtQXuzdoxmLgvIO3LJ08QgM98d_xAJDMpqpdv_lQIsAMUY_4vd22nFHiYEbYXGLid7-bt8xRVm6dJFrxDfSurmPSOgg/s320/unnamed.png" style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238); box-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1) 1px 1px 5px; padding: 5px; position: relative;" width="319" /></a></div><div style="color: #222222;"><br /></div></div>Kamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-55463530798836275272023-11-28T08:38:00.000-08:002023-11-28T09:27:45.523-08:003548. Washington, D.C. Bi-Partisan “March for Israel” Rally Supports Zionist Genocide in Gaza! <p> <span style="color: #666666; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px;">By Barry Sheppard and Jeff Mackler,</span><span style="font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px;"> <a href="https://socialistaction.org/2023/11/23/washington-d-c-bi-partisan-march-for-israel-rally-supports-zionist-genocide-in-gaza/"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Socialist Action</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">, November 23, 2023</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #383838; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; font-weight: 700;"></span></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://i0.wp.com/socialistaction.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/2c606c3f-13d2-442a-aa2f-7bda444cd544.jpg?w=1600&ssl=1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="360" src="https://i0.wp.com/socialistaction.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/2c606c3f-13d2-442a-aa2f-7bda444cd544.jpg?w=1600&ssl=1" width="640" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: #666666; font-size: 14px;">From left, Speaker of the House Mike Johnson of La., left, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries of N.Y., Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer of N.Y., and Sen. Joni Ernst, R-Iowa, right, join hands at the March for Israel on Tuesday, Nov. 14, 2023, on the National Mall in Washington. (AP Photo/Mark Schiefelbein)</span></td></tr></tbody></table><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #666666;"><br /></span></div><p></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700;">T</span>he November 14, Washington, D.C. “March for Israel” in support of Israel’s genocidal war in Gaza had all the earmarks of a US government-backed affair. In comparison to the largely ignored or barely mentioned unprecedented in size and breath pro-Palestinian antiwar mass actions over the past five weeks, the Zionist-backed event was widely covered by the corporate media.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">Organizers claimed that 200,000 attended from across the country; others put the numbers at closer to 50,000, perhaps 100,000.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">The rally had the informal imprimatur of the U.S. government. Senate Democratic Party Leader Chuck Schumer was a featured rally speaker representing President Joseph Biden. Schumer reiterated to cheers that the whole U.S. government was completely backing Israel’s war.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">Also speaking was the new House Republican speaker and Donald Trump supporter, Mike Johnson.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">A big contingent from Christian white nationalist evangelicals was also present and notably the Zionist rightest anti-Semite, anti-LGBTQI Christian Pastor, John Hagee, who was a prominently featured speaker. </span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;"><br /></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://i0.wp.com/socialistaction.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/th-2-6.jpg?w=619&ssl=1" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="464" data-original-width="619" height="464" src="https://i0.wp.com/socialistaction.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/th-2-6.jpg?w=619&ssl=1" width="619" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="color: #666666;">John Hagee</span></td></tr></tbody></table><span style="color: #666666;"><br /></span></p><div><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">Like other white nationalists, Hagee and his ilk play on the fears of many whites that they are being “replaced” by Blacks, Latinos, Muslims, and others in movements financed behind the scenes by Jews.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">The white Christian nationalists add their special viewpoint that Zionism is right, and Jews should leave America and “return” to Israel in order to fulfill the biblical prophecy of the return of Jesus.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">Two days after the pro-Israeli war rally, <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Democracy Now</em>! discussed Mike Johnson’s history and politics as well as Hagee’s, who once said “God sent Hitler to help Jews reach the Promised Land.”</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">Of course, Hagee didn’t repeat that or similar arguments at the rally, but he did blurt out things like “As Prime Minister Netanyahu says so well, this is a fight between light and darkness, between civilization and barbarism.”</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">Sarah Posner, author of <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">How White Christian Nationalists Powered the Trump Presidency, and the Devastating Legacy They Left Behind</em>, was on the <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Democracy Now</em>! program.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">She explained that Hagee only talks about his total support for Israel to gatherings like the November 14 rally, but before churches he says “according to biblical prophecy, that one day Jesus will return and fight a very bloody battle [in Israel], which will result in Jews, and Muslim’s too, either converting to Christianity or dying” and Jesus will rule the world.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;"><em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Democracy Now!’s</em> co-host, Juan Gonzalez asked her, “What does Israel and its staunchest defenders get from this alliance?”</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">Posner responded: “What Israelis and American Jews who embrace Hagee’s support get is a huge movement, much larger than the number of Jewish Americans, that has the ear of the Republican Party, that is enmeshed in the Republican Party.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">“Hagee’s organization, Christians United for Israel (CUFI),” Posner continued, “has juice on Capitol Hill. It is more than that. It is common among [white] evangelicals, even if they are not members of CUFI, to share these ideas about Israel and Bible prophecy and the return of Jesus. What they do is they bring this huge constituency to Republicans, many of whom, like Speaker Johnson, believe all this themselves.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">“They have morphed together this idea of supporting Israel with being a good American Christian. They believe that God has commanded America as a country, not just them as Americans, to support Israel.”</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">And Posner concluded: “In their minds supporting Israel involves supporting the occupation, supporting the Israeli military no matter what it does. It doesn’t mean supporting Israel from the standpoint that some day, Israelis and Palestinians can live in peace. That is not part of the equation.”</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;"><em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Democracy Now</em>!’s host, Amy Goodman, then said “I want to play another clip. In 2008 John McCain [Republican candidate for President] rejected John Hagee’s endorsement, after the pastor said God sent Hitler to help Jews get to Israel.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">“This is a clip from Hagee’s sermon: ‘Then God sent a hunter. A hunter is someone who comes with a gun, and he forces you. Hitler was a hunter.’’’</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">Posner said in more recent statements [Hagee] “is saying that God has punished Jews throughout history as part of his plan to get them to return to Israel, which is a pre-condition of Jesus’ return.”</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-weight: 700;">Speaker Mike Johnson’s reactionary background</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">The new Speaker of the House, Mike Johnson, worked for an organization now called Alliance Defending Freedom (ADF). “It’s a major Christian right legal organization that sees itself as a Christian counterweight to the ACLU,” Posner told <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Democracy Now! </em>“It is behind many Supreme Court cases, including <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Dobbs</em>, which overturned <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Roe v. Wade</em>; and <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Masterpiece Cakeshop,</em> involving the anti-gay baker [who refused to serve same sex couples].”</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">Posner had interviewed Johnson in 2007, when “he laid out for me the organization’s ambition to eviscerate the separation of church and state at the Supreme Court and to create a legal framework in which conservative Christians could object to things like LGBTQ rights in the name of religious freedom.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">“Everything he said to me back in 2007, ADF has pretty much done and accomplished or is well on its way to accomplishing — undermining church-state separation, elevating religious freedom to conservative Christians who oppose LGBTQ and reproductive rights….</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">“He also believes that God created civil government and that government should be run from what Christian nationalists would call a biblical worldview. So his entire ideology and framework and way of looking at the world, in particular, are very classic, to the T, of the right, of Christian nationalists … believing that their biblical worldview is what should dictate law and policy in the United States.”</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">Christian Zionists are both anti-Semitic and pro-Israel. They want Jews to get out of the United States, their anti-Semitism — and by going to Israel, their Zionism.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-weight: 700;">Zionism’s reactionary origins</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">To better understand this connection, a brief overview of the history of the connection between Zionism and anti-Semitism helps. An article by Joseph Massad, Professor of Modern Arab Politics and Intellectual History that appeared on <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Al Jazeera </em>provides a sketch.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">While there were some Zionists in Europe in the 19th century, Theodore Herzl is recognized as the founder and of what became modern Zionism, in reaction to anti-Semitism in the European Christian nations.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">He led the creation of the Zionist Organization (now World Zionist Organization) at a conference of European Zionist groups in Basel, Switzerland in 1897.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">He and his followers insisted that it is the presence of Jews in these countries that <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">caused</em> anti-Semitism, and that the solution was for the Jews to leave Europe and form their own nation.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">He said in his foundational pamphlet, written in 1896, <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Der Judenstaat</em> (The Jewish State), “The governments of all countries scourged by anti-Semitism will be keenly interested in assisting us to obtain the sovereignty we want.”</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">Herzl said in his <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Diaries</em> that “The anti-Semites will become our most dependable friends, the anti-Semitic countries our allies.”</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">In its early years, Zionism would invoke, along with the Protestant millenarian Christians, that European Jews were linked historically to Palestine to which they should “return” to re-establish Biblical Israel.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">The Zionists understood this could only be realized through a settler-colonial project, which could be achieved through an alliance with European colonial powers. The Arab people who already lived there would have to be driven out. One of these colonial powers was Great Britain.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-weight: 700;">The 1917 Balfour Declaration</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">In 1905, there was a revolution in Russia. When it was defeated, there were mass pogroms against Jews organized by the Tsarist regime. At the time, Arthur Balfour, a well-known anti-Semite, was Prime Minister of Great Britain. He sponsored the Aliens Act that prevented Jews fleeing the pogroms from entering the country.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">Balfour was the Foreign Secretary of the British government during the First World War. In 1917, as the war came to an end, Britain was set to take over Palestine from the defeated Ottoman Empire. The Balfour Declaration was issued by the British government. It advocated the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine, and the Zionists embraced him.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">When the Nazis came to power in Germany in 1933, the Zionists, sharing Herzl’s understanding that an anti-Semitic state could become an ally of Zionism, were the only Jewish group that would collaborate with them — all other German Jews recognized the Nazis as the Jews’ bitterest enemy.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">Zionists saw an opportunity to strengthen colonization of Palestine. In 1933, Zionists signed the Transfer Agreement with the Nazis. Under it, Germany would compensate German Jews who emigrated to Palestine for their lost property by exporting German goods to the Zionists there.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">Between 1933 and 1939, 60 percent of all capital invested for Jews in Palestine came from German Jewish money brought in under the Transfer Agreement.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-weight: 700;">German Zionists supported Nazi anti-Semitic laws</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">In 1935, the German branch of Zionism supported the Nazi anti-Semitic and racist Nuremberg Laws, and was the only non-Nazi party still allowed to publish its own newspaper, the <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Rundschau.</em><em style="box-sizing: border-box;"></em></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">Nazi officials visited Palestine as guests of the Zionists in 1934 and in 1937. In the later year, it was none other than Adolf Eichmann, who became a major architect of the Holocaust, who was among those who arrived in the country, and visited a Jewish colonial settlement. Eichmann was found and brought to Israel in 1961, where he was hung for his crimes.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">In 1938, the Nazis organized a pogrom of Jews across Germany, known as <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Kristalnacht, </em>Crystal Night — the “night of broken glass” for the destruction of Jewish property. All Jews, including the Zionists, were targeted, and the German Zionists were crushed.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">The defeat of Nazi Germany in the Second World War, and the horrors of the Holocaust, put an end to anti-Semitic regimes in Europe. But not an end to collaboration between Zionism and anti-Semites, as was seen on the stage of the pro-Israeli war mobilization in Washington November 14.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-weight: 700;">Formation of the Zionist state in 1948</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">With the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in the First World War, Britain ruled Palestine from 1918 until 1947. Britain was one of the Western victors of the Second World War, and was instrumental in forming a Jewish state in Palestine in 1948, backed by the other Western imperialist powers, including the United States. Stalin’s Russia also voted for the UN’s 1948 partition of historic Palestine that granted 52 percent to the Zionist colonizers, of course, against the wishes of the dispossessed Palestinians and virtually all of the region’s Arab nations. British arms were turned over to the Zionist’s already formidable military apparatus. </span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">The main countries which backed Israel’s formation were colonial Britain and France. Later the United States took on that role. Western imperialism, led by the U.S., backed Israel economically and militarily in all its wars with the Arab countries and the Palestinians from 1948 onward up to today, as a bulwark against the Arab anti-colonial struggle, and against the Soviet Union which supported that struggle (how effectively is another question).</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">Zionism, from its inception, could and can only achieve its goals by relying on imperialism, as Herzl understood. Until World War II Zionism was a minor and reactionary current among persecuted Jews worldwide. Vast numbers stood in solidarity with revolutionary socialist currents everywhere, including in the 1917 Russian Revolution that overthrew Czarism and capitalism and formally abolished all their anti-Semitic laws and practices. Indeed, Russian Jews were among the central leaders of the Great Russian Revolution of 1917.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">That today’s twin parties of US imperialism effectively back a screaming reactionary pro-war Zionist rally in Washington stands in sharp contrast to the inspiring antiwar mobilizations that have been organized around the world. Tens of millions, if not billions of humanity’s best, today rally in unprecedented numbers against the US-backed Zionist genocide in Gaza. The U.S. and its imperialist government allies stand isolated and exposed everywhere.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">The world demands an immediate CEASEFIRE and an end to the GENOCIDE while the U.S. Congress votes additional billions to replenish Israel’s undeniable weapons of mass destruction, including its U.S.-supplied bunker buster bombs, the largest non-nuclear weapons on earth. And now Zionism’s “leaders” openly talk of using nuclear weapons!</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">End All Aid to US-backed Apartheid Israel!</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">To the Streets!</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">Ceasefire now!</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">For the Right to Resist!</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-family: "Noto Serif", serif; font-size: 18px; margin-bottom: 0.875em;"><span style="color: #666666;">Free Palestine From The River to the Sea! For a Democratic, Secular Palestine with the Right of Return of All Dispossessed Palestinians! For a Socialist Palestine Where All Can Live Together As Equals!</span></p></div><div><em style="box-sizing: border-box;"><br /></em></div>Kamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-3667468653114043722023-11-06T11:37:00.001-08:002023-11-06T11:37:12.544-08:003547. Biden Senate Speech on Israel and the United States<p> </p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">By Senator Joseph Biden, 1986</span></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In his Senate floor speech, Joseph Biden call the $3 billion a year giveaway to Israel the best U.S. investment and proclaims if Israel did not exist, the United States had to invet it! </span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="266" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/A-Ky3dPEnOE" width="320" youtube-src-id="A-Ky3dPEnOE"></iframe></div><br /><p><br /></p>Kamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-38361554532846552712023-11-01T16:33:00.007-07:002023-11-06T08:36:34.046-08:003546. Pierre Bourdieu: The Forms of Capital<p><span style="color: #666666;">By Pierre Bourdieu, <span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">In </span></span><span style="color: #005000; font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">J. Richardson (Ed.) <a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/bourdieu-forms-capital.htm">Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education</a>,</span><span style="color: #666666; font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 14.6667px;"> 241-258, 1986</span></p><p><span style="color: #005000; font-family: Georgia, serif;"><span style="font-size: 14.6667px;"><br /></span></span><span style="color: #005000; font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 14.6667px;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.thoughtco.com/thmb/reRVIunsygdDbOP9UuRv8UWpAj8=/1500x0/filters:no_upscale():max_bytes(150000):strip_icc():format(webp)/GettyImages-118795849-58b88d435f9b58af5c2d926a.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="533" src="https://www.thoughtco.com/thmb/reRVIunsygdDbOP9UuRv8UWpAj8=/1500x0/filters:no_upscale():max_bytes(150000):strip_icc():format(webp)/GettyImages-118795849-58b88d435f9b58af5c2d926a.jpg" width="800" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Pierre Bourdieu</span></td></tr></tbody></table><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #005000; font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 14.6667px;"><br /></span></div></div><p></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">The social world is accumulated history, and if it is not to be reduced to a discontinuous series of instantaneous mechanical equilibria between agents who are treated as interchangeable particles, one must reintroduce into it the notion of capital and with it, accumulation and all its effects. Capital is accumulated labor (in its materialized form or its ‘incorporated,’ embodied form) which, when appropriated on a private, i.e., exclusive, basis by agents or groups of agents, enables them to appropriate social energy in the form of reified or living labor. It is a</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">vis insita</em><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">, a force inscribed in objective or subjective structures, but it is also a</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">lex insita</em><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">, the principle underlying the immanent regularities of the social world. It is what makes the games of society – not least, the economic game – something other than simple games of chance offering at every moment the possibility of a miracle. Roulette, which holds out the opportunity of winning a lot of money in a short space of time, and therefore of changing one’s social status quasi-instantaneously, and in which the winning of the previous spin of the wheel can be staked and lost at every new spin, gives a fairly accurate image of this imaginary universe of perfect competition or perfect equality of opportunity, a world without inertia, without accumulation, without heredity or acquired properties, in which every moment is perfectly independent of the previous one, every soldier has a marshal’s baton in his knapsack, and every prize can be attained, instantaneously, by everyone, so that at each moment anyone can become anything. Capital, which, in its objectified or embodied forms, takes time to accumulate and which, as a potential capacity to produce profits and to reproduce itself in identical or expanded form, contains a tendency to persist in its being, is a force inscribed in the objectivity of things so that everything is not equally possible or impossible.</span><sup class="enote" style="font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 10pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"><a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/bourdieu-forms-capital.htm#n1">[1]</a></sup><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">And the structure of the distribution of the different types and subtypes of capital at a given moment in time represents the immanent structure of the social world, i.e. , the set of constraints, inscribed in the very reality of that world, which govern its functioning in a durable way, determining the chances of success for practices.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">It is in fact impossible to account for the structure and functioning of the social world unless one reintroduces capital in all its forms and not solely in the one form recognized by economic theory. Economic theory has allowed to be foisted upon it a definition of the economy of practices which is the historical invention of capitalism; and by reducing the universe of exchanges to mercantile exchange, which is objectively and subjectively oriented toward the maximization of profit, i.e., (economically)</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">self-interested</em><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">, it has implicitly defined the other forms of exchange as noneconomic, and therefore</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">disinterested</em><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">. In particular, it defines as disinterested those forms of exchange which ensure the</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">transubstantiation</em><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">whereby the most material types of capital – those which are economic in the restricted sense – can present themselves in the immaterial form of cultural capital or social capital and vice versa. Interest, in the restricted sense it is given in economic theory, cannot be produced without producing its negative counterpart, disinterestedness. The class of practices whose explicit purpose is to maximize monetary profit cannot be defined as such without producing the purposeless finality of cultural or artistic practices and their products; the world of bourgeois man, with his double-entry accounting, cannot be invented without producing the pure, perfect universe of the artist and the intellectual and the gratuitous activities of art-for-art’s sake and pure theory. In other words, the constitution of a science of mercantile relationships which, inasmuch as it takes for granted the very foundations of the order it claims to analyze – private property, profit, wage labor, etc. – is not even a science of the field of economic production, has prevented the constitution of a general science of the economy of practices, which would treat mercantile exchange as a particular case of exchange in all its forms.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">It is remarkable that the practices and assets thus salvaged from the ‘icy water of egotistical calculation’ (and from science) are the virtual monopoly of the dominant class – as if economism had been able to reduce everything to economics only because the reduction on which that discipline is based protects from sacrilegious reduction everything which needs to be protected. If economics deals only with practices that have narrowly economic interest as their principle and only with goods that are directly and immediately convertible into money (which makes them quantifiable), then the universe of bourgeois production and exchange becomes an exception and can see itself and present itself as a realm of disinterestedness. As everyone knows, priceless things have their price, and the extreme difficulty of converting certain practices and certain objects into money is only due to the fact that this conversion is refused in the very intention that produces them, which is nothing other than the denial (</span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">Verneinung</em><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">) of the economy. A general science of the economy of practices, capable of reappropriating the totality of the practices which, although objectively economic, are not and cannot be socially recognized as economic, and which can be performed only at the cost of a whole labor of dissimulation or, more precisely,</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">euphemization</em><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">, must endeavor to grasp capital and profit in all their forms and to establish the laws whereby the different types of capital (or power, which amounts to the same thing) change into one another.</span><sup class="enote" style="font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 10pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"><a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/bourdieu-forms-capital.htm#n2">[2]</a></sup></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">Depending on the field in which it functions, and at the cost of the more or less expensive transformations which are the precondition for its efficacy in the field in question, capital can present itself in three fundamental guises: as</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">economic capital</em><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">, which is immediately and directly convertible into money and may be institutionalized in the forms of property rights; as</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">cultural capital</em><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">, which is convertible, on certain conditions, into economic capital and may be institutionalized in the forms of educational qualifications; and as</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">social capital</em></span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"><span style="color: #666666;">, made up of social obligations (‘connections’), which is convertible, in certain conditions, into economic capital and may be institutionalized in the forms of a title of nobility</span>.</span><sup class="enote" style="font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 10pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"><a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/bourdieu-forms-capital.htm#n3">[3]</a></sup></p><h4 style="color: #a00000; font-family: Garamond; line-height: 32px; margin-left: 152.633px; margin-right: 152.633px; text-align: center;">CULTURAL CAPITAL</h4><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Cultural capital can exist in three forms: in the<span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><em style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">embodied </em><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">state, i.e., in the form of long-lasting dispositions of the mind and body; in the</span><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><em style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">objectified </em><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">state, in the form of cultural goods (pictures, books, dictionaries, instruments, machines, etc.), which are the trace or realization of theories or critiques of these theories, problematics, etc.; and in the</span><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><em style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">institutionalized </em><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">state, a form of objectification which must be set apart because, as will be seen in the case of educational qualifications, it confers entirely original properties on the cultural capital which it is presumed to guarantee.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">The reader should not be misled by the somewhat peremptory air which the effort at axiomization may give to my argument.</span><sup class="enote" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"><a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/bourdieu-forms-capital.htm#n4">[4]</a></sup><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">The notion of cultural capital initially presented itself to me, in the course of research, as a theoretical hypothesis which made it possible to explain the unequal scholastic achievement of children originating from the different social classes by relating academic success, i.e., the specific profits which children from the different classes and class fractions can obtain in the academic market, to the distribution of cultural capital between the classes and class fractions. This starting point implies a break with the presuppositions inherent both in the commonsense view, which sees academic success or failure as an effect of natural aptitudes, and in human capital theories. Economists might seem to deserve credit for explicitly raising the question of the relationship between the rates of profit on educational investment and on economic investment (and its evolution). But their measurement of the yield from scholastic investment takes account only of monetary investments and profits, or those directly convertible into money, such as the costs of schooling and the cash equivalent of time devoted to study; they are unable to explain the different proportions of their resources which different agents or different social classes allocate to economic investment and cultural investment because they fail to take systematic account of the structure of the differential chances of profit which the various markets offer these agents or classes as a function of the volume and the composition of their assets (see esp. Becker 1964b). Furthermore, because they neglect to relate scholastic investment strategies to the whole set of educational strategies and to the system of reproduction strategies, they inevitably, by a necessary paradox, let slip the best hidden and socially most determinant educational investment, namely, the domestic transmission of cultural capital. Their studies of the relationship between academic ability and academic investment show that they are unaware that ability or talent is itself the product of an investment of time and cultural capital (Becker 1964a, p. 63-66). Not surprisingly, when endeavoring to evaluate the profits of scholastic investment, they can only consider the profitability of educational expenditure for society as a whole, the ‘social rate of return,’ or the ‘social gain of education as measured by its effects on national productivity’ (Becker 1964b, pp. 121, 155). This typically functionalist definition of the functions of education ignores the contribution which the educational system makes to the reproduction of the social structure by sanctioning the hereditary transmission of cultural capital. From the very beginning, a definition of human capital, despite its humanistic connotations, does not move beyond economism and ignores,</span><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><em style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">inter alia</em><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">, the fact that the scholastic yield from educational action depends on the cultural capital previously invested by the family. Moreover, the economic and social yield of the educational qualification depends on the social capital, again inherited, which can be used to back it up.</span></span></p><h5 style="color: maroon; font-family: Garamond; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 32.6667px; margin-left: 152.633px; margin-right: 152.633px; text-align: center;">The Embodied State</h5><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">Most of the properties of cultural capital can be deduced from the fact that, in its fundamental state, it is linked to the body and presupposes embodiment. The accumulation of cultural capital in the embodied state, i.e., in the form of what is called culture, cultivation,</span><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><em style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">Bildung</em><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">, presupposes a process of embodiment, incorporation, which, insofar as it implies a labor of inculcation and assimilation, costs time, time which must be invested personally by the investor. Like the acquisition of a muscular physique or a suntan, it cannot be done at second hand (so that all effects of delegation are ruled out).</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">The work of acquisition is work on oneself (self-improvement), an effort that presupposes a personal cost (</span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">on paie de sa personne</em><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">, as we say in French), an investment, above all of time, but also of that socially constituted form of libido,</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">libido sciendi</em><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">, with all the privation, renunciation, and sacrifice that it may entail. It follows that the least inexact of all the measurements of cultural capital are those which take as their standard the length of acquisition – so long, of course, as this is not reduced to length of schooling and allowance is made for early domestic education by giving it a positive value (a gain in time, a head start) or a negative value (wasted time, and doubly so because more time must be spent correcting its effects), according to its distance from the demands of the scholastic market.</span><sup class="enote" style="font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 10pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"><a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/bourdieu-forms-capital.htm#n5">[5]</a></sup></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">This embodied capital, external wealth converted into an integral part of the person, into a habitus, cannot be transmitted instantaneously (unlike money, property rights, or even titles of nobility) by gift or bequest, purchase or exchange. It follows that the use or exploitation of cultural capital presents particular problems for the holders of economic or political capital, whether they be private patrons or, at the other extreme, entrepreneurs employing executives endowed with a specific cultural competence (not to mention the new state patrons). How can this capital, so closely linked to the person, be bought without buying the person and so losing the very effect of legitimation which presupposes the dissimulation of dependence? How can this capital be concentrated-as some undertakings demand-without concentrating the possessors of the capital, which can have all sorts of unwanted consequences?</span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">Cultural capital can be acquired, to a varying extent, depending on the period, the society, and the social class, in the absence of any deliberate inculcation, and therefore quite unconsciously. It always remains marked by its earliest conditions of acquisition which, through the more or less visible marks they leave (such as the pronunciations characteristic of a class or region), help to determine its distinctive value. It cannot be accumulated beyond the appropriating capacities of an individual agent; it declines and dies with its bearer (with his biological capacity, his memory, etc.). Because it is thus linked in numerous ways to the person in his biological singularity and is subject to a hereditary transmission which is always heavily disguised, or even invisible, it defies the old, deep-rooted distinction the Greek jurists made between inherited properties (</span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">ta patroa</em><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">) and acquired properties (</span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">epikteta</em><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">), i.e., those which an individual adds to his heritage. It thus manages to combine the prestige of innate property with the merits of acquisition. Because the social conditions of its transmission and acquisition are more disguised than those of economic capital, it is predisposed to function as symbolic capital, i.e., to be unrecognized as capital and recognized as legitimate competence, as authority exerting an effect of (mis)recognition, e.g., in the matrimonial market and in all the markets in which economic capital is not fully recognized, whether in matters of culture, with the great art collections or great cultural foundations, or in social welfare, with the economy of generosity and the gift. Furthermore, the specifically symbolic logic of distinction additionally secures material and symbolic profits for the possessors of a large cultural capital: any given cultural competence (e.g., being able to read in a world of illiterates) derives a scarcity value from its position in the distribution of cultural capital and yields profits of distinction for its owner. In other words, the share in profits which scarce cultural capital secures in class-divided societies is based, in the last analysis, on the fact that all agents do not have the economic and cultural means for prolonging their children’s education beyond the minimum necessary for the reproduction of the labor-power least valorized at a given moment.</span><sup class="enote" style="font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 10pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"><a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/bourdieu-forms-capital.htm#n6">[6]</a></sup></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">Thus the capital, in the sense of the means of appropriating the product of accumulated labor in the objectified state which is held by a given agent, depends for its real efficacy on the form of the distribution of the means of appropriating the accumulated and objectively available resources; and the relationship of appropriation between an agent and the resources objectively available, and hence the profits they produce, is mediated by the relationship of (objective and/or subjective) competition between himself and the other possessors of capital competing for the same goods, in which scarcity – and through it social value – is generated. The structure of the field, i.e., the unequal distribution of capital, is the source of the specific effects of capital, i.e., the appropriation of profits and the power to impose the laws of functioning of the field most favorable to capital and its reproduction.</span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">But the most powerful principle of the symbolic efficacy of cultural capital no doubt lies in the logic of its transmission. On the one hand, the process of appropriating objectified cultural capital and the time necessary for it to take place mainly depend on the cultural capital embodied in the whole family – through (among other things) the generalized Arrow effect and all forms of implicit transmission.</span><sup class="enote" style="font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 10pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"><a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/bourdieu-forms-capital.htm#n7">[7]</a></sup><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">On the other hand, the initial accumulation of cultural capital, the precondition for the fast, easy accumulation of every kind of useful cultural capital, starts at the outset, without delay, without wasted time, only for the offspring of families endowed with strong cultural capital; in this case, the accumulation period covers the whole period of socialization. It follows that the transmission of cultural capital is no doubt the best hidden form of hereditary transmission of capital, and it therefore receives proportionately greater weight in the system of reproduction strategies, as the direct, visible forms of trans- mission tend to be more strongly censored and controlled.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">It can immediately be seen that the link between economic and cultural capital is established through the mediation of the time needed for acquisition. Differences in the cultural capital possessed by the family imply differences first in the age at which the work of transmission and accumulation begins-the limiting case being full use of the time biologically available, with the maximum free time being harnessed to maximum cultural capital – and then in the capacity, thus defined, to satisfy the specifically cultural demands of a prolonged process of acquisition. Furthermore, and in correlation with this, the length of time for which a given individual can prolong his acquisition process depends on the length of time for which his family can provide him with the free time, i.e., time free from economic necessity, which is the precondition for the initial accumulation (time which can be evaluated as a handicap to be made up).</span></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">Cultural capital, in the objectified state, has a number of properties which are defined only in the relationship with cultural capital in its embodied form. The cultural capital objectified in material objects and media, such as writings, paintings, monuments, instruments, etc., is transmissible in its materiality. A collection of paintings, for example, can be transmitted as well as economic capital (if not better, because the capital transfer is more disguised). But what is transmissible is legal ownership and not (or not necessarily) what constitutes the precondition for specific appropriation, namely, the possession of the means of ‘consuming’ a painting or using a machine, which, being nothing other than embodied capital, are subject to the same laws of transmission.</span><sup class="enote" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"><a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/bourdieu-forms-capital.htm#n8">[8]</a></sup></span></p><h5 style="color: maroon; font-family: Garamond; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 32.6667px; margin-left: 152.633px; margin-right: 152.633px; text-align: center;">The Objectified State</h5><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">Thus cultural goods can be appropriated both materially – which presupposes economic capital – and symbolically – which presupposes cultural capital. It follows that the owner of the means of production must find a way of appropriating either the embodied capital which is the precondition of specific appropriation or the services of the holders of this capital. To possess the machines, he only needs economic capital; to appropriate them and use them in accordance with their specific purpose (defined by the cultural capital, of scientific or technical type, incorporated in them), he must have access to embodied cultural capital, either in person or by proxy. This is no doubt the basis of the ambiguous status of cadres (executives and engineers). If it is emphasized that they are not the possessors (in the strictly economic sense) of the means of production which they use, and that they derive profit from their own cultural capital only by selling the services and products which it makes possible, then they will be classified among the dominated groups; if it is emphasized that they draw their profits from the use of a particular form of capital, then they will be classified among the dominant groups. Everything suggests that as the cultural capital incorporated in the means of production increases (and with it the period of embodiment needed to acquire the means of appropriating it), so the collective strength of the holders of cultural capital would tend to increase – if the holders of the dominant type of capital (economic capital) were not able to set the holders of cultural capital in competition with one another. (They are, moreover, inclined to competition by the very conditions in which they are selected and trained, in particular by the logic of scholastic and recruitment competitions.)</span></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">Cultural capital in its objectified state presents itself with all the appearances of an autonomous, coherent universe which, although the product of historical action, has its own laws, transcending individual wills, and which, as the example of language well illustrates, therefore remains irreducible to that which each agent, or even the aggregate of the agents, can appropriate (i.e., to the cultural capital embodied in each agent or even in the aggregate of the agents). However, it should not be forgotten that it exists as symbolically and materially active, effective capital only insofar as it is appropriated by agents and implemented and invested as a weapon and a stake in the struggles which go on in the fields of cultural production (the artistic field, the scientific field, etc.) and, beyond them, in the field of the social classes – struggles in which the agents wield strengths and obtain profits proportionate to their mastery of this objectified capital, and therefore to the extent of their embodied capital.</span><sup class="enote" style="font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 10pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"><a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/bourdieu-forms-capital.htm#n9">[9]</a></sup></p><h5 style="color: maroon; font-family: Garamond; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 32.6667px; margin-left: 152.633px; margin-right: 152.633px; text-align: center;">The Institutionalized State</h5><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">The objectification of cultural capital in the form of academic qualifications is one way of neutralizing some of the properties it derives from the fact that, being embodied, it has the same biological limits as its bearer. This objectification is what makes the difference between the capital of the autodidact, which may be called into question at any time, or even the cultural capital of the courtier, which can yield only ill-defined profits, of fluctuating value, in the market of high-society exchanges, and the cultural capital academically sanctioned by legally guaranteed qualifications, formally independent of the person of their bearer. With the academic qualification, a certificate of cultural competence which confers on its holder a conventional, constant, legally guaranteed value with respect to culture, social alchemy produces a form of cultural capital which has a relative autonomy vis-à-vis its bearer and even vis-à-vis the cultural capital he effectively possesses at a given moment in time. It institutes cultural capital by collective magic, just as, according to Merleau-Ponty, the living institute their dead through the ritual of mourning. One has only to think of the</span><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><em style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">concours</em><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">(competitive recruitment examination) which, out of the continuum of infinitesimal differences between performances, produces sharp, absolute, lasting differences, such as that which separates the last successful candidate from the first unsuccessful one, and institutes an essential difference between the officially recognized, guaranteed competence and simple cultural capital, which is constantly required to prove itself. In this case, one sees clearly the performative magic of the power of instituting, the power to show forth and secure belief or, in a word, to impose recognition.</span></span></p><p><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">B<span style="color: #666666;">y conferring institutional recognition on the cultural capital possessed by any given agent, the academic qualification also makes it possible to compare qualification holders and even to exchange them (by substituting one for another in succession). Furthermore, it makes it possible to establish conversion rates between cultural capital and economic capital by guaranteeing the monetary value of a given academic capital.</span></span><span style="color: #666666;"><sup class="enote" style="font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 10pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"><a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/bourdieu-forms-capital.htm#n10">[10]</a></sup><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">This product of the conversion of economic capital into cultural capital establishes the value, in terms of cultural capital, of the holder of a given qualification relative to other qualification holders and, by the same token, the monetary value for which it can be exchanged on the labor market (academic investment has no meaning unless a minimum degree of reversibility of the conversion it implies is objectively guaranteed). Because the material and symbolic profits which the academic qualification guarantees also depend on its scarcity, the investments made (in time and effort) may turn out to be less profitable than was anticipated when they were made (there having been a</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">de facto</em><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">change in the conversion rate between academic capital and economic capital). The strategies for converting economic capital into cultural capital, which are among the short-term factors of the schooling explosion and the inflation of qualifications, are governed by changes in the structure of the chances of profit offered by the different types of capital.</span></span></p><div style="color: #a00000; font-family: Garamond; line-height: 32px; margin-left: 152.633px; margin-right: 152.633px; text-align: center;"><b>SOCIAL CAPITAL</b></div><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">Social capital is the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition – or in other words, to membership in a group</span><sup class="enote" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"><a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/bourdieu-forms-capital.htm#n11">[11]</a></sup><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">– which provides each of its members with the backing of the collectivity-owned capital, a ‘credential’ which entitles them to credit, in the various senses of the word. These relationships may exist only in the practical state, in material and/or symbolic exchanges which help to maintain them. They may also be socially instituted and guaranteed by the application of a common name (the name of a family, a class, or a tribe or of a school, a party, etc.) and by a whole set of instituting acts designed simultaneously to form and inform those who undergo them; in this case, they are more or less really enacted and so maintained and reinforced, in exchanges. Being based on indissolubly material and symbolic exchanges, the establishment and maintenance of which presuppose reacknowledgment of proximity, they are also partially irreducible to objective relations of proximity in physical (geographical) space or even in economic and social space.</span><sup class="enote" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"><a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/bourdieu-forms-capital.htm#n12">[12]</a></sup></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">The volume of the social capital possessed by a given agent thus depends on the size of the network of connections he can effectively mobilize and on the volume of the capital (economic, cultural or symbolic) possessed in his own right by each of those to whom he is connected.</span><sup class="enote" style="font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 10pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"><a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/bourdieu-forms-capital.htm#n13">[13]</a></sup><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">This means that, although it is relatively irreducible to the economic and cultural capital possessed by a given agent, or even by the whole set of agents to whom he is connected, social capital is never completely independent of it because the exchanges instituting mutual acknowledgment presuppose the reacknowledgment of a minimum of objective homogeneity, and because it exerts a multiplier effect on the capital he possesses in his own right.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">The profits which accrue from membership in a group are the basis of the solidarity which makes them possible.</span><sup class="enote" style="font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 10pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"><a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/bourdieu-forms-capital.htm#n14">[14]</a></sup><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">This does not mean that they are consciously pursued as such, even in the case of groups like select clubs, which are deliberately organized in order to concentrate social capital and so to derive full benefit from the multiplier effect implied in concentration and to secure the profits of membership – material profits, such as all the types of services accruing from useful relationships, and symbolic profits, such as those derived from association with a rare, prestigious group.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">The existence of a network of connections is not a natural given, or even a social given, constituted once and for all by an initial act of institution, represented, in the case of the family group, by the genealogical definition of kinship relations, which is the characteristic of a social formation. It is the product of an endless effort at institution, of which institution rites – often wrongly described as rites of passage – mark the essential moments and which is necessary in order to produce and reproduce lasting, useful relationships that can secure material or symbolic profits (see Bourdieu 1982). In other words, the network of relationships is the product of investment strategies, individual or collective, consciously or unconsciously aimed at establishing or reproducing social relationships that are directly usable in the short or long term, i.e., at transforming contingent relations, such as those of neighborhood, the workplace, or even kinship, into relationships that are at once necessary and elective, implying durable obligations subjectively felt (feelings of gratitude, respect, friendship, etc.) or institutionally guaranteed (rights). This is done through the alchemy of</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">consecration</em><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">, the symbolic constitution produced by social institution (institution as a relative – brother, sister, cousin, etc. – or as a knight, an heir, an elder, etc.) and endlessly reproduced in and through the exchange (of gifts, words, women, etc.) which it encourages and which presupposes and produces mutual knowledge and recognition. Exchange transforms the things exchanged into signs of recognition and, through the mutual recognition and the recognition of group membership which it implies, reproduces the group. By the same token, it reaffirms the limits of the group, i.e., the limits beyond which the constitutive exchange – trade, commensality, or marriage – cannot take place. Each member of the group is thus instituted as a custodian of the limits of the group: because the definition of the criteria of entry is at stake in each new entry, he can modify the group by modifying the limits of legitimate exchange through some form of misalliance. It is quite logical that, in most societies, the preparation and conclusion of marriages should be the business of the whole group, and not of the agents directly concerned. Through the introduction of new members into a family, a clan, or a club, the whole definition of the group, i.e., its fines, its boundaries, and its identity, is put at stake, exposed to redefinition, alteration, adulteration. When, as in modern societies, families lose the monopoly of the establishment of exchanges which can lead to lasting relationships, whether socially sanctioned (like marriage) or not, they may continue to control these exchanges, while remaining within the logic of laissez-faire, through all the institutions which are designed to favor legitimate exchanges and exclude illegitimate ones by producing occasions (rallies, cruises, hunts, parties, receptions, etc.), places (smart neighborhoods, select schools, clubs, etc.), or practices (smart sports, parlor games, cultural ceremonies, etc.) which bring together, in a seemingly fortuitous way, individuals as homogeneous as possible in all the pertinent respects in terms of the existence and persistence of the group.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">The reproduction of social capital presupposes an unceasing effort of sociability, a continuous series of exchanges in which recognition is endlessly affirmed and reaffirmed. This work, which implies expenditure of time and energy and so, directly or indirectly, of economic capital, is not profitable or even conceivable unless one invests in it a specific competence (knowledge of genealogical relationships and of real connections and skill at using them, etc.) and an acquired disposition to acquire and maintain this competence, which are themselves integral parts of this capital.</span><sup class="enote" style="font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 10pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"><a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/bourdieu-forms-capital.htm#n15">[15]</a></sup><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">This is one of the factors which explain why the profitability of this labor of accumulating and maintaining social capital rises in proportion to the size of the capital. Because the social capital accruing from a relationship is that much greater to the extent that the person who is the object of it is richly endowed with capital (mainly social, but also cultural and even economic capital), the possessors of an inherited social capital, symbolized by a great name, are able to transform all circumstantial relationships into lasting connections. They are sought after for their social capital and, because they are well known, are worthy of being known (‘I know him well’); they do not need to ‘make the acquaintance’ of all their ‘acquaintances’; they are known to more people than they know, and their work of sociability, when it is exerted, is highly productive.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">Every group has its more or less institutionalized forms of delegation which enable it to concentrate the totality of the social capital, which is the basis of the existence of the group (a family or a nation, of course, but also an association or a party), in the hands of a single agent or a small group of agents and to mandate this plenipotentiary, charged with</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">plena potestas agendi et loquendi</em><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">,</span><sup class="enote" style="font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 10pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"><a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/bourdieu-forms-capital.htm#n16">[16]</a></sup><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">to represent the group, to speak and act in its name and so, with the aid of this collectively owned capital, to exercise a power incommensurate with the agent’s personal contribution. Thus, at the most elementary degree of institutionalization, the head of the family, the</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">pater familias</em><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">, the eldest, most senior member, is tacitly recognized as the only person entitled to speak on behalf of the family group in all official circumstances. But whereas in this case, diffuse delegation requires the great to step forward and defend the collective honor when the honor of the weakest members is threatened. The institutionalized delegation, which ensures the concentration of social capital, also has the effect of limiting the consequences of individual lapses by explicitly delimiting responsibilities and authorizing the recognized spokesmen to shield the group as a whole from discredit by expelling or excommunicating the embarrassing individuals.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">If the internal competition for the monopoly of legitimate representation of the group is not to threaten the conservation and accumulation of the capital which is the basis of the group, the members of the group must regulate the conditions of access to the right to declare oneself a member of the group and, above all, to set oneself up as a representative (delegate, plenipotentiary, spokesman, etc.) of the whole group, thereby committing the social capital of the whole group. The title of nobility is the form</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">par excellence</em><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">of the institutionalized social capital which guarantees a particular form of social relationship in a lasting way. One of the paradoxes of delegation is that the mandated agent can exert on (and, up to a point, against) the group the power which the group enables him to concentrate. (This is perhaps especially true in the limiting cases in which the mandated agent creates the group which creates him but which only exists through him.) The mechanisms of delegation and representation (in both the theatrical and the legal senses) which fall into place – that much more strongly, no doubt, when the group is large and its members weak – as one of the conditions for the concentration of social capital (among other reasons, because it enables numerous, varied, scattered agents to act as one man and to overcome the limitations of space and time) also contain the seeds of an embezzlement or misappropriation of the capital which they assemble.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">This embezzlement is latent in the fact that a group as a whole can be represented, in the various meanings of the word, by a subgroup, clearly delimited and perfectly visible to all, known to all, and recognized by all, that of the</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">nobiles</em><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">, the ‘people who are known,’ the paradigm of whom is the nobility, and who may speak on behalf of the whole group, represent the whole group, and exercise authority in the name of the whole group. The noble is the group personified. He bears the name of the group to which he gives his name (the metonymy which links the noble to his group is clearly seen when Shakespeare calls Cleopatra ‘Egypt’ or the King of France ‘France,’ just as Racine calls Pyrrhus ‘Epirus’). It is by him, his name, the difference it proclaims, that the members of his group, the liegemen, and also the land and castles, are known and recognized. Similarly, phenomena such as the ‘personality cult’ or the identification of parties, trade unions, or movements with their leader are latent in the very logic of representation. Everything combines to cause the signifier to take the place of the signified, the spokesmen that of the group he is supposed to express, not least because his distinction, his ‘outstandingness,’ his visibility constitute the essential part, if not the essence, of this power, which, being entirely set within the logic of knowledge and acknowledgment, is fundamentally a symbolic power; but also because the representative, the sign, the emblem, may be, and create, the whole reality of groups which receive effective social existence only in and through representation.</span></span><sup class="enote" style="font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 10pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"><a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/bourdieu-forms-capital.htm#n17">[17]</a></sup></p><div style="color: #a00000; font-family: Garamond; line-height: 32px; margin-left: 152.633px; margin-right: 152.633px; text-align: center;"><b>CONVERSIONS</b></div><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">The different types of capital can be derived from</span><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><em style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">economic capital</em><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">, but only at the cost of a more or less great effort of transformation, which is needed to produce the type of power effective in the field in question. For example, there are some goods and services to which economic capital gives immediate access, without secondary costs; others can be obtained only by virtue of a social capital of relationships (or social obligations) which cannot act instantaneously, at the appropriate moment, unless they have been established and maintained for a long time, as if for their own sake, and therefore outside their period of use, i.e., at the cost of an investment in sociability which is necessarily long-term because the time lag is one of the factors of the transmutation of a pure and simple debt into that recognition of nonspecific indebtedness which is called gratitude.</span><sup class="enote" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"><a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/bourdieu-forms-capital.htm#n18">[18]</a></sup><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><span style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">In contrast to the cynical but also economical transparency of economic exchange, in which equivalents change hands in the same instant, the essential ambiguity of social exchange, which presupposes misrecognition, in other words, a form of faith and of bad faith (in the sense of self-deception), presupposes a much more subtle economy of time.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">So it has to be posited simultaneously that economic capital is at the root of all the other types of capital and that these transformed, disguised forms of economic capital, never entirely reducible to that definition, produce their most specific effects only to the extent that they conceal (not least from their possessors) the fact that economic capital is at their root, in other words – but only in the last analysis – at the root of their effects. The real logic of the functioning of capital, the conversions from one type to another, and the law of conservation which governs them cannot be understood unless two opposing but equally partial views are superseded: on the one hand, economism, which, on the grounds that every type of capital is reducible in the last analysis to economic capital, ignores what makes the specific efficacy of the other types of capital, and on the other hand, semiologism (nowadays represented by structuralism, symbolic interactionism, or ethnomethodology), which reduces social exchanges to phenomena of communication and ignores the brutal fact of universal reducibility to economics.</span><sup class="enote" style="font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 10pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"><a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/bourdieu-forms-capital.htm#n19">[19]</a></sup></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">In accordance with a principle which is the equivalent of the principle of the conservation of energy, profits in one area are necessarily paid for by costs in another (so that a concept like wastage has no meaning in a general science of the economy of practices). The universal equivalent, the measure of all equivalences, is nothing other than labor-time (in the widest sense); and the conservation of social energy through all its conversions is verified if, in each case, one takes into account both the labor-time accumulated in the form of capital and the labor-time needed to transform it from one type into another.</span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">It has been seen, for example, that the transformation of economic capital into social capital presupposes a specific labor, i.e., an apparently gratuitous expenditure of time, attention, care, concern, which, as is seen in the endeavor to personalize a gift, has the effect of transfiguring the purely monetary import of the exchange and, by the same token, the very meaning of the exchange. From a narrowly economic standpoint, this effort is bound to be seen as pure wastage, but in the terms of the logic of social exchanges, it is a solid investment, the profits of which will appear, in the long run, in monetary or other form. Similarly, if the best measure of cultural capital is undoubtedly the amount of time devoted to acquiring it, this is because the transformation of economic capital into cultural capital presupposes an expenditure of time that is made possible by possession of economic capital. More precisely, it is because the cultural capital that is effectively transmitted within the family itself depends not only on the quantity of cultural capital, itself accumulated by spending time, that the domestic group possess, but also on the usable time (particularly in the form of the mother’s free time) available to it (by virtue of its economic capital, which enables it to purchase the time of others) to ensure the transmission of this capital and to delay entry into the labor market through prolonged schooling, a credit which pays off, if at all, only in the very long term.</span><sup class="enote" style="font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 10pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"><a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/bourdieu-forms-capital.htm#n20">[20]</a></sup></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">The convertibility of the different types of capital is the basis of the strategies aimed at ensuring the reproduction of capital (and the position occupied in social space) by means of the conversions least costly in terms of conversion work and of the losses inherent in the conversion itself (in a given state of the social power relations). The different types of capital can be distinguished according to their reproducibility or, more precisely, according to how easily they are transmitted, i.e., with more or less loss and with more or less concealment; the rate of loss and the degree of concealment tend to vary in inverse ratio. Everything which helps to disguise the economic aspect also tends to increase the risk of loss (particularly the intergenerational transfers). Thus the (apparent) incommensurability of the different types of capital introduces a high degree of uncertainty into all transactions between holders of different types. Similarly, the declared refusal of calculation and of guarantees which characterizes exchanges tending to produce a social capital in the form of a capital of obligations that are usable in the more or less long term (exchanges of gifts, services, visits, etc.) necessarily entails the risk of ingratitude, the refusal of that recognition of nonguaranteed debts which such exchanges aim to produce. Similarly, too, the high degree of concealment of the transmission of cultural capital has the disadvantage (in addition to its inherent risks of loss) that the academic qualification which is its institutionalized form is neither transmissible (like a title of nobility) nor negotiable (like stocks and shares). More precisely, cultural capital, whose diffuse, continuous transmission within the family escapes observation and control (so that the educational system seems to award its honors solely to natural qualities) and which is increasingly tending to attain full efficacy, at least on the labor market, only when validated by the educational system, i.e., converted into a capital of qualifications, is subject to a more disguised but more risky transmission than economic capital. As the educational qualification, invested with the specific force of the official, becomes the condition for legitimate access to a growing number of positions, particularly the dominant ones, the educational system tends increasingly to dispossess the domestic group of the monopoly of the transmission of power and privileges-and, among other things, of the choice of its legitimate heirs from among children of different sex and birth rank.</span><sup class="enote" style="font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 10pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"><a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/fr/bourdieu-forms-capital.htm#n21">[21]</a></sup><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">And economic capital itself poses quite different problems of transmission, depending on the particular fonn it takes. Thus, according to Grassby (1970), the liquidity of commercial capital, which gives immediate economic power and favors transmission, also makes it more vulnerable than landed property (or even real estate) and does not favor the establishment of long-lasting dynasties.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">Because the question of the arbitrariness of appropriation arises most sharply in the process of transmission – particularly at the time of succession, a critical moment for all power – every reproduction strategy is at the same time a legitimation strategy aimed at consecrating both an exclusive appropriation and its reproduction. When the subversive critique which aims to weaken the dominant class through the principle of its perpetuation by bringing to light the arbitrariness of the entitlements transmitted and of their transmission (such as the critique which the Enlightenment</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em; word-spacing: 0.2em;">philosophes</em><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; text-indent: 1em;">directed, in the name of nature, against the arbitrariness of birth) is incorporated in institutionalized mechanisms (for example, laws of inheritance) aimed at controlling the official, direct transmission of power and privileges, the holders of capital have an ever greater interest in resorting to reproduction strategies capable of ensuring better-disguised transmission, but at the cost of greater loss of capital, by exploiting the convertibility of the types of capital. Thus the more the official transmission of capital is prevented or hindered, the more the effects of the clandestine circulation of capital in the form of cultural capital become determinant in the reproduction of the social structure. As an instrument of reproduction capable of disguising its own function, the scope of the educational system tends to increase, and together with this increase is the unification of the market in social qualifications which gives rights to occupy rare positions.</span></span></p><p><a name="n1" style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><span class="info" face="Arial, sans-serif" style="color: #666666; font-size: 11pt;"></span></a></p><div style="color: #c00000; font-family: Garamond; line-height: 36px; margin-left: 152.633px; margin-right: 152.633px; text-align: center;"><b>NOTES</b></div><p><span style="color: #666666;"><a name="n1" style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><span class="info" face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt;">1.</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">This inertia, entailed by the tendency of the structures of capital to reproduce themselves in institutions or in dispositions adapted to the structures of which they are the product, is, of course, reinforced by a specifically political action of concerted conservation, i.e., of demobilization and depoliticization. The latter tends to keep the dominated agents in the state of a practical group, united only by the orchestration of their dispositions and condemned to function as an aggregate repeatedly performing discrete, individual acts (such as consumer or electoral choices).</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><a name="n2" style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><span class="info" face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt; font-weight: bold;">2.</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">This is true of all exchanges between members of different fractions of the dominant class, possessing different types of capital. These range from sales of expertise, treatment, or other services which take the form of gift exchange and dignify themselves with the most decorous names that can be found (honoraria, emoluments, etc.) to matrimonial exchanges, the prime example of a transaction that can only take place insofar as it is not perceived or defined as such by the contracting parties. It is remarkable that the apparent extensions of economic theory beyond the limits constituting the discipline have left intact the asylum of the sacred, apart from a few sacrilegious incursions. Gary S. Becker, for example, who was one of the first to take explicit account of the types of capital that are usually ignored, never considers anything other than monetary costs and profits, forgetting the nonmonetary investments (</span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify; word-spacing: 0.2em;">inter alia</em><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">, the affective ones) and the material and symbolic profits that education provides in a deferred, indirect way, such as the added value which the dispositions produced or reinforced by schooling (bodily or verbal manners, tastes, etc.) or the relationships established with fellow students can yield in the matrimonial market (Becker 1964a).</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><a name="n3" style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><span class="info" face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt; font-weight: bold;">3.</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify; word-spacing: 0.2em;">Symbolic capital</em><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">, that is to say, capital – in whatever form – insofar as it is represented, i.e., apprehended symbolically, in a relationship of knowledge or, more precisely, of misrecognition and recognition, presupposes the intervention of the habitus, as a socially constituted cognitive capacity.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><a name="n4" style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><span class="info" face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt; font-weight: bold;">4.</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">When talking about concepts for their own sake, as I do here, rather than using them in research, one always runs the risk of being both schematic and formal, i.e., theoretical in the most usual and most usually approved sense of the word.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><a name="n5" style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><span class="info" face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt; font-weight: bold;">5.</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">This proposition implies no recognition of the value of scholastic verdicts; it merely registers the relationship which exists in reality between a certain cultural capital and the laws of the educational market. Dispositions that are given a negative value in the educational market may receive very high value in other markets-not least, of course, in the relationships internal to the class.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><a name="n6" style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><span class="info" face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt; font-weight: bold;">6.</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">In a relatively undifferentiated society, in which access to the means of appropriating the cultural heritage is very equally distributed, embodied culture does not function as cultural capital, i.e., as a means of acquiring exclusive advantages.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><a name="n7" style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><span class="info" face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt; font-weight: bold;">7.</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">What I call the generalized Arrow effect, i.e., the fact that all cultural goods- paintings, monuments, machines, and any objects shaped by man, particularly all those which belong to the childhood environment – exert an educative effect by their mere existence, is no doubt one of the structural factors behind the ‘schooling explosion,’ in the sense that a growth in the quantity of cultural capital accumulated in the objectified state increases the educative effect automatically exerted by the environment. If one adds to this the fact that embodied cultural capital is constantly increasing, it can be seen that, in each generation, the educational system can take more for granted. The fact that the same educational investment is increasingly productive is one of the structural factors of inflation of qualifications (together with cyclical factors linked to effects of capital conversion).</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><a name="n8" style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><span class="info" face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt; font-weight: bold;">8.</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">The cultural object, as a living social institution, is, simultaneously, a socially instituted material object and a particular class of habitus, to which it is addressed. The material object – for example, a work of art in its materiality – may be separated by space (e.g., a Dogon statue) or by time (e.g., a Simone Martini painting) from the habitus for which it was intended. This leads to one of the most fundamental biases of art history. Understanding the effect (not to be confused with the function) which the work tended to produce – for example, the form of belief it tended to induce – and which is the true basis of the conscious or unconscious choice of the means used (technique, colors, etc.), and therefore of the form itself, is possible only if one at least raises the question of the habitus on which it ‘operated.’</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><a name="n9" style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><span class="info" face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt; font-weight: bold;">9.</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">The dialectical relationship between objectified cultural capital – of which the form</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify; word-spacing: 0.2em;">par excellence</em><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">is writing – and embodied cultural capital has generally been reduced to an exalted description of the degradation of the spirit by the letter, the living by the inert, creation by routine, grace by heaviness.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><a name="n10" style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><span class="info" face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt; font-weight: bold;">10.</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">This is particularly true in France, where in many occupations (particularly the civil service) there is a very strict relationship between qualification, rank, and remuneration (translator’s note).</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><a name="n11" style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><span class="info" face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt; font-weight: bold;">11.</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">Here, too, the notion of cultural capital did not spring from pure theoretical work, much less from an analogical extension of economic concepts. It arose from the need to identify the principle of social effects which, although they can be seen clearly at the level of singular agents – where statistical inquiry inevitably operates – cannot be reduced to the set of properties individually possessed by a given agent. These effects, in which spontaneous sociology readily perceives the work of ‘connections,’ are particularly visible in all cases in which different individuals obtain very unequal profits from virtually equivalent (economic or cultural) capital, depending on the extent to which they can mobilize by proxy the capital of a group (a family, the alumni of an elite school, a select club, the aristocracy, etc.) that is more or less constituted as such and more or less rich m capital.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><a name="n12" style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><span class="info" face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt; font-weight: bold;">12.</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">Neighborhood relationships may, of course, receive an elementary form of institutionalization, as in the Bearn – or the Basque region – where neighbors,</span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><em style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify; word-spacing: 0.2em;">lous besis</em><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">(a word which, in old texts, is applied to the legitimate inhabitants of the village, the rightful members of the assembly), are explicitly designated, in accordance with fairly codified rules, and are assigned functions which are differentiated according to their rank (there is a ‘first neighbor,’ a ‘second neighbor,’ and so on), particularly for the major social ceremonies (funerals, marriages, etc.). But even in this case, the relationships actually used by no means always coincide with the relationships socially instituted.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><a name="n13" style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><span class="info" face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt; font-weight: bold;">13.</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">Manners (bearing, pronunciation, etc.) may be included in social capital insofar as, through the mode of acquisition they point to, they indicate initial membership of a more or less prestigious group.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><a name="n14" style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><span class="info" face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt; font-weight: bold;">14.</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">National liberation movements or nationalist ideologies cannot be accounted for solely by reference to strictly economic profits, i.e., anticipation of the profits which may be derived from redistribution of a proportion of wealth to the advantage of the nationals (nationalization) and the recovery of highly paid jobs (see Breton 1964). To these specifically economic anticipated profits, which would only explain the nationalism of the privileged classes, must be added the very real and very immediate profits derived from membership (social capital) which are proportionately greater for those who are lower down the social hierarchy (‘poor whites’) or, more precisely, more threatened by economic and social decline.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><a name="n15" style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><span class="info" face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt; font-weight: bold;">15.</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">There is every reason to suppose that socializing, or, more generally, relational, dispositions are very unequally distributed among the social classes and, within a given class, among fractions of different origin.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><a name="n16" style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><span class="info" face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt; font-weight: bold;">16.</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">A ‘full power to act and speak’ (translator).</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><a name="n17" style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><span class="info" face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt; font-weight: bold;">17.</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">It goes without saying that social capital is so totally governed by the logic of knowledge and acknowledgment that it always functions as symbolic capital.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><a name="n18" style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><span class="info" face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt; font-weight: bold;">18.</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">It should be made clear, to dispel a likely misunderstanding, that the investment in question here is not necessarily conceived as a calculated pursuit of gain, but that it has every likelihood of being experienced in terms of the logic of emotional investment, i.e., as an involvement which is both necessary and disinterested. This has not always been appreciated by historians, who (even when they are as alert to symbolic effects as E. P. Thompson) tend to conceive symbolic practices – powdered wigs and the whole paraphernalia of office – as explicit strategies of domination, intended to be seen (from below), and to interpret generous or charitable conduct as ‘calculated acts of class appeasement.’ This naively Machiavellian view forgets that the most sincerely disinterested acts may be those best corresponding to objective interest. A number of fields, particularly those which most tend to deny interest and every sort of calculation, like the fields of cultural production, grant full recognition, and with it the consecration which guarantees success, only to those who distinguish themselves by the immediate conformity of their investments, a token of sincerity and attachment to the essential principles of the field. It would be thoroughly erroneous to describe the choices of the habitus which lead an artist, writer, or researcher toward his natural place (a subject, style, manner, etc.) in terms of rational strategy and cynical calculation. This is despite the fact that, for example, shifts from one genre, school, or speciality to another, quasi-religious conversions that are performed ‘in all sincerity,’ can be understood as capital conversions, the direction and moment of which (on which their success often depends) are determined by a ‘sense of investment’ which is the less likely to be seen as such the more skillful it is. Innocence is the privilege of those who move in their field of activity like fish in water.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><a name="n19" style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><span class="info" face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt; font-weight: bold;">19.</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">To understand the attractiveness of this pair of antagonistic positions which serve as each other’s alibi, one would need to analyze the unconscious profits and the profits of unconsciousness which they procure for intellectuals. While some find in economism a means of exempting themselves by excluding the cultural capital and all the specific profits which place them on the side of the dominant, others can abandon the detestable terrain of the economic, where everything reminds them that they can be evaluated, in the last analysis, in economic terms, for that of the symbolic. (The latter merely reproduce, in the realm of the symbolic, the strategy whereby intellectuals and artists endeavor to impose the recognition of their values, i.e., their value, by inverting the law of the market in which what one has or what one earns completely defines what one is worth and what one is – as is shown by the practice of banks which, with techniques such as the personalization of credit, tend to subordinate the granting of loans and the fixing of interest rates to an exhaustive inquiry into the borrower’s present and future resources.)</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><a name="n20" style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><span class="info" face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt; font-weight: bold;">20.</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">Among the advantages procured by capital in all its types, the most precious is the increased volume of useful time that is made possible through the various methods of appropriating other people’s time (in the form of services). It may take the form either of increased spare time, secured by reducing the time consumed in activities directly channeled toward producing the means of reproducing the existence of the domestic group, or of more intense use of the time so consumed, by recourse to other people’s labor or to devices and methods which are available only to those who have spent time learning how to use them and which (like better transport or living close to the place of work) make it possible to save time. (This is in contrast to the cash savings of the poor, which are paid for in time – do-it-yourself, bargain hunting, etc.) None of this is true of mere economic capital; it is possession of cultural capital that makes it possible to derive greater profit not only from labor-time, by securing a higher yield from the same time, but also from spare time, and so to increase both economic and cultural capital.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666;"><a name="n21" style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><span class="info" face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: 11pt; font-weight: bold;">21.</span></a><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">It goes without saying that the dominant fractions, who tend to place ever greater emphasis on educational investment, within an overall strategy of asset diversification and of investments aimed at combining security with high yield, have all sorts of ways of evading scholastic verdicts. The direct transmission of economic capital remains one of the principal means of reproduction, and the effect of social capital (‘a helping hand,’ ‘string-pulling,’ the ‘old boy network’) tends to correct the effect of academic sanctions. Educational qualifications never function perfectly as currency. They are never entirely separable from their holders: their value rises in proportion to the value of their bearer, especially in the least rigid areas of the social structure.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;"><br /></span></p><h3 style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: 18pt; line-height: 36px; margin-left: 152.633px; margin-right: 152.633px; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #cc0000;">References</span></h3><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">Becker, Gary S. A Theoretical and Empirical Analysis with Special Reference to Education. New York: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1964a.</span></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">Becker, Gary S. Human Capital. New York: Columbia University Press, 1964b.</span></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">Bourdieu, Pierre “Les rites d’institution.” Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales 43 (1982): 58-63.</span></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">Breton, A. “The Economics of Nationalism.” Journal of Political Economy 72 (1962): 376-86.</span></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11pt; text-align: justify;">Grassby, Richard “English Merchant Capitalism in the Late Seventeenth Century: The Composition of Business Fortunes.” Past and Present 46 (1970): 87-107.</span></p>Kamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-45963803913282710812023-10-31T13:06:00.002-07:002023-10-31T13:09:04.293-07:003545. UNICEF: Situation of Children in Cuba<p><span style="background-color: ;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">By</span> <a href="https://www.unicef.org/cuba/en/node/76"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">unicef.org</span></a></span> </span><span style="background-color: ;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">undated</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /><span style="background-color: ;"></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhyFdLwpwxE0xzg-aRRzvz1OgqCkE0co-tIAvGMJkowY-kSKIBZFzWjgvVlgvIdoaD6iAgBJzdwqSzv7Ls_eU-a4q2GeclnqgmeyY_IXwmxpvyjX1EjKNqcjHLTsgjQifHftEQJz9GqM8DYsrnbzKX6Gm_DoNbIuiOtgzC3SP5CIMg35IQRPT5B7c1WBxLj" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="1280" data-original-width="1920" height="426" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhyFdLwpwxE0xzg-aRRzvz1OgqCkE0co-tIAvGMJkowY-kSKIBZFzWjgvVlgvIdoaD6iAgBJzdwqSzv7Ls_eU-a4q2GeclnqgmeyY_IXwmxpvyjX1EjKNqcjHLTsgjQifHftEQJz9GqM8DYsrnbzKX6Gm_DoNbIuiOtgzC3SP5CIMg35IQRPT5B7c1WBxLj=w640-h426" width="640" /></a></span></div><p></p><p style="background-color: ; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 31px; margin: 0px 0px 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The </span><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Cuban State has shown strong political will to guarantee the proper development and well-being of childhood. Different data and researches show the high levels of protection and development among children and adolescents, especially regarding educational coverage and mother-child health care.</span></p><p style="background-color: ; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 31px; margin: 0px 0px 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The Convention on the Rights of the Child came into force in Cuba on September 20th, 1991, when the Convention’s text, signed by the President of the Council of State of the Republic of Cuba, was published entirely in the Official Gazette. This way, the rights of children and adolescents were endorsed by a legal body.</span></p><p style="background-color: ; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 31px; margin: 0px 0px 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Currently, Cuba has a population of 11.2 million, including 2.3 million people under 18 years of age, who account for 21 per cent of the total population.</span></p><p style="background-color: ; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 31px; margin: 0px 0px 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Cuba is currently undergoing an updating process of its economic model, based on the Economic and Social Policy Guidelines approved in 2011. Despite the complex transformations being carried out in the country, there has always been an explicit commitment by the government and its institutions to preserve the achievements made in the protection of childhood and adolescence.</span></p><p style="background-color: ; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 31px; margin: 0px 0px 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The most disadvantaged population sectors are those who receive less income, live in run-down houses or hard-to-reach areas, suffer from nutritional deficiencies, have disabilities, or make up families with risk behaviours and habits. However, the Government provides attention to the most disadvantaged child and adolescent populations.</span></p><p style="background-color: ; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 31px; margin: 0px 0px 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The net enrolment rate in primary education is 99.1 per cent and the gross secondary school enrolment ratio is 96.4 per cent, with high gender parity indexes at all levels. In addition, all deliveries are registered and 99.9 per cent of them take place in hospitals with the assistance of qualified health professionals.</span></p><p style="background-color: ; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 31px; margin: 0px 0px 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In 2015, Cuba became the first country in the world to eliminate mother-to-child transmission of HIV and congenital syphilis. This was achieved as a result of the State’s efforts, with the support of international cooperation, to guarantee prenatal care, with an average of 10 check-ups per pregnant woman; institutional delivery with qualified personnel; serological and HIV testing during pregnancy with active surveillance of pregnant women who test positive for HIV or syphilis; and access to antiretroviral treatment according to the guidelines of international organizations.</span></p><p style="background-color: ; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 31px; margin: 0px 0px 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The State gives priority to early childhood comprehensive development through education and health programs like the Mother and Child Care Program, the “Educate your Child” Program and the attention to day-care centres. The early childhood care programs have a 96 per cent coverage, through either institutional or non-institutional modalities. </span></p><p style="background-color: ; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 31px; margin: 0px 0px 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The attention to people with disabilities is a priority of the social policy aimed at increasing their quality of life and equal opportunities. The Ministry of Education and other institutions, together with families and communities, have started to apply other options for socio-educational inclusion, by integrating children and adolescents with disabilities into mainstream education at the pre-school, primary and secondary levels, as well as to the “Educate your Child” Program. This entails challenges that involve teachers and families.</span></p><p style="background-color:; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 31px; margin: 0px 0px 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Accidents remain the main cause of death among children aged 5-9, and adolescents aged 10-19.</span></p><p style="background-color: ; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 31px; margin: 0px 0px 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Some nutritional deficiencies still exist:</span></p><p style="background-color: ; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 31px; margin: 0px 0px 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">- Iron deficiency anaemia (mild) is still a public health issue. In 2011, 21.6 per cent of women suffered from it during the first quarter of pregnancy, and 31.3 per cent of children between 6 to 35 months old. In eastern Cuba, mild anaemia affects 39.5 per cent of children under 2.<br style="box-sizing: inherit;" />- Overweight and obesity show an upward trend, prevalent in 17.6 percent of children under five.<br style="box-sizing: inherit;" />- The average duration of exclusive breastfeeding in children aged 0-35 months is 2.9 months.<br style="box-sizing: inherit;" />- The vitamin A status of pre-schoolers shows a mild sub-clinical deficiency in eastern provinces and moderate in the western region. The highest prevalence of iodine deficiency disorders is found among school children in the mountainous region and reaches a 32.6 per cent.</span></p><p style="background-color: ; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 31px; margin: 0px 0px 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The age of criminal responsibility is 16 years. There are three Protection Centres for Children and Adolescents and other services with similar roles in different provinces for specialized care, avoiding re-victimization, for children who are victims of crimes and other damages to their integrity and development.</span></p><p style="background-color: ; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 31px; margin: 0px 0px 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In Cuba, about 400 children without family protection are currently living in institutions (homes for children without family protection). These institutions are governed by the Ministry of Education, particularly through the Departments of Pre-School and Special Education. The State contributes with human, material, and financial resources so that life in these institutions runs as similarly as the conditions in family homes, with a reduced number of children (no more than 20).</span></p><p style="background-color: ; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 31px; margin: 0px 0px 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The program “For a world of rights”, led by the Ministry of Justice and made up of several institutions and organizations, has fostered the promotion of a culture of rights. The studies carried out show a gradual increase of knowledge about the national legislation and the CRC, as well as opportunities to strengthen meaningful participation of children and adolescents in matters that affect them.</span></p><p style="background-color: ; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 31px; margin: 0px 0px 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The constant promotion of meaningful participation of adolescents through culture and sports is crucial so that new generations assume an active role in the updating of the Cuban model and a more effective exercise of citizenship.</span></p><p style="background-color: ; box-sizing: inherit; line-height: 31px; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The growing but still limited access to information and communication technologies opens a range of perceptions, interests and aspirations in the Cuban child and adolescent universe. The steps taken by Cuba in this regard should be maintained and accompanied by additional efforts to improve their quality.</span></p>Kamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-59398156532304438422023-10-12T13:40:00.010-07:002023-10-27T07:12:36.928-07:003544. Was Marx an Ecosocialist? <p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">By Kamran Nayeri, October 12, 2023</span></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjbZyQO7Pgdc6k_bzb7GZ8Gx3ObjvLf9PZ_Rg_ZgtQnYDUJgU6TvP_WeApI84g_QNLhJmIWuMfaItY9JjewgiQACJ1-J5yuiU7pEstwpAJpnkFMKGQTKgBxiM7R5wLYL0eJ3WL9ldr6tWpswDWG0XzZUfRWaxppYUNyFuTuyJSAOxMsL_9XKjs5BiZWnNrn" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img alt="" data-original-height="723" data-original-width="1920" height="242" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjbZyQO7Pgdc6k_bzb7GZ8Gx3ObjvLf9PZ_Rg_ZgtQnYDUJgU6TvP_WeApI84g_QNLhJmIWuMfaItY9JjewgiQACJ1-J5yuiU7pEstwpAJpnkFMKGQTKgBxiM7R5wLYL0eJ3WL9ldr6tWpswDWG0XzZUfRWaxppYUNyFuTuyJSAOxMsL_9XKjs5BiZWnNrn=w640-h242" width="640" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face="Lato, Helvetica, Roboto, Arial, sans-serif" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #222222; line-height: inherit; text-align: start;">Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung </span><span face="Lato, Helvetica, Roboto, Arial, sans-serif" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #222222; line-height: inherit; text-align: start;">Museum-Karl-Marx-Haus</span></span></td></tr></tbody></table><br /><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Preface: This essay is the expanded version of chapter 22 of my book Whose Planet? Essays on Ecocentric Socialism. </span></p><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">*. *. *</span></p><p class="p1" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Since the turn of the twenty-first century, a few authors whose books have been published by Monthly Review Press (hereon, the Monthly Review authors) have provided a new reading of Marx. While initially it was argued that Marx had “ecological insights” (Burkett 1999; Foster 2000), more recently it is suggested that Marx was in fact an ecologist and ecosocialist (Saito 2017).<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p1" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><p class="p1" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">I consider their contributions valuable for a better understanding of Marx’s intellectual development and initially supported the focus on Marx’s notion of “metabolic rift.” However, I have considerable reservation about this approach for the following reasons.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">First, the project of the Monthly Review authors is essentially an exercise in Marxology. Their focus is on how a new reading of Marx’s well-known texts and those that have come to light recently may show his relevance or even vital importance for understanding the root causes of the ecological crises.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Second, Saito’s claim (2017) that Marx was an “ecosocialist” is implausible. Why generations of socialists including Marx himself and his lifetime collaborator Engels always considered him a socialist and never described his intellectual contributions in any way implying ecosocialism in the sense we understand it today? Why Engels cited<i> </i>only two intellectual contributions for Marx: historical materialism and the theory of surplus value? Was he less familiar with Marx’s intellectual development than Saito and the Monthly Review authors? Why neither Marx nor Engels made much of the notion of “metabolic rift?” Could it be that they did not consider it central to Marx’s theories as the Monthly Review authors now argue?<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p4" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Despite such obvious concerns, Saito claims that ecology is foundational to Marx’s labor theory of value. This claim does not fit the facts either. Marx’s concentrated effort in writing his critique of political economy began with <i>Grundrisse</i> (1857–58) and continued with <i>Contribution to Critique of Political Economy</i> including “Preface” completed in 1859, <i>Theories of Surplus Value</i> in 1861, <i>Economic Manuscripts of 1861</i>–<i>63</i>, and he saw the publication of <i>Capital Volume 1</i> in 1867. Engels edited and published <i>Capital</i> <i>Volume 2</i> in 1885 and <i>Volume 3</i> in 1894.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Yet, the term <i>oekologie</i> (ecology) was coined only in 1866 by Darwin’s disciple, the German zoologist Ernst Haeckel, <i>just a year before the first volume of Capital was published</i>. Sevn years before the publication of Saito’s book (2017), Foster, Clark, and York (2010, p. 313) wrote, “[T]here was hardly any mention of the new term [ecology] for a couple of decades [after Haeckel coined the term in 1866]. Not until 1885, did a book appear with it in its title. Hence, ecology as an organized discipline cannot be said to have existed prior to the early twentieth century.” Clearly, ecology could not have been the foundation of Marx’s “political economy” as Saito claims.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Moreover, Saito’s use of the word “ecology” is murky as he uses the term to express culture and nature relationship as in his discussion of Marx’s <i>Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844</i> (Saito 2017, p. 14). While humans are part of the planet’s ecosystems, the culture and nature discussion is distinct from the much broader scope of what is meant by ecology. The Cambridge dictionary defines ecology as “the relationships between the air, land, water, animals, plants, etc., usually of a particular area, or the scientific study of this.” Nonetheless, Saito claims that the twenty-six-year-old Marx who had not yet undertaken any study of natural sciences as an ecologist.</span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Eager to make a case for Marx as an early ecologist and ecosocialist, Saito conflates “ecology” with “metabolism.” But Encyclopedia Britannica defines metabolism as “<span class="s1">the sum of the </span>chemical reactions<span class="s1"> that take place within each </span>cell<span class="s1"> of a living organism and that provide energy for vital processes and for synthesizing new organic material.”</span> Cleary, ecology and metabolism are separate fields in biological sciences.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p5" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Third, it appears that the Month Review authors’ interest in Marx and ecology with a focus on metabolic rift and Saito’s interpretation of Marx as an ecologist and ecosocialist are motivated by the much wider interest in the notion of metabolism and the intellectual history of metabolism in many fields (e.g., Fischer-Kowalski 1998; Bundy, et al. 2009; Martinez-Alier 2009; Pauliuk and Müller 2014; Richter, et al. 2018). As Fischer-Kowalski (1998, p. 64) states there were scattered studies of metabolism in the second half of the nineteenth century Europe that recently have gained attention in a number of fiends: “In connection to varying political perspectives, metabolism gradually takes shape as a powerful disciplinary concept.” The Monthly Review authors’ rereading of Marx represents this growing interest in metabolism both figuratively and as the movement of material and energy is an extension of this trend to ecosocialist literature. That is perhaps why Saito tends to over stated the role of ecology and metabolism in Marx’s theorizing.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">However, the interest in metabolism and ecology in all cases including the ecosocialist theorizing has been on the interaction of humans with their environment (“nature”) to better control it for the benefit of human society, whether capitalist or socialist.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Fourth, Saito clearly conflates the realms of social and biological sciences when he claims that ecology is foundational to Marx’s critique of political economy and his labor theory of value. This must be obvious as value is a social category and Marx’s labor theory of value is about social and class relations under the capitalist mode of production. Ecology and metabolism both belong to biological sciences. To conflate them creates a methodological problems that I have discussed in my critique of Jason W. Moore’s <i>Capitalism in the Web of Life</i> (2017; see Chapter 8) and in my critique of E. O. Wilson’s sociobiology (2015)</span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Saito routinely writes about Marx’s “political economy” instead of his labor theory of value as a critique of political economy. There is an important difference perhaps lost to Saito. There have been market socialist currents that have argued that labor theory of value can be used to develop socialism. This view opposes Marx’s own view also shared by Rosa Luxembourg and Ernesto Che Guevara, that transition to socialism requires withering away of the law of value and its replacement with mass socialist consciousness and economic planning (Nayeri 2005).<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p4" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Fifth, although the notion of “metabolic rift” is central to Monthly Review authors’ new reading of Marx, it adds no new explanatory power to the socialist and ecosocialist discussion of ecological crisis. Michael Friedman, a biologist, writing in <i>Monthly Review</i> edited by John Bellamy Foster summarizes it as follows:<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><p class="p6" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 0px 48px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“<i>Foster attributes the metabolic rift to the intrinsic dynamic of capitalist production with its private ownership of the means of production, drive for profits, ever-expanding markets, and continuous growth</i>. Marx employed this idea to describe the effects of capitalist agriculture on the degradation of soil fertility. Foster and his co-thinkers have employed the concept in analyses of climate change, biodiversity, agriculture, fisheries, and many other aspects of human interaction with our biosphere” (Friedman 2018, my emphasis).<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p6" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 0px 48px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Saito (2017, p. 20) makes the same argument:<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><p class="p6" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 0px 48px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“Marx’s political economy allows us to understand the ecological crisis as contradiction of capitalism, because it describes the immanent dynamics of the capitalist system, according to which unbound drive of capital for valorization erodes its own material conditions and eventually confronts it with the limits of nature.”<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p6" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 0px 48px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">However, almost half a century ago, Mandel (1977) offered exactly the same argument without having the benefit of the rediscovery of Marx’s “metabolic rift.” In other words, Monthly Review authors use the term “metabolic rift” instead of what ecologists, socialists, other ecosocialists, and the public have called ecological problem or crisis.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p4" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Saito’s argument that capitalist accumulation and valorization process will reach natural limits (Saito 2017, p. 20) was implicit in earlier socialist writings on the ecological crises well before the current discussion of metabolic rift. Even the politically mainstream Club of Rome, <span class="s2">a think tank headquartered in Winterthur, Switzerland,</span> in its highly influential <i>Limits to Growth</i> report (Meadows, et.al. 1972) reached the conclusion that unlimited growth on a finite planet is not possible, and results in ecological crises. Thus, the notion of “metabolic rift” while useful for understanding an aspect of intellectual development of Karl Marx is not necessary to reach the conclusion of natural limits to growth, capitalist or “socialist.” As O’Connor (1998, p. 159) writes, “In 1944, Karl Polanyi published his masterpiece, <i>The Great Transformation</i>, which discussed the ways in which the growth of the capitalist market and economic relations generally impaired or destroyed their own social and environmental conditions.”<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Sixth, the polemical nature of some of Monthly Review authors tends to undermine their scholarly value. Saito, for instance, frames his book as a response to the criticism of those who find Promethean or productivist streaks in Marx. He does not discuss or refute their critique directly. He ignores the fact that socialist currents all over the world have long favored economic development and industrialization. Still, he does admit that the young Marx harbored Promethean views (Saito 2017, p. 13). However, in my view, the problem of Prometheanism or productivism in Marx as well as socialist and ecosocialist theories is real. Using Marx’s analysis in <i>Capital</i> and a fully developed argument in a section in <i>Grundrisse</i>, I wrote an essay to show how the rise of the so-called gig economy is anticipated by Marx’s theory (Nayeri June 2018). I coincidentally documented how Marx viewed ever more division of labor based on technical change which fuels economic growth, hence material abundance, as necessary for the development of his vision of socialism. Others who have studied this question confirm my incidental finding. Among them is Marxologist Paresh Chattopadhyay (2000), whom we recently lost, who insisted that to understand Marx, he should be read in the original language. Of course, there are also some who have argued that Marx’s vision of socialism is consistent with sustainable human development (Burkett 2005). Yet, Saito (2017, p. 11) ignores such tensions in Marx. Of course, an intellectual giant like Marx who continued learning and relearning, thinking and rethinking throughout his life must have tensions and shifting views in his massive writings, much of which Marx did not polish or even intend for publication. Those who, like Saito, attempt to provide a “systematic and complete reconstruction of Marx’s ecological critique of capitalism” (ibid., p. 12), tend to ignore or paper over such tensions.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Seven, the contributions of Monthly Review authors are ultimately based on Marx’s labor theory of value. However, following a key revision of Marx’s theory that began with Hilferding’s <i>Finance Capital</i> (1910), Paul Baran and Paul Sweezy (1966, pp. 5–6) argued that capitalist competition has long given way to monopoly capitalism. Although, I do not know what each one of Monthly Review authors think about monopoly capitalism thesis, Foster (1986) has written a book about it.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>As it was shown in the late 1960s and 1970s, the monopoly capital theorists from Hilferding to Baran and Sweezy misunderstood Marx’s theory of competition as being the same as the neoclassical notion of Perfect Competition based on the idealized view of the capitalist market (Nayeri August 19, 2018). How is this going to impact the “systematic and complete reconstruction of Marx’s ecological critique of capitalism?”<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Eight, any “reconstruction of Marx’s theory” is of necessity more a theoretical development of its author(s) than “what Marx really said.” Is this not clear from a century and a half of debate on various aspects of Marx’s theoretical contributions? Aren’t there multiple interpretations of historical materialism, labor theory of value, theory of the proletariat, and of socialism, to name a few of the most important? There are even many more interpretations of “Marxism,” a label that according to Engels, Marx opposed in one occasion. The responsibility of turning Marx’s contributions into a doctrine and open the door to a cult of Marx belongs to Karl Kaustky. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p4" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Despite the above criticism, I welcome any attempt to develop a unified theory of society and nature. There is no dispute that Marx could not finish his critique of political economy. The fundamental question is how to go about the construction of such unified ecosocialist theory. Saito’s claim that Marx was an ecosocialist continues what the Monthly Review authors have implicitly been arguing for that Marx’s theories are essentially what ecosocialists need. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p4" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p7" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span class="s4">However, Monthly Review authors and ecosocialist critics of Marx who find weakness in his writings such as productivism or</span> <span class="s4">Prometheanism by-and-large pay no attention to the foundations of Marx’s theory, historical materialism which by design set nature aside to focus on the dynamics of class societies, in particular the capitalist mode of production (Nayeri 2023, especially chapters 18, 19, 21). In other words, historical materialism and its application to analysis of the capitalist mode of production, labor theory of value, are anthropocentric theories by design. In the latter, not only nature is objectified but even women’s work at home including in child bearing and child raising is set aside to focus on exploitation of wage workers at the point of production. It took the recent wave of feminism and its critique of androcentrism, the male centered view of the world, for Marxist theorists to develop the social reproduction theory to incorporate women’s work at home into Marxian theory.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>Still, ecosocialist theorists refuse to take on anthropocentrism which gas been a foundation of civilization (class societies) seriously (Nayeri 2023, especially chapters 15, 19). As I have shown (Nayeri 2023, chapter 21) when we take nonhumans as part of our worldview and analysis of capitalist mode of production, Marx’s theory of exploitation becomes incoherent as it becomes clear that surplus value is not merely the result of uppaid labor time but also exploitation of nonhumans. Ecosocialism can only be built on the foundation of a new theory of history in which society is analyzed as deeply embedded in nature. Nineteenth century theories of Marx are not adequate for understanding the problems of the twenty first century be cause they were and could not have been constructed as such.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></span></p><p class="p4" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p7" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span class="s4">In my opinion, there are two key reasons for such long delayed attention to the problem of anthropocentrism. Marxists like the general population are born into an anthropocentric culture where humanity is the center of attention. However, those who identify as Marxists also quite often embrace a cult of Marx. By that I mean the view widely held that by-and-large Marx has provides us with the theoretical foundation for addressing the problem humanity faces. It has barred them to question these theories. However, Marx (1865) himself taught us to question everything. Marx ends his <i>Theses on Feurubach</i> (1845) with what is central to his contribution: “</span>Philosophers have hitherto only <i>interpreted</i> the world in various ways; the point is to <i>change</i> it.”</span></p><p class="p7" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p7" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In the same year, in collaboration with Engels, the drafted the German Ideology which outlines their theory of history and social change. In a letter to Joseph Weydemeyer (March 18, 1852), Marx wrote: “.. And now as to myself, no credit is due to me for discovering the existence of <a href="https://www.marxists.org/glossary/terms/c/l.htm#class"><span class="s5">classes</span></a> in modern society or the struggle between them. Long before me bourgeois historians had described the historical development of this class struggle and bourgeois economists, the economic economy of the classes. What I did that was new was to prove: (1) that the <i>existence of classes</i> is only bound up with <i>particular historical phases in the development of production</i>, (2) that the class struggle necessarily leads to the <i>dictatorship of the proletariat</i>, (3) that this dictatorship itself only constitutes the transition to the <i>abolition of all classes </i>and to a <i>classless society </i>.”(emphasis in original)<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p5" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p7" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Today, more than 170 years later it is clear that what Marx wrote has in part 2 and 3 in the above statement have mot yet been born by history. How do we explain “Marxists” who ignore the importance of this problem and the need to address? Instead, such “Marxists” go on to use their own interpretations of his theories in the hope of changing the world or even worse claim that Marx was even an ecosocialist whose nineteenth century theories are adequate for the problems of twenty first century?</span></p><p class="p5" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p7" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">My own approach as a student of Marx is entirely different. I consider Marx as a revolutionary intellectual giant of nineteenth century and his theories bound by the knowledge of his time address for the problems of his time. I have argued Marx’s theory of history and its application to the analysis of the capitalist mode of production set aside nature to focus on the dynamics of classes and are inadequate for the problems we face today especially the ecological crises. In this, I follow earlier thinkers Max Horkheimer and Theodore of Frankfurt School (Jay 1973/1996), Perry Anderson (1983). I also go beyond those who tried to mend historical materialism, in my opinion unsuccessfully (for the case of Moore see, Nayeri (Nayeri 2023, chapter 8), including Ted Benton (1993) and Jason W. Moore (2017). <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p5" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 18px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p7" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Instead Marx’s nineteenth century materialism, I propose an animist materialism built on the basis of what we have learned from anthropology, archeology, biology since the middle of twentieth century which give agency to all being in their interconnection, not just human beings. Only on the basis of such philosophical-scientific materialism it is possible to overcome the methodological problem duality if society and nature. It is also on such basis that ecocentrism as the environmental ethics emerges from the theory of history itself because animistic materialism embrace inherent values of all beings which exists irrespective of human beings. Thus, Ecocentric Socialism is a guide to living as life of love for nature and a better humanity even in womb of the anthropocentric industrial capitalist civilization while it provides the path to fight for transcending it in the direction of withering away alienation from nature as well as social alienation and to provide for human development. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p5" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 18px;"><span class="Apple-converted-space"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></span></p><p class="p7" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><b>References:</b></span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Anderson, Perry. In the Tracks of Historical Materialism. 1983.</span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Baran, Paul and Paul Sweezy. Monopoly Capital: An Essay on the American Economic and Social Order.1966.</span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Benton, Ted. Natural Relations: Ecology, Animal Rights & Social Justice. 1993.</span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Bundy J.G., Davey, M.P., and Viant M. R. «Environmental Metabbolomics: A Critical Review and Future Perspectives.» <i>Metabolics</i>. 5, 3-21, 2009.</span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Burkett, Paul. Marx and Nature: A Red and Green Perspective. 1999.</span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">__________. «Marx’s Vision of Sustainable Human Development.» Monthly Review, October 1, 2005.</span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Chattopadhyay, Paresh. “</span><a href="https://www.marxists.org/subject/marxmyths/paresh-chattopadhyay/progress.htm" style="color: #666666;"><span class="s6">Marx and the Process</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">.”</span><span class="s6"><span style="color: #666666;"> </span><a href="http://marxism.org/"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">marxism.org</span></a></span><span style="color: #666666;">. September 2000.</span></span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Fischer-Kowalaski. «Society’s Metablism: The INtellectual History of Material Flow Analysis: Part I, 1860-1970.» Journal of Industrial Ecology. 2(1):61-78. 1998.</span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Foster, John Bellamy. Theory of Monopoly Capitalism. 1986.</span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">__________________. Marx’s Ecology: Materialism and Nature. 2000.</span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Foster, John Bellamy, Bertt Clark, Rucjard York. The Ecological Rift: Capitalism’s War on Earth. 2010.</span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Friedman, Michael. «Metabolic Rift and the Human Microbiome.» Monthly Review, July 1, 2018.</span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Hilferding, Rudolf. Finance Capital. 1910.</span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Jay, Marin. The Dialectical Imagination: A History of the Frankfurt School and the Institute for Social Research, 1923-1950. 1973/1996.</span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Mandel, Ernest. From Class Society to Communism: Introduction to Marxism. 1977.</span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Martinez-Alier. Social Metablism, Ecological Distribution Conflicts, and Lanugauge Valuation. Capitalism, Nature, Socialism. 2009.</span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">Marx, Karl. «</span><a href="https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1865/04/01.htm"><span class="s6" style="color: #2b00fe;">Confessions</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">.» Zalt-Bommel. April 1, 1865.</span></span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Meadows, Donella H., Meadows, Dennis L., Randers, Jørgen, et.al. The Limits to Growth: A Report for the Club of Rome’s Project on the Predicment of Mankind. 1972.</span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Moore, Jason W. Capitalism in the Web of Life: Ecology and Accumulation of Capital. 2015.</span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Nayeri, Kamran. «Socialism and the Market: Methodological Lessons from the Economic Calculation Debate.» Critique. Vol. 33, N0. 1. 2005.</span></p><p class="p9" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span class="s7"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">_____________. «</span><a href="https://forhumanliberation.blogspot.com/2014/04/1385-karl-marx-or-club-of-rome-why.html"><span class="s8" style="color: #2b00fe;">Karl Marx or Club of Rome: Why Naturalizing Causes of the Great Recession Undermines Efforts to Transcend the Capitalist Civilization</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">?» Our Place in the World: A Journal of Ecosocialism. April 14, 2014.</span></span></span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">_____________. «</span><a href="https://forhumanliberation.blogspot.com/2015/10/2048-ecological-socialist-reflection-on.html"><span class="s6" style="color: #2b00fe;">An Ecological Socialist’s Reflection on Edward O. Wilson’s Sociobiology</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">.» Our Place in the World: A Journal of Ecosocialism.. October 16, 2015.</span></span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">____________. «<a href="https://forhumanliberation.blogspot.com/2016/07/2379-on-jason-w-moores-capitalism-in_18.html"><span class="s6">On Jason W. Moore’s «Capitalism in the Web of Life</span></a>» Our Place in the World: A Journal of Ecosocialism. July 18, 2016.</span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">_____________. Whose Planet? Essays on Ecocentric Socialism. 2023.</span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">O’Conner, James. Natural CausesL Essays in Ecological Marxism. 1998.</span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Pauliuk, Stephen and Daniel B. Müller. «The Role of in-Use Stocks in Climate Change.» <i>Global Environmental Change</i>. Volume 24, Januray 2014.</span></p><p class="p8" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 15px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Saito, Kohei. Karl Marx’s Ecosocialism: Capital, Nature, and the Unfinished Critique of Political Economy. 2017.</span></p><p><br /></p>Kamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-2415492541432859962023-09-01T10:30:00.014-07:002023-09-01T10:35:49.176-07:003547. A Climate Warning from the Cradle of Civilization <p class="p1" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">By Allissa J. Rubin, <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">The New York Times</span></a>, <b>July 29, 2023</b></span></p><p class="p1" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><b><br /></b></span><span style="font-family: georgia;"><b></b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><b><a href="https://d2wqffb2bc8st5.cloudfront.net/images/May-2022/1653755315A%20view%20of%20a%20dried%20up%20body%20of%20a%20dead%20fish%20on%20drying%20earth%20in%20the%20Chibayesh%20marshland%20in%20Iraq's%20southern%20Ahwar%20area,%20June%2020,%202021.%20(Photo%20Asaad%20Niazi%20AFP).jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="439" data-original-width="781" height="439" src="https://d2wqffb2bc8st5.cloudfront.net/images/May-2022/1653755315A%20view%20of%20a%20dried%20up%20body%20of%20a%20dead%20fish%20on%20drying%20earth%20in%20the%20Chibayesh%20marshland%20in%20Iraq's%20southern%20Ahwar%20area,%20June%2020,%202021.%20(Photo%20Asaad%20Niazi%20AFP).jpg" width="781" /></a></b></span></div><span style="font-family: georgia;"><b><br /></b></span><p></p><p class="p1" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">The word itself, Mesopotamia, means the land between rivers. It is where the wheel was invented, irrigation flourished and the earliest known system of writing emerged. The rivers here, some scholars say, fed the fabled Hanging Gardens of Babylon and converged at the place described in the Bible as the Garden of Eden.</span></p><p class="p1" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Now, so little water remains in some villages near the Euphrates River that families are dismantling their homes, brick by brick, piling them into pickup trucks — window frames, doors and all — and driving away.</span></p><p class="p1" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">“You would not believe it if I say it now, but this was a watery place,” said Sheikh Adnan al Sahlani, a science teacher here in southern Iraq near Naseriyah, a few miles from the Old Testament city of Ur, which the Bible describes as the hometown of the Prophet Abraham.</span></p><p class="p2" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 12px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">These days, “nowhere has water,” he said. Everyone who is left is “suffering a slow death.”</span></p><p class="p2" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 12px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">You don’t have to go back to biblical times to find a more verdant Iraq. Well into the 20th century, the southern city of Basra was known as the “Venice of the East” for its canals, plied by gondola-like boats that threaded through residential neighborhoods.</span></p><p class="p2" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 12px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Indeed, for much of its history, the Fertile Crescent — often defined as including areas of modern-day Iraq, Israel, Lebanon, Syria, Turkey, Iran, the West Bank and Gaza — did not lack for water, inspiring centuries of artists and writers who depicted the region as a lush ancient land. Spring floods were common, and rice, one of the most water-intensive crops in the world, was grown for more than 2,000 years.</span></p><p class="p3" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 12px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">But now <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s2" style="color: #0000e9; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal;">nearly 40 percent</span></a> of Iraq, an area roughly the size of Florida, has been overtaken by blowing desert sands that <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s2" style="color: #0000e9; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal;">claim tens of thousands of acres</span></a> of arable land every year.</span></p><p class="p3" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 12px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Climate change and desertification are to blame, scientists say. So are weak governance and the continued reliance on wasteful irrigation techniques that date back millenniums to Sumerian times.</span></p><p class="p3" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 12px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">A tug of war over water — similar to the struggles over <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s2" style="color: #0000e9; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal;">the Colorado River in the United States</span></a>, the <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s2" style="color: #0000e9; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal;">Mekong in Southeast Asia</span></a> and the <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s2" style="color: #0000e9; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal;">Nile in northern Africa</span></a> — has also intensified water shortages for tens of millions of people across the regio</span></p><p class="p4" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Another culprit is common to large regions of the world: a growing population whose water demands continue to rise, both because of sheer numbers and, in many places, higher living standards, increasing individual consumption.</span></p><p class="p5" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Here in Iraq, the fallout is everywhere, fraying society, spurring deadly clashes between villages, displacing thousands of people every year, emboldening extremists and leaving ever more land looking like a barren moonscape.</span></p><p class="p6" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 17px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p4" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">In many areas, water pumped from below the surface is too salty to drink, the result of dwindling water, agricultural runoff and untreated waste. “Even my cows won’t drink it,” one farmer said.</span></p><p class="p4" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Even in the north, where fresh water has historically been available, well diggers in Erbil, the capital of Iraqi Kurdistan, bore down 580 feet last summer — and still found only salty water.</span></p><p class="p4" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Iraq is now the fifth most vulnerable country to extreme temperatures, water scarcity and food shortages, <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">the United Nations says</span></a>. Next door in Iran, a province of two million people <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">could run out of water</span></a> by mid-September, Iranian lawmakers said, leaving few options beyond mass exodus.</span></p><p class="p4" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">And for the rest of the Middle East and some other areas of the world — including parts of Mexico, Pakistan, India and the Mediterranean — Iraq and its neighbors offer an unmistakable warning.</span></p><p class="p4" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">“Because of this region’s vulnerabilities, one of the most vulnerable on the planet, it is one of the first places that is going to show some kind of extreme succumbing, literally, to climate change,” said Charles Iceland, the director of water security for the World Resource Institute, a research organization.</span></p><p class="p7" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px; min-height: 17px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p8" style="background-color: white; color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 10px; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">PART 2</span></p><p class="p9" style="background-color: white; color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 60px; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">HOTTER, DRIER, FASTER</span></p><p class="p4" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">But, he added, “no countries, even the rich countries, are adapting to climate change to the degree they need to.”</span></p><p class="p4" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Many people in the villages near the Euphrates River remember how, 20 years ago, the date palm trees grew so thick and close together that their leaves blocked the sunlight. The splashing of children in the irrigation canals and the sloshing of water jugs being carted home provided the backbeat of summer life.</span></p><p class="p10" style="background-color: white; color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px 92px; min-height: 17px; text-indent: -92px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p4" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Now, the irrigation canals are so dry in summer that the small bridges spanning them are barely necessary and the sounds of daily life signal water’s scarcity: the crackle of brown grasses and the rustle of dried out palm leaves. Some palms have no leaves at all, their bare trunks standing like the columns of ancient ruins.</span></p><p class="p5" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Water comes from the government in red plastic barrels, in rations of about 160 gallons a month per family. Even when used sparingly, it barely lasts a week in the heat, said Mr. Sahlani, the sheikh and science teacher, who lives in the village of Albu Jumaa. Graffiti scrawled in Arabic on a half-destroyed concrete wall expressed the frustration: “Where is the state?” it read.</span></p><p class="p5" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">As recently as the 1970s and 1980s, Iraq’s water ministry built artificial lakes and dams to hold the immense annual overflow from winter rains and gushing snow melt from the Taurus Mountains, the headwaters of the Tigris and Euphrates.</span></p><p class="p6" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 17px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p5" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Even today, traces of Iraq’s greener past can be seen every spring. In the Anbar desert, a brief winter rain can turn the shallow valleys green and speckle them with flowers. Along the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers, the water still nourishes trees beside the narrow banks, with bands of green fields on either side.</span></p><p class="p6" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 17px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p5" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">But even those bands have shrunk in recent decades.</span></p><p class="p6" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 17px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p5" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">The region is <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">getting hotter — faster</span></a> — than many parts of the world. By some estimates, the Middle East and eastern Mediterranean could warm by 5 degrees Celsius (9 degrees Fahrenheit) or even more during this century. In the worst months of summer, some places are already <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">nearly unlivable</span></a>.</span></p><p class="p6" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 17px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p5" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Precipitation, already low, is expected to wane across the Middle East. The drought gripping Iraq is now in its fourth year, and the country is particularly vulnerable because most of its water comes from rivers that originate outside the country, holding it hostage to the decisions of its neighbors Turkey and Iran.</span></p><p class="p6" style="background-color: white; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 17px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p8" style="background-color: white; color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 10px; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">PART 3</span></p><p class="p9" style="background-color: white; color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 60px; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">WATER WARS</span></p><p class="p11" style="background-color: white; color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">The chokehold on Iraq’s rivers has been tightening for decades.</span></p><p class="p11" style="background-color: white; color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Since 1974, Turkey has built 22 dams, hydroelectric plants and irrigation projects on the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers, modeled in part on the Tennessee Valley Authority in the United States.</span></p><p class="p11" style="background-color: white; color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Then, in the early 2000s, Iran started building more than a dozen smaller dams and tunnels on tributaries to the Tigris, devastating Iraqi provinces like Diyala, which was known just 10 years ago for its peaches, apricots, oranges and dates. The tributaries from Iran are the only source of water in the province, other than the dwindling rainfall.</span></p><p class="p12" style="background-color: white; color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">The impact has been drastic: The water flowing into Iraq has dropped almost 50 percent on the Euphrates and by about a third on the Tigris since major dam building began in the 1970s, according to statistics from Iraq’s water ministry.</span></p><p class="p12" style="background-color: white; color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: black; font-family: georgia; font-style: inherit; font-variant-caps: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: inherit; font-weight: inherit;"><br /></span></p><p class="p12" style="background-color: white; color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: black; font-family: georgia; font-style: inherit; font-variant-caps: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: inherit; font-weight: inherit;">Hashem al-Kinani and his family have felt the changes firsthand. For generations, they farmed 20 acres east of Baghdad, on the Diyala border, facing one trial after another.</span></p><div><div class="css-s99gbd StoryBodyCompanionColumn" style="background-color: white; border: 0px; color: #333333; display: flex; flex-direction: row; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; height: 465px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px auto 1rem; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 1200px;"><div class="css-53u6y8" style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; margin: 0px 0px 0px calc((100% - 600px) / 2); max-width: 600px; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><p class="p1" style="color: black; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">First, the American invasion and the ouster of Saddam Hussein bit into the state’s support of farmers. Then in 2006, Al Qaeda moved in and killed many local men, leaving their headless bodies in ditches. Hashem lost an uncle, and the family house was bombed by Al Qaeda. Making matters worse, rainfall has become more erratic and gradually diminished. As the Iranian dams came on line, river water became too scarce to grow fruit.</span></p><p class="p1" style="color: black; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">The fig and pomegranate trees have died. His family sold off their 1,500 head of cattle and their sheep, because it was impossible to feed them. He’s not sure how much longer he can hang on.</span></p><p class="p2" style="color: black; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">“Farming is over here,” he said. “I cannot stay, but what can I do?”</span></p><p class="p2" style="color: black; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">History is replete with water wars, and one of the earliest recorded conflicts took place here in the Fertile Crescent, where <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">scribes documented</span></a> a fight over water between Sumerian city states more than 4,000 years ago in what is now Iraq.</span></p><p class="p3" style="color: black; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p2" style="color: black; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Many modern nations have gone on the offensive to ensure that their people have enough water. Ethiopia has spent years <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">building a colossal dam on the Nile</span></a>, inciting fear and anger from Egypt downstream. China has done the same <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">with the Mekong</span></a>. Central Asian nations have had a long-running feud over the Amu Darya and Syr Darya Rivers, which have been drained to such an extent that by the time they reach the inland Aral Sea, <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">there is little water left</span></a>.</span></p><p class="p3" style="color: black; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p2" style="color: black; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Worldwide, countries share nearly <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">900 rivers, lakes and aquifers</span></a>, according to the United Nations, and though a <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">treaty</span></a> exists to govern their use, fewer than half of all countries have ratified it. Notably absent from the list are upstream nations like Turkey, Iran and China.</span></p><p class="p3" style="color: black; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p2" style="color: black; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">In 2021, Iraq’s water ministry threatened to drag Iran to the International Court of Justice for taking its water. But Iraq’s Shiite-dominated government, which is close to Tehran’s leaders, dropped the issHistory is replete with water wars, and one of the earliest recorded conflicts took place here in the Fertile Crescent, where</span></p><p class="p4" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#" style="font-style: inherit; font-variant-caps: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: inherit; font-weight: inherit;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">scribes documented</span></a> <span style="font-family: georgia; font-style: inherit; font-variant-caps: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: inherit; font-weight: inherit;">a fight over water between Sumerian city states more than 4,000 years ago in what is now IraqMany modern nations have gone on the offensive to ensure that their people have enough water. Ethiopia has spent years </span><a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#" style="font-family: georgia; font-style: inherit; font-variant-caps: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: inherit; font-weight: inherit;"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">building a colossal dam on the Nile</span></a><span style="font-family: georgia; font-style: inherit; font-variant-caps: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: inherit; font-weight: inherit;">, inciting fear and anger from Egypt downstream. China has done the same </span><a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#" style="font-family: georgia; font-style: inherit; font-variant-caps: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: inherit; font-weight: inherit;"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">with the Mekong</span></a><span style="font-family: georgia; font-style: inherit; font-variant-caps: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: inherit; font-weight: inherit;">. Central Asian nations have had a long-running feud over the Amu Darya and Syr Darya Rivers, which have been drained to such an extent that by the time they reach the inland Aral Sea, </span><a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#" style="font-family: georgia; font-style: inherit; font-variant-caps: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: inherit; font-weight: inherit;"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">there is little water left</span></a><span style="font-family: georgia; font-style: inherit; font-variant-caps: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: inherit; font-weight: inherit;">.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Worldwide, countries share nearly <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">900 rivers, lakes and aquifers</span></a>, according to the United Nations, and though a <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">treaty</span></a> exists to govern their use, fewer than half of all countries have ratified it. Notably absent from the list are upstream nations like Turkey, Iran and China.</span></p><p class="p4" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">In 2021, Iraq’s water ministry threatened to drag Iran to the International Court of Justice for taking its water. But Iraq’s Shiite-dominated government, which is close to Tehran’s leaders, dropped the issue.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">History is replete with water wars, and one of the earliest recorded conflicts took place here in the Fertile Crescent, where <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">scribes documented</span></a> a fight over water between Sumerian city states more than 4,000 years ago in what is now Iraq.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Many modern nations have gone on the offensive to ensure that their people have enough water. Ethiopia has spent years <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">building a colossal dam on the Nile</span></a>, inciting fear and anger from Egypt downstream. China has done the same <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">with the Mekong</span></a>. Central Asian nations have had a long-running feud over the Amu Darya and Syr Darya Rivers, which have been drained to such an extent that by the time they reach the inland Aral Sea, <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">there is little water left</span></a>.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Worldwide, countries share nearly <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">900 rivers, lakes and aquifers</span></a>, according to the United Nations, and though a <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">treaty</span></a> exists to govern their use, fewer than half of all countries have ratified it. Notably absent from the list are upstream nations like Turkey, Iran and China.</span></p><p class="p4" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">In 2021, Iraq’s water ministry threatened to drag Iran to the International Court of Justice for taking its water. But Iraq’s Shiite-dominated government, which is close to Tehran’s leaders, dropped the issue.History is replete with water wars, and one of the earliest recorded conflicts took place here in the Fertile Crescent, where <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">scribes documented</span></a> a fight over water between Sumerian city states more than 4,000 years ago in what is now Iraq.</span></p><p class="p4" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Many modern nations have gone on the offensive to ensure that their people have enough water. Ethiopia has spent years <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">building a colossal dam on the Nile</span></a>, inciting fear and anger from Egypt downstream. China has done the same <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">with the Mekong</span></a>. Central Asian nations have had a long-running feud over the Amu Darya and Syr Darya Rivers, which have been drained to such an extent that by the time they reach the inland Aral Sea, <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">there is little water left</span></a>.</span></p><p class="p4" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Worldwide, countries share nearly <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">900 rivers, lakes and aquifers</span></a>, according to the United Nations, and though a <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">treaty</span></a> exists to govern their use, fewer than half of all countries have ratified it. Notably absent from the list are upstream nations like Turkey, Iran and China.</span></p><p class="p4" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">In 2021, Iraq’s water ministry threatened to drag Iran to the International Court of Justice for taking its water. But Iraq’s Shiite-dominated government, which is close to Tehran’s leaders, dropped the issue.</span></p><p class="p4" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">The Kinani family, whose farm withered as Iran built dams, still grows a little wheat, mostly for its own consumption. But the once-clear irrigation canal the farm uses now has nearly stagnant, viscous water with a brownish-green color and a nauseating smell.</span></p><p class="p7" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p4" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">“We are irrigating with sewage water,” Mr. Kinani said. </span></p><p class="p9" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 60px; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-style: inherit; font-variant-caps: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: inherit; font-weight: inherit; text-align: left;"><br /></span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Drought brings other, less obvious dangers, too. </span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">In parts of Iraq, rivers and irrigation canals once provided strategic barriers — their waters too wide, fast or deep for extremist fighters to traverse.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Today, if those waters are running at all, they are often low enough to walk across.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Militants who had been pushed back in recent years are taking advantage of the drying landscape to come back and attack with ease, according to Sheikh Muhammed Dhaifan, who has been fighting to keep his tribe northeast of Baghdad from leaving the 44 villages where they have worked the land for generations.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">When Al Qaeda seized the tribe’s land in 2005, it used stones to block the irrigation canals fed by the Adaim River and forced many farmers to flee.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">After Al Qaeda’s defeat, Sheikh Muhammed persuaded most of his clan to return. But then in 2012, as the Islamic State began to emerge, his tribe was forced to leave again.</span></p><p class="p4" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Finally, after almost five years, ISIS was vanquished and the villagers began to come back. </span></p><p class="p7" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Now the chief enemy is drought, stealing not just their livelihoods, but also their sense of safety. In some places, the water hardly covers the pebbles lining the riverbed. ISIS barely has to slow down to get across.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">“We used to be protected by the river,” said Sheikh Muhammed. “Now, sometimes they walk, sometimes they drive their motorbikes, the water is so low.”</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Last year, Islamic State fighters crossed on foot at night and killed 11 soldiers, many as they slept, at an Iraqi Army outpost on the river’s banks.</span></p><p class="p4" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">This year, the fighters have moved farther east, attacking villages on the Diyala River, which is also low because of drought and Iran’s dams. More than 50 civilians were killed in the province in the first five months of 2023, most by fighters aligned with ISIS.</span></p><p class="p7" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">In the past, the snowmelt and rains sometimes swelled the region’s rivers, prompting Turkey and Iran to share more water with Iraq. But the future looks unlikely to offer much respite.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">The current trend of a hotter, drier Iraq — and a hotter Middle East — is expected to last for decades, making the once-fertile crescent less and less livable.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Already, Iraq does not have enough water to meet its needs, <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">the World Bank says</span></a>. But by 2035 its water deficit could widen significantly, cutting into the country’s homegrown food supply and the economy as a whole.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Pleas to Turkey to share more water have largely gone unheeded.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">In the summer of 2022, at the height of last year’s drought, Turkey’s ambassador to Iraq responded to Iraq’s requests for more water by complaining that Iraqis were “squandering” it, calling on the Iraqi government to enact “immediate measures to reduce the waste.” This year, when a similar request came, Turkey shared more water for a month before cutting back again.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Turkey’s complaints about Iraq are not unfounded. Iraq’s irrigation efforts lose large quantities to evaporation and runoff. Water soaks into earthen canals, leaks from rusted pipes and runs off after being used in flood irrigation — the 6,000-year-old method of saturating fields.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">The fertilizer in the runoff makes the groundwater saltier. Studies in southern Iraq show large areas with salt levels so high that the water cannot be used for drinking, irrigation or even washing clothes.</span></p><p class="p4" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Iraq’s population makes the forecast even more dire: It is <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">one of the fastest-growing</span></a> in the region.</span></p><p class="p7" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Mr. Sahlani, the science teacher near Naseriyah, recalled how much of life in rural southern Iraq life was lived on the water just 20 years ago. Locals started their days in small boats, pushing off at first light to fish before returning after sunrise to tend the fields. While some still do, the river fish are often too small, their flesh too inundated with pollutants, to make it worthwhile these days.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">The changes are especially evident in <a href="https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/5261748503426298041/241549254143285996#"><span class="s1" style="color: #0000e9;">the vast marshes of southern Iraq</span></a>. Some 60 years ago, they were the largest wetlands in western Eurasia. People have lived there for thousands of years.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Saddam Hussein drained the marshes of about 90 percent of their water to deprive his enemies of a place to hide in their thick reeds and small islands. In doing so, he stifled “the lungs of Iraq,” said Azzam Alwash, the Iraqi-American engineer who helped re-flood the wetlands after the United States invasion.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Surprisingly quickly, marine life rebounded, migratory birds returned and so did the people who had left. Once again, the mashouf — the long, narrow boats used by the Sumerians — glided through the waterways. Herds of water buffalo flourished.</span></p><p class="p4" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">But years of drought, along with the chokehold on river water from Turkey and Iran, have devastated the marshes again.</span></p><p class="p7" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">“The marshes are drying,” Mohammed Raed, 19, said as he left them behind, walking his family’s emaciated buffalo toward a neighboring province, where there was still the hope of feeding them.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Mr. Sahlani, the science teacher, said people now eyed their upstream neighbors with suspicion, accusing them of taking more water from the irrigation canals than they’re due and then shutting the sluice gates, leaving too little for residents downstream to grow crops.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Without realizing it, he was describing — on a much smaller scale — Iraq’s standoff with Turkey and Iran, which control much of the Euphrates and the Tigris.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">“I understand the problem,” said Ghazwan Abdul Amir, the Iraqi water ministry’s director in Naseriyah, adding that the government was hoping to bring more water to residents in the area.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">But water is scarce and money is tight, he said: “Maybe next year.”</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Fixing Iraq’s outdated farming techniques, which waste as much as 70 percent of the water used for irrigation, according to a study done for Iraq’s water ministry, is paramount. But persuading farmers to change has been slow going. There were just 120 drip irrigation systems allotted to farmers in Mr. Sahlani’s province last year to save water — and the farmers had to pay for them.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Past the urban sprawl of northern Naseriyah, with its small auto repair shops and vegetable stands, the land empties out. Storm clouds gather in the late afternoon but then disperse without shedding a drop. Tufts of grasses, yellow and brown by late June, offer signs that crops grew here not so long ago.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">The wind starts early each morning, blowing ceaselessly until dusk. It strips the topsoil, drying the land until all that is left is an earthen dust that piles on the quickly mounting dunes.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">A short drive off the highway, deeper into the desert, lies Al Najim, a village being blown off the map. Thirty years ago, it had 5,000 people. Today there are just 80 left. The temperature hovered at 122 degrees.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Qahatan Almihana, an agricultural engineer, pointed at the town’s landmarks: buildings half-covered in sand, doors buried too deep to open. Sand piled halfway up the walls, poured in the windows and weighed down the roofs.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">“That was the school,” he said. The teachers stopped coming in early 2022.</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Sheikh Muhammad Ajil Falghus, the head of the Najim tribe, was born in the village. “The land was good, the soil was good,” he explained. Until the early 2000s, he said, “we grew wheat and barley, corn and clover.”</span></p><p class="p6" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px 0px 11.2px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Now, all that grows are small groups of tamarisk trees planted as a bulwark against the sands.</span></p><p class="p4" style="color: #262626; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">“We are living now on the verge of life,” the sheikh said. “There is no agriculture, no planting possible anymore. This is the end of the line, the end of life. We wait for a solution from God, or from the good people.”</span></p><div class="css-s99gbd StoryBodyCompanionColumn" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background-color: white; border: 0px; color: #333333; display: flex; flex-direction: row; font-family: Times; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-size: 16px; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: normal; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: normal; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; font-weight: 400; height: 675px; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px auto 1rem; orphans: 2; padding: 0px; text-align: start; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; text-indent: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; text-transform: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: normal; widows: 2; width: 1200px; word-spacing: 0px;"><div class="css-53u6y8" style="border: 0px; font: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; margin: 0px 0px 0px calc((100% - 600px) / 2); max-width: 600px; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><div style="border: 0px; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;"><section class="interactive-content interactive-size-scoop css-1fwl6kh" data-id="100000008993159" data-source-id="100000008993159" id="iraq-rivers-chapter-hed-no-media-4" style="border: 0px; font: inherit; height: auto; margin: 2.3125rem auto; max-width: 1050px; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: calc(100% - 20px);"><div class="css-17ih8de interactive-body" data-sourceid="100000008993159" style="border: 0px; 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color: var(--color-content-secondary,#363636); font-family: nyt-imperial, georgia, "times new roman", times, serif; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-size: 1.25rem; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><br /></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; color: var(--color-content-secondary,#363636); font-family: nyt-imperial, georgia, "times new roman", times, serif; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-size: 1.25rem; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><br /></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; color: var(--color-content-secondary,#363636); font-family: nyt-imperial, georgia, "times new roman", times, serif; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-size: 1.25rem; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><br /></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; color: var(--color-content-secondary,#363636); font-family: nyt-imperial, georgia, "times new roman", times, serif; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-size: 1.25rem; 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font-family: nyt-imperial, georgia, "times new roman", times, serif; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-size: 1.25rem; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><br /></p><p class="css-at9mc1 evys1bk0" style="border: 0px; color: var(--color-content-secondary,#363636); font-family: nyt-imperial, georgia, "times new roman", times, serif; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-size: 1.25rem; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; 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border: 0px; color: var(--color-content-secondary,#363636); font-family: nyt-imperial, georgia, "times new roman", times, serif; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-size: 1.25rem; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: 1.875rem; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; overflow-wrap: break-word; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 600px;"><br /></p><div class="css-s99gbd StoryBodyCompanionColumn" style="background-color: white; border: 0px; color: #333333; display: flex; flex-direction: row; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-size: 16px; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; height: 720px; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px auto 1rem; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 1200px;"><aside aria-label="companion column" class="css-ew4tgv" style="-webkit-box-align: center; align-items: center; border: 0px; display: flex; font: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 0px auto; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: 210px;"></aside></div><div style="background-color: white; border: 0px; color: #333333; font-feature-settings: inherit; font-kerning: inherit; font-optical-sizing: inherit; font-size: 16px; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-alternates: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; font-variation-settings: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;"><section class="interactive-content interactive-size-scoop css-1vzrg66" data-id="100000009006848" data-source-id="100000009006848" id="2023-07-11-iraq-rivers-test-index" style="border: 0px; font: inherit; height: auto; margin: 2.3125rem auto; max-width: 1000px; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline; width: calc(100% - 20px);"><header class="css-cl76n0 interactive-header" id="interactive-header" style="border: 0px; font: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1rem; padding: 0px; text-size-adjust: 100%; vertical-align: baseline;"></header></section></div><p> </p>Kamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-10908974111670189542023-07-06T11:18:00.003-07:002023-07-06T11:24:43.890-07:003546. Learning from the "COVID War"<p><span><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #6b6b6b;">By Sam Friedman, </span><a href="https://blog.petrieflom.law.harvard.edu/2023/07/05/learning-from-the-covid-war/"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">Bill of Health</span></a><span style="color: #6b6b6b;">, July 5, 2023 </span></span></span></p><p><span style="color: #6b6b6b; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span><span><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #6b6b6b;"></span></span></span></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEixHHRX6RTkzizoq4HNcBwaOM1NYqu7kMaftFy0seI3YW6GrzXmzH1Ci_z652602-8C5gqp7sitPnMVuBAA1Hb8TDLLGzmInpEEPbufBRP6TjTQj4pWcEAW4jiI1CJU2urmCA5SMq1SvDQTQeDHpy92voN-oPdJKNv4rjOQOe4ZjLVPyaRwfv7Q8qzmSA3r" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img alt="" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="300" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEixHHRX6RTkzizoq4HNcBwaOM1NYqu7kMaftFy0seI3YW6GrzXmzH1Ci_z652602-8C5gqp7sitPnMVuBAA1Hb8TDLLGzmInpEEPbufBRP6TjTQj4pWcEAW4jiI1CJU2urmCA5SMq1SvDQTQeDHpy92voN-oPdJKNv4rjOQOe4ZjLVPyaRwfv7Q8qzmSA3r=w400-h400" width="400" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="color: #666666; font-size: x-small;">Sam Friedman</span></td></tr></tbody></table><span><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #6b6b6b;"><br /></span></span></span><p></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Amid an emergent international consensus that the COVID pandemic is “over,” writings about the pandemic and its meanings have burst forth like the flowers of June.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">This article will focus on one such book, <a href="https://books.google.com/books/about/Lessons_from_the_Covid_War.html?id=gEedEAAAQBAJ&source=kp_book_description" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;"><em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Lessons from the COVID War: An Investigative Report</em></a>. Produced by an eminently established collection of people, The COVID Crisis Group. The book is intelligently critical of what was done during the pandemic, but at all points it remains within the confines of what is “politically respectable.” This respectability, I argue, means that their recommendations are too narrow to protect Americans, much less the populations of the Global South, from pandemics ahead (barring unexpectedly marvelous advances in vaccine breadth and rapidity of deployment).</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span id="more-31875" style="box-sizing: border-box;"></span></span></p><h3 style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51c30; line-height: 1.1; margin-bottom: 10px; margin-top: 20px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: small;">Their COVID War</span></span></h3><p style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">The “<a href="https://covidcrisisgroup.org/" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;">COVID Crisis Group</a>” is an establishment group of businesspeople and government officials plus some subject matter experts. Many, like their director, Philip Zelikow, have held high government positions and been lawyers, CEOs, or higher-managers for business. Some have also served as public health officials and/or professors. Only one of the over thirty members of the Crisis Group, Kristin Urquiza, is a community representative due to her role in <a href="https://www.markedbycovid.com/" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;">Marked By Covid</a>. When the Crisis Group organized, it saw itself as the future nucleus for a government commission on the pandemic, much like the 9/11 Commission (that Zelikow had directed). Thus, it formed very much thinking of itself in an establishment role.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Here, I will list a few of their major ideas and assumptions.</span></p><ol style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin-bottom: 10px; margin-top: 0px;"><li style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">The pandemic response in the United States, and its attendant hospitalization and death rates, represents a failure of public health. This failure was primarily rooted in not knowing <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">how</em> to get things done. That is, their critique is on process and competence, not on the underlying assumptions of <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">what</em> was done nor on whether the response was organized for the interest of the wealthy, powerful, and white in ways that hurt workers, the poor, members of oppressed racial/ethnic groups, the disabled and the elderly.</span></li><li style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Since the failure came from not knowing how to get things done, they see a major part of the solution as being the re-creation of the “can-do culture” for which the U.S. used to be famous.</span></li><li style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">They emphasize a “need” for public-private ventures to get things done competently. As they see it, business has the “know-how,” as do certain parts of the military.</span></li><li style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">They recognize the near-certainty of future pandemic outbreaks. They thus point to the need for early detection and tracking systems, and put forward a number of intelligent suggestions for how this might be done more effectively.</span></li><li style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">They state as a main goal in responding to pandemics is <u style="box-sizing: border-box;">getting people back to schools and work as soon as possible</u>. That said, they do take seriously the need for layers of protection at schools and workplaces.</span></li><li style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">They also present good ideas on the “how” side of public health. These include funding increases for public health departments and greater data sharing enabled by digitization of health and public health data.</span></li></ol><h3 style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51c30; line-height: 1.1; margin-bottom: 10px; margin-top: 20px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: small;">Their omissions and errors and what else needs to be done</span></span></h3><p style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><u style="box-sizing: border-box;">Perhaps their most consequential omission</u> is a serious discussion of <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">why</em> potential pandemics are coming at a rapid rate during this century and how to slow this down. They do <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">mention</em> the issue of slowing the transmission of dangerous viruses and bacteria from other animals to humans, but dismiss this as impractical. Instead of trying to do this, they argue, the United States and other countries should set up effective systems of early detection of new potential pandemics and ways to improve reaction times to such detection. <span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700;">They thus accept the inevitability of zoonotic pandemics, which comes intellectually from their either seeing capitalism as a given or as seeing it as an unavoidable eternal fact.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">This is a critical omission. <a href="https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/15577934/" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;">Capitalism fuels</a> potential <a href="https://www.unep.org/resources/report/preventing-future-zoonotic-disease-outbreaks-protecting-environment-animals-and" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;">zoonoses</a> — as cities in the global south <a href="https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/32259475/" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;">expand</a> into forests and savannahs, as hunters seek to flood food markets with “exotic” meats, and as <a href="https://nyupress.org/9781583675892/big-farms-make-big-flu/" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;">industrial meat producers</a> <a href="https://www.dukeupress.edu/virulent-zones" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;">raise</a> and slaughter animals at <a href="https://thenewpress.com/books/monster-our-door" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;">massive scale</a>. Once humans get infected with a potential <a href="https://us.macmillan.com/books/9781250793249/pandemic" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;">pandemic pathogen</a>, the rapidity of travel across and among continents — much of which is for the business purposes of production, distribution, and, thus, profits —<em style="box-sizing: border-box;"> </em>makes it highly possible for disease to spread globally before it is even detected.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">In other words, <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s41207-020-00212-9" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;">pandemics arise through the day-to-day operations of capitalism</a>. For COVID, this involved financial investment by globally-prominent firms in agriculture and <a href="https://monthlyreview.org/2020/05/01/covid-19-and-circuits-of-capital/" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;">food markets</a> in China that probably were the sites of early viral transmission to humans. Relatedly, within the United States, some evidence suggests that capitalist industrial agriculture may have been a driver of the pandemic in the <a href="https://www.mdpi.com/2220-9964/12/5/195" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;">U.S. Midwest</a>.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><u style="box-sizing: border-box;">A second major weakness</u> is their superficial discussion on the misinformation and “anti-science” messages that greatly reduced the effectiveness of many public health interventions around vaccination, masking, and business closures. They discuss some of the commonly mentioned aspects of this, such as the flip-flops of President Trump in his messages about the pandemic, the growth of social media-based misinformation and its spread by “Russian and Chinese cyber mischief-making” (p. 209), and the like.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">What they did not discuss is the reasons why capitalism at its current stage breeds attacks on science (such as those volleyed by political leaders against the science of climate change) and a degree of irrationalism among some groups of workers and others in the population, both of which carried over into the politics of COVID. Most importantly, perhaps, they did not discuss the sustained, systematic attacks on science by many large corporations. The tobacco industry attacked the science around smoke and cancer, agribusiness has attacked the critics of both genetically modified organisms and the critics of industrialized meat production, the fossil fuel industry and many firms dependent on it attack the science of climate change. The <a href="https://doi.org/10.1057/s41271-021-00318-6" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;">techniques they used in these attacks</a>, such as <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1447376/" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;">sowing doubt and confusion</a> about what science <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">really</em> says and myths about the muzzling and persecution of “dissenting” scientists, were then used to attack the science behind vaccines, masks, school closings, and many other public health responses to the pandemic and to promote many ineffective but supposedly “evidence-based” medications.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">The COVID Crisis Group’s superficial discussion of pandemic misinformation does not address the deep-seated roots of this messaging. This is not surprising for such an establishment group, since these root causes are the use of attacks on science to defend the interests of major blocs of capital, the racism that sustains capitalist rule, and the irrationalism that is endemic to capitalism.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Relatedly, although they do report (p. 164-165) that COVID was particularly devastating for American Indians, Blacks, and Hispanics, they do not adequately analyze why this same pattern was true for the HIV/AIDS pandemic, nor why poor health and medical apartheid have been racialized throughout the history of the United States. In discussing the mistrust and disconnection from health systems that greatly weakened a variety of public health efforts during the first two years of the pandemic, they mention that his mistrust “goes deep among communities that have long felt marginalized” (p. 204). They then mention the Tuskegee Syphilis Study that left Black participants with syphilis to suffer the ravages of the disease long after effective treatments were available, but fail to mention similar atrocities such as the involuntary sterilizations that many racially oppressed women had forced on them by the American medical system and the racist eugenic “science” used to justify these actions. Not unexpectedly, with their emphasis on “how to” react to pandemics rather than on what needs to be changed, they do not offer suggestions about ending the socially structured racism that both underlies the extra burdens of pandemics on racialized peoples and contributes substantially to <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">white</em> “anti-science” opposition to public health actions.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">They say almost nothing about Long COVID — two short paragraphs and a short footnote. They do recognize that Long COVID is poorly understood and that some people with Long COVID have organized for care and research. One might think that these uncertainties about the extent of Long COVID, its duration, and thus the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41579-022-00846-2" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;">threat it poses to the population</a> and the workforce would make it worth discussing in depth. After all, if too many people become disabled by it this would show that the COVID Crisis Group was badly mistaken in claiming that getting people back to school and work is a main priority of policy and in supporting the policy of getting back to normalcy in 2023.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">In supporting the return to normalcy, they do not discuss one of its large-scale and extremely harmful effects — that of excluding millions of people in the United States (and elsewhere) from social life. Examples include people with asthma or other respiratory infections, or those with impaired immune systems (such as those undergoing chemotherapy for cancer, or those with HIV except when it is totally under control), and elderly people. Thus, the policy of “opening up” and of “normalcy” amounts in practice to excluding tens of millions of people from many jobs and stores. This is not a surprise — by and large, businesses and governments around the country have given lip service to including people with disabilities in society, but actions on this have trailed far behind words</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">As a final critique, and as a first step in presenting ideas for political actions in future outbreaks of COVID or in the next pandemic (or even a bad epidemic in one country), the COVID Crisis Group discusses the failures and successes of what happened in the United States response to COVID in a thoroughly top-down matter. </span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">They focus on what government agencies and politicians did, on what researchers did, and on what pharmaceutical companies did. In doing this, they failed to discuss the remarkable and sometimes successful actions of ordinary people and workers. They fail to see how members of local communities <a href="https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2021.716202/full" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;">mobilized</a> <a href="https://www.plutobooks.com/9780745343167/pandemic-solidarity/" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;">mutual aid</a> projects to held neighbors unable (or afraid) to get groceries or needed medications. They fail to discuss and analyze the actions of nurses and other health care workers to organize care, to support each other when sick, and to force hospital managements to procure PPE like masks. They fail to discuss the strikes by various groups of front line workers that arose in dangerous conditions. Further, in their emphasis on the need to re-open schools, they fail to discuss the heroic actions of some teachers’ unions in refusing to return until changes in ventilation and case detection procedures were established that would keep kids, their relatives, and school workers as safe as reasonably possible. They fail even to discuss Marked by COVID and its efforts, in spite of the fact that the COVID Crisis Group includes the founder of Marked by COVID as a member, much less discuss groups like <a href="https://peoplescdc.org/" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;">People’s CDC</a>, which have been involved in community education and politics opposed to some of what the COVID Crisis Group proposes.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">In short, they base their analysis on thoroughly elitist grounds. They treat the public as the objects acted upon by public health institutions and as a potential obstacle to implementing public health. In the next section, I take the exact opposite view. I see the actions of community mutual aid and worker groups as the solution to ending the system that evokes pandemics and, until then, as fundamental to mitigating the pandemics that arise through the everyday search for profit and power by capitalist institutions.</span></p><h3 style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51c30; line-height: 1.1; margin-bottom: 10px; margin-top: 20px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: small;">Solutions</span></span></h3><p style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">In preparation for the next pandemic, and perhaps during it, we need to empower workers at workplaces to defend themselves. I do not see this primarily as a call to change laws, although passing laws to increase workers’ rights to avoid unsafe working conditions and to organize unions, and even to speak freely with each other at work, would clearly be helpful, and I do support their passage. Laws, however, are likely to be abrogated by employers and the state during emergencies like pandemics. <span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700;">What is needed now, and in the future, is for </span><a href="https://www.haymarketbooks.org/books/1767-class-struggle-unionism" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700;">workers</span></a><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700;"> to </span><a href="http://cup.columbia.edu/book/teamster-rank-and-file/9780231053723" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700;">organize their power</span></a><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700;"> and their collective willingness and ability to strike effectively regardless of what the law says and even regardless of what union leaders say. </span>During the <a href="https://www.hachettebookgroup.com/titles/jamie-k-mccallum/essential/9781541619906/?lens=basic-books" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;">COVID pandemic, hospital workers did this, as did some teachers and other workers</a>. Much more is needed.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Similarly, people in the most-effected communities developed many skills at how to cope with sickness and how to organize mutual aid for each other. When confronted with police violence and killings in 2020, people demonstrated around the U.S. and, indeed, the world as part of the <a href="https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/the-pandemic-deepened-fault-lines-in-american-society/" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;">Black Lives Matter</a> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/00027642221132179" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;">movement</a>. <span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700;">What is needed now, and in the future, is for neighborhoods and larger communities of poor people, racially or otherwise oppressed people, and working people to develop organizations of </span><a href="https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2021.716202/full" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700;">mutual solidarity</span></a><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700;"> and </span><a href="https://www.plutobooks.com/9780745343167/pandemic-solidarity/" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #a51526; text-decoration-line: none; transition: all 0.3s ease 0s;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700;">aid</span></a><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700;">, and a willingness and ability to take direct action to defend themselves and to meet their needs regardless of what employers or governments say.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">COVID ravaged prison populations, nursing homes and the homeless with particular ferocity. To prepare for future pandemics, these groups too will have to organize, together with various abolitionist groups. They alone will have limited power, but together with the worker and community groups discussed, more can be done.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Although all of the above will be essential in meeting the threats of a renewed COVID outbreak and of future pandemics, they alone will not be enough. We also will need many of the more intelligent proposals that the COVID Crisis Group put forward, such as improved forms of detecting new pathogens as soon as they arise and rapidly responding to reduce their spread and to develop medicines and vaccines quickly through improved and sustained scientific and public health capabilities.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Preventing pandemic destruction is not just a question of “how to,” as the COVID Crisis Group thinks. It is a question of organizing power from below so people can get rid of capitalism and its pandemic-creating needs and set up a society where people can take care of their needs and of each other without evoking pandemics or climate change. Given the damage that capitalism has already done to the metabolic interchanges between humans and the rest of nature, some of the specific proposals of the COVID Crisis Group will be useful. The economic, political and human structures and ways of thought that we will need to set up, however, will in no way resemble the public-private or military “can-do structures” that are their ideal.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><em style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">I would like to acknowledge the intellectual input of fellow members of the People’s CDC, and especially Fran Green, Karyn Pomerantz, Howard Waitzkin, and Rob Wallace.</span></em></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><em style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="font-family: georgia;">Samuel R. Friedman is a research professor at a leading New York university and previously the Director of the Institute for Infectious Disease Research at National Development and Research Institutes in New York. He can be reached at sam4wp@netscape.net</span></em></p>Kamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-33450168393635990852023-06-26T09:41:00.013-07:002023-06-26T09:45:56.518-07:003545. Hugo Blanco Galdós, Peruvian Socialist Fighter, Died at 88<p><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">By </span><a href="https://www.jornada.com.mx/notas/2023/06/26/mundo/murio-hugo-blanco-galdos-luchador-social-peruano/"><span style="color: #2b00fe;">La Jornada</span></a><span style="color: #666666;">, June 26, 2023 </span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;"></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhc-1tRLxyVrmur8sawVyHhqyoNRF41lmOiC3uD57XsPWBVwqenDeUgCEZTF14iIltUVCDeD_7Rl3irR__Dvbonx-eXOLyb49M_nBlLWKFscT-F5ESGwKer0wheQidXqEEvm86iiFdk5ltWZpLBl1SlDvuhOdtKg8Z31jHk8EEyNedkmOlnInwGN0d8kKol" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="360" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhc-1tRLxyVrmur8sawVyHhqyoNRF41lmOiC3uD57XsPWBVwqenDeUgCEZTF14iIltUVCDeD_7Rl3irR__Dvbonx-eXOLyb49M_nBlLWKFscT-F5ESGwKer0wheQidXqEEvm86iiFdk5ltWZpLBl1SlDvuhOdtKg8Z31jHk8EEyNedkmOlnInwGN0d8kKol=w640-h360" width="640" /></a></span></span></div><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;"><br /></span></span><p></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><em style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 16px;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">Mexico City. </span></em><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">The union and peasant leader and former Peruvian guerrilla, Ángel Hugo Blanco Galdos, died yesterday in Sweden at the age of 88. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">He was an integral part of the Latin American left since the 1950s and spent 40 years of his life in and out of prison and in exile.</span></span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 16px; margin-bottom: 1rem; margin-top: 0px; transition: transform 500ms ease 0s;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; vertical-align: inherit;">Born in Cuzco on November 15, 1934, Blanco Galdos was a leader of the indigenous peasant struggle that culminated in the agrarian reform of 1968, and participated in the Constituent Assembly of 1978.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 16px; margin-bottom: 1rem; margin-top: 0px; transition: transform 500ms ease 0s;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">His father was a peasant defense attorney, so he learned Quechua from a young age. </span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">He adopted the concept of "ecosocialism" with which he proclaimed the right of indigenous people to defend their lands from environmental damage caused by business.</span></span></p><p style="background-color: ; box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 16px; margin-bottom: 1rem; margin-top: 0px; transition: transform 500ms ease 0s;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; vertical-align: inherit;">In his childhood he was changed when he found out that a landowner marked his initials on the buttock of an indigenous man with a hot iron, a practice known as carimba, Blanco Galdos recounted during an interview with the Fourth International in 2015.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 16px; margin-bottom: 1rem; margin-top: 0px; transition: transform 500ms ease 0s;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; vertical-align: inherit;">He began studying agronomy in La Plata, Argentina, in 1954, "because I liked the countryside," and he admitted that "the 1910 Revolution in Mexico influenced Cuzco."</span></p><p><span style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 16px; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; vertical-align: inherit;"></span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 16px; margin-bottom: 1rem; margin-top: 0px; transition: transform 500ms ease 0s;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; vertical-align: inherit;">He dropped out of school when he became interested in worker and union causes that led him, during his life, to travel to Argentina, Bolivia, Mexico and the United States.</span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 16px; margin-bottom: 1rem; margin-top: 0px; transition: transform 500ms ease 0s;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; vertical-align: inherit;"></span></p><div class="article-meta" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 16px; font-style: normal; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; font-weight: 400; letter-spacing: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: left; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"></div><p></p><div style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 16px; font-style: normal; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; font-weight: 400; letter-spacing: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: left; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><div class="article-content ljn-nota-contenido" id="article-content-tts" style="box-sizing: border-box;"><div id="content_nitf" style="box-sizing: border-box; hyphens: auto; overflow-wrap: break-word; word-break: break-word;"><p style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 1rem; margin-top: 0px; transition: transform 500ms ease 0s;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">In his youth he sought to soak up the thought of the left, among Trotskyist groups.<span> </span></span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">"At that time the approach was that the proletariat was the vanguard, and since there were no proletarians in Cuzco, I came to Lima to enter factories."<span> </span></span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">He indicated that it took time to find a large factory, with a union formed, he told La Cuarta.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 1rem; margin-top: 0px; transition: transform 500ms ease 0s;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">“I finally found a factory where there was a union (…) and I went to work there.<span> </span></span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">That's when (Richard) Nixon, who was vice president of the United States, arrived in Peru, and among various small groups on the left (...) we prepared a counter-demonstration that turned out to be much larger than we imagined.<span> </span></span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">And then came the repression.<span> </span></span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">I had to leave the factory and I went to Cuzco,” he added.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 1rem; margin-top: 0px; transition: transform 500ms ease 0s;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">Between 1961 and 1963 he led a Quechua uprising in that area, where he is considered to have been the bridge between indigenous workers and white intellectuals.<span> </span></span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">He organized some 2,000 peasants in the Departmental Federation of Peasants of Cuzco, who occupied landowners' properties, and formed a self-government, in which Blanco was "secretary of Agrarian Reform."</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 1rem; margin-top: 0px; transition: transform 500ms ease 0s;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">In August 1962, Blanco with a group of companions founded the guerrilla Remigio Huamán Brigade.<span> </span></span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">“The support of the peasantry was almost absolute, exciting.<span> </span></span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">He fed us, clothed us, guided us, protected us, ”he explained.<span> </span></span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">On May 15, 1963, the army captured him and three years later sentenced him to 25 years in prison on the island of El Frontón.<span> </span></span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">During that time he wrote his book<span> </span></span></span><em style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">Tierra o Muerte, las luchas campesinas en Perú</span></span></em><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;"><span> </span>.</span></span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 1rem; margin-top: 0px; transition: transform 500ms ease 0s;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">In 1970, the government of Juan Velasco Alvarado granted him an amnesty, but expelled him to Mexico.<span> </span></span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">He then traveled to Argentina, where in 1971 he was deported to Chile;<span> </span></span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">During Augusto Pinochet's coup on September 11, 1973, he took refuge in the Swedish embassy.<span> </span></span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">By then, intellectuals from all over the world knew of his struggle and participated in a solidarity campaign on his behalf, supported by Jean-Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir and Bertrand Russel.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 1rem; margin-top: 0px; transition: transform 500ms ease 0s;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">In 1976 he came to Sweden as a political refugee.<span> </span></span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">The United States Committee for Justice for Political Prisoners in Latin America obtained a visa for him, which allowed him to tour American cities, where in 1977 he spoke before thousands of sympathizers of the worker, peasant, and indigenous movements.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 1rem; margin-top: 0px; transition: transform 500ms ease 0s;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">In 1980 he was a deputy and presidential candidate in Peru, for the Left Revolutionary Alliance, and later a senator of the Mariateguista Unified Party until 1992, when President Alberto Fujimori carried out a self-coup.<span> </span></span><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;">Blanco found out that both Peruvian intelligence and the Shining Path group sentenced him to death and he then took refuge in Mexico.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 1rem; margin-top: 0px; transition: transform 500ms ease 0s;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; vertical-align: inherit;">He declared himself away from Trotskyism in the 1990s. When he was living temporarily in Mexico, the movement of the Zapatista National Liberation Army broke out, which had a strong influence on him.</span></span></p><p style="box-sizing: border-box; margin-bottom: 1rem; margin-top: 0px; transition: transform 500ms ease 0s;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; vertical-align: inherit;">In 2002 he suffered a stroke in Cuzco and was transferred to Mexico City for treatment, where he remained until 2003. His last years were spent in Sweden, along with his six children and several grandchildren.</span></span></p></div></div></div>Kamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-34702844919433272402023-05-30T07:33:00.014-07:002023-05-30T07:47:53.717-07:003544. Almost Half the World Species Will Be Gone: Study Shows<p><span font-family:="" georgia=""><span style="color: #666666;">By </span><a href="https://www.belfastlive.co.uk/news/belfast-news/almost-half-life-earth-declining-26974229?fbclid=IwAR1qJBmfKEItj3bpl2eiZPCV6D3SGa3l_MWClOgQMSHzfTrnUF6w2Y9A_Vs">BelfastLive</a>, <span style="color: #666666;">May 28, 2023</span></span></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhcCJplcTUFH0gT0__6wx4bP1OZLqNB7FBVI7Y94YltXscaFEFeRh62UIR7vSQVytKrp4aYltiAf977t2bFCordCiUVaZovRnD2BSjl4ATusANry5rJEGImtWyRLKla5Yz9Ru1tURg2HK-g0t6-SP7EA7xyHUisZwkU5rfOa8Ru4c8yIbkIKB2IdUzCJg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img alt="" data-original-height="539" data-original-width="810" height="426" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhcCJplcTUFH0gT0__6wx4bP1OZLqNB7FBVI7Y94YltXscaFEFeRh62UIR7vSQVytKrp4aYltiAf977t2bFCordCiUVaZovRnD2BSjl4ATusANry5rJEGImtWyRLKla5Yz9Ru1tURg2HK-g0t6-SP7EA7xyHUisZwkU5rfOa8Ru4c8yIbkIKB2IdUzCJg=w640-h426" width="640" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Emerald glass frog (Espadarana prosoblepon), Ecuador, Photo:<span class="credit" face=""Open Sans", sans-serif" itemprop="author" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; letter-spacing: -0.07px; margin: 0px 0px 0px 2px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: start; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;">Roberto García-Roa</span></span></td></tr></tbody></table><span style="font-family: georgia;"><br /></span><p></p><p><span style="font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><p id="amp-readmore-target" style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.8; margin: 0px 0px 12px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: georgia;"><span style="color: #666666;">In the most comprehensive research of its kind to date, the team looked at the population density changes of 71,114 species across the globe. And they found the impact of human industrialization on these 5,969 mammals, 11,162 birds, 10,150 reptiles, 7,316 amphibians, 24,356 fish, and 12,161 insects is significantly more alarming than previously thought.</span></span></p><p id="amp-readmore-target" style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.8; margin: 0px 0px 12px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span font-family:="" georgia="" style="color: #666666;">Birds are faring worst followed by mammals, amphibians, reptiles, fish and insects - although there are more unknowns in the latter three categories.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.8; margin: 0px 0px 12px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span font-family:="" georgia="" style="color: #666666;">Catherine Finn, PhD student at Queen’s University Belfast and leading author on the research, said: “Almost half of animals on Earth for which assessments are available are currently declining.</span></p><div class="placeholder" data-config="{"name":"perform-placeholder","componentType":"placeholder","referenceNode":".article-body > p:nth-of-type(6)","type":"performPlaceholder","relativePos":"after"}" data-placeholder-placeholder="" data-response-start="1172.4000000003725" data-type="placeholder" id="perform-placeholder" style="border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"></div><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.8; margin: 0px 0px 12px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">“To make matters worse, many of the animal species that are thought to be non-threatened from extinction, are in fact progressively declining.”</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.8; margin: 0px 0px 12px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Worldwide erosion of biodiversity is one of the most critical challenges facing humanity in the coming decades. It threatens the very ecosystems life depends on as well as food production, the spread of diseases and global economic stability.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.8; margin: 0px 0px 12px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">According to this traditional method, 28% of life on Earth is threatened with extinction.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.8; margin: 0px 0px 12px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The academics behind this groundbreaking research adopted a new approach using a global-scale analysis of a different measure of extinction risk called “population trends” to see whether the population sizes of species are declining, remain stable or are getting better over time.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.8; margin: 0px 0px 12px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Using this approach, they found the magnitude of the extinction crisis is considerably more severe than shown by the traditional measure based on threat categories, with an alarming 48% of species declining towards extinction and only 3% showing signals of recovery.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; line-height: 1.8; margin: 0px 0px 12px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"></p><div class="mantis-discrete lb gpt" data-config="{"includeInHeaderBidding":true,"deferred":{"injectionEvent":"md-secondary-slots-created","injectCompleteEvent":"deferred.ads.injection.complete","repeat":false},"componentType":"gpt","targeting":{"index":1402,"hivis":"n","hbPlacements":"md-lb-other"},"sizes":[[320,100],[320,50],[300,100],[300,50],[728,90]],"referenceNode":"#div-gpt-ad-mantis-discrete-lb-2","relativePos":"existing","name":"div-gpt-ad-mantis-discrete-lb-2","type":"mantisDiscreteLB","enabled":false,"bidders":{"xandr":"28814397","indexexchange":"938931","ozone":"3500009036","improvedigital":"22916589"}}" data-google-query-id="CO3a376fnf8CFZHQuAgdO6ADbQ" data-gpt-placeholder="" data-rendered-height="50" data-rendered-width="320" data-requested="8967" data-response-end="18221" data-response-start="8960.200000000186" data-timer-slot-rendered="10644.799999999814" data-tmdatatrack-context="gpt" data-tmdatatrack-slot="div-gpt-ad-mantis-discrete-lb-2" data-tmdatatrack-visible="true" data-tmdatatrack="commercial" data-type="gpt" id="div-gpt-ad-mantis-discrete-lb-2" style="background-attachment: initial; 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z-index: 4;"><a alt="Ad options" class="gpt-ad-menu-button gpt-ad-menu-select" id="adv-div-gpt-ad-mantis-discrete-lb-2-menu-button" style="background: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0); cursor: pointer; list-style-type: none; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; user-select: none; vertical-align: baseline;" title="Ad options"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><svg class="gpt-ad-svg-circle" height="8" style="stroke-width: 1px;" width="8"><circle cx="4" cy="4" r="2.2"></circle></svg><svg class="gpt-ad-svg-circle" height="8" style="stroke-width: 1px;" width="8"><circle cx="4" cy="4" r="2.2"></circle></svg><svg class="gpt-ad-svg-circle" height="8" style="stroke-width: 1px;" width="8"><circle cx="4" cy="4" r="2.2"></circle></svg></span></a></span></div></div><p></p><figure class="in-article-image" data-init="true" data-mod="image" data-observed="false" data-orientation="landscape" data-tmdatatrack-articleid="26974212" data-tmdatatrack-visible="true" data-tmdatatrack="inline-widget" itemprop="image" itemscope="" itemtype="http://schema.org/ImageObject" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background: rgb(241, 241, 241); border: 0px; display: block; font-style: normal; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; font-weight: 400; letter-spacing: normal; margin: 18px 0px; max-width: 100%; min-height: 1px; orphans: 2; outline: 0px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: relative; text-align: start; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: normal; widows: 2; width: 740.875px; word-spacing: 0px;"><div class="outer" style="background: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><div class="spacer" style="background: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0); border: 0px; content: ""; display: block; float: left; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 328.867px 0px 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 0px;"></div><div class="spacer" style="background: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0); border: 0px; content: ""; display: block; float: left; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 328.867px 0px 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></div><div class="spacer" style="background: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0); border: 0px; content: ""; display: block; float: left; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 328.867px 0px 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></div><div class="spacer" style="background: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0); border: 0px; content: ""; display: block; float: left; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 328.867px 0px 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></div><div class="mod-image" style="background: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><img alt="Decreasing vs unknown" content="https://i2-prod.belfastlive.co.uk/incoming/article26974212.ece/ALTERNATES/s615b/0_threatened-2-qubPNG.png" data-inline-image="true" src="https://i2-prod.belfastlive.co.uk/incoming/article26974212.ece/ALTERNATES/s615b/0_threatened-2-qubPNG.png" style="background: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline; width: 740.875px;" /></span></div></div><figcaption class="publication-theme-indicator" style="border: 0px; clear: both; display: block; font-weight: bold; letter-spacing: -0.07px; line-height: 1.4; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; text-decoration: none; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span class="caption" itemprop="description" style="background: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0); border: 0px; font-weight: 700; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Decreasing vs unknown</span><span> </span><span class="credit" itemprop="author" style="background: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0); border: 0px; font-weight: 400; margin: 0px 0px 0px 2px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">(Image: QUB)</span></span></figcaption><figcaption class="publication-theme-indicator" style="border: 0px; clear: both; display: block; font-weight: bold; letter-spacing: -0.07px; line-height: 1.4; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; text-decoration: none; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="credit" itemprop="author" style="background: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0); border: 0px; font-weight: 400; margin: 0px 0px 0px 2px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></span></figcaption><figcaption class="publication-theme-indicator" style="border: 0px; clear: both; display: block; font-weight: bold; letter-spacing: -0.07px; line-height: 1.4; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; text-decoration: none; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="credit" itemprop="author" style="background: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0); border: 0px; font-weight: 400; margin: 0px 0px 0px 2px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></span></figcaption><figcaption class="publication-theme-indicator" style="border: 0px; clear: both; display: block; font-weight: bold; letter-spacing: -0.07px; line-height: 1.4; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; text-decoration: none; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="credit" itemprop="author" style="background: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0); border: 0px; font-weight: 400; margin: 0px 0px 0px 2px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></span></figcaption><figcaption class="publication-theme-indicator" style="border: 0px; clear: both; display: block; font-weight: bold; letter-spacing: -0.07px; line-height: 1.4; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; text-decoration: none; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="credit" itemprop="author" style="background: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0); border: 0px; font-weight: 400; margin: 0px 0px 0px 2px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 1.8; margin: 0px 0px 12px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The team behind the report say the findings show the global crisis of biodiversity extinction is failing to compensate for lost species with the evolution of other species that could take their places in nature.</p><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 1.8; margin: 0px 0px 12px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Their research also found 33% of species currently considered “safe” by the IUCN conservation categories are in fact declining towards risk of extinction.</p><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 1.8; margin: 0px 0px 12px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Dr Daniel Pincheira-Donoso, Senior Lecturer in Evolutionary Biology and Macroecology at Queen’s University Belfast and the Principal Investigator of the project, said: “This new study method and global-scale analysis provides a clearer picture about the true extent of global erosion of biodiversity that the traditional approach cannot offer.</p><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 1.8; margin: 0px 0px 12px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">“Our work is a drastic alert about the current magnitude of this crisis that has already devastating impacts on the stability of nature as a whole, and on human health and wellbeing.”</p><figure class="in-article-image" data-init="true" data-mod="image" data-observed="false" data-orientation="landscape" data-tmdatatrack-articleid="26974217" data-tmdatatrack-visible="true" data-tmdatatrack="inline-widget" itemprop="image" itemscope="" itemtype="http://schema.org/ImageObject" style="background: rgb(241, 241, 241); border: 0px; letter-spacing: normal; margin: 18px 0px; max-width: 100%; min-height: 1px; outline: 0px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: relative; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 740.875px;"><div class="outer" style="background: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><div class="spacer" style="background: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0); border: 0px; content: ""; float: left; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 672.195px 0px 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 0px;"></div><div class="mod-image" style="background: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><img alt="Species in decline" content="https://i2-prod.belfastlive.co.uk/incoming/article26974217.ece/ALTERNATES/s615b/0_species-decline-qub-1PNG.png" data-inline-image="true" src="https://i2-prod.belfastlive.co.uk/incoming/article26974217.ece/ALTERNATES/s615b/0_species-decline-qub-1PNG.png" style="background: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline; width: 740.875px;" /></div></div><figcaption class="publication-theme-indicator" style="border: 0px; clear: both; font-weight: bold; letter-spacing: -0.07px; line-height: 1.4; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="caption" itemprop="description" style="background: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0); border: 0px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Species in decline</span> <span class="credit" itemprop="author" style="background: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0); border: 0px; font-weight: 400; margin: 0px 0px 0px 2px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">(Image: QUB)</span></figcaption><figcaption class="publication-theme-indicator" style="border: 0px; clear: both; font-weight: bold; letter-spacing: -0.07px; line-height: 1.4; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="credit" itemprop="author" style="background: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0); border: 0px; font-weight: 400; margin: 0px 0px 0px 2px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><br /></span></figcaption><figcaption class="publication-theme-indicator" style="border: 0px; clear: both; font-weight: bold; letter-spacing: -0.07px; line-height: 1.4; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; text-indent: 20px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="credit" itemprop="author" style="background: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0); border: 0px; font-weight: 400; margin: 0px 0px 0px 2px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 1.8; margin: 0px 0px 12px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The study was funded by the UKRI (NERC) QUADRAT Doctoral Training Programme.</p><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 1.8; margin: 0px 0px 12px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">“We show a widespread global erosion of species, with 48% undergoing declines, while 49% and 3% of species currently remain stable or are increasing, respectively,” the report’s abstract states.</p><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 1.8; margin: 0px 0px 12px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">“Geographically, we reveal an intriguing pattern similar to that of threatened species, whereby declines tend to concentrate around tropical regions, whereas stability and increases show a tendency to expand towards temperate climates.</p><div class="converse-re-wrapper" data-tmdatatrack-context="converse" data-tmdatatrack-slot="converse-re-wrapper" data-tmdatatrack-visible="true" data-tmdatatrack="commercial" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; letter-spacing: normal; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><iframe class="converse-re cre-bottom" data-dashlane-frameid="591" frameborder="0" height="0" scrolling="no" src="https://get-latest.convrse.media/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.belfastlive.co.uk%2Fnews%2Fbelfast-news%2Falmost-half-life-earth-declining-26974229%3Ffbclid%3DIwAR1qJBmfKEItj3bpl2eiZPCV6D3SGa3l_MWClOgQMSHzfTrnUF6w2Y9A_Vs&cre=bottom&cip=30&view=web" style="background: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0); border-style: initial; border-width: 0px; float: left; margin: 0px; min-width: 100%; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 1px;" width="100%"></iframe></div><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 1.8; margin: 0px 0px 12px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">“Importantly, we find that for species currently classed by the IUCN Red List as ‘non-threatened’, 33% are declining.</p><p style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 1.8; margin: 0px 0px 12px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-indent: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">“Critically, in contrast with previous mass extinction events, our assessment shows that the Anthropocene extinction crisis is undergoing a rapid biodiversity imbalance, with levels of declines (a symptom of extinction) greatly exceeding levels of increases (a symptom of ecological expansion and potentially of evolution) for all groups.</p></span></figcaption></figure></span></span></figcaption></figure>Kamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-22937690436448183042023-04-04T08:41:00.013-07:002023-05-11T15:40:02.302-07:003543. The Anthropocentric Industrial Capitalist Civilization and Ecological Crises<p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">By Kamran Nayeri, April 1, 2023</span></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a href="https://scwcontent.affino.com/AcuCustom/Sitename/DAM/017/SMOG_AdobeStock_76247895.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="533" src="https://scwcontent.affino.com/AcuCustom/Sitename/DAM/017/SMOG_AdobeStock_76247895.jpg" width="800" /></a></span></div><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span><p></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span><br /></span></span></p><p class="p1" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The existential crises facing humanity are anthropogenic, either obviously so nuclear holocaust or there is scientific consensus that they are like climate change, the Sixth Extinction, and recurrent pandemics. In this book, I have argued that they are all caused by the anthropocentric industrial capitalist civilization. In this appendix, I will provide data from the recent economic history to show how global warming, hence climate change caused by increasing greenhouse gas emissions. In particular, I show how carbon dioxide (CO2) concentration in the atmosphere correlated with the advent of the English industrial revolution (1780-1840) and the spread of industrialization globally ever since.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p1" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><p class="p1" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">There is widespread denial in the climate movement of any role "capitalism" might have played in the climate crisis. Just recently, a fellow climate activist in Sonoma County Climate Activist Network (S0CoCan!) in northern California asked for a discussion on how to go before the Board of Directors of the Exxon-Mobile Corporation to convince them to stop exploring, drilling, refining, and selling oil and gas. In fact, since 2016, when I begin participating in Sonoma County climate activist groups, I have brought up this argument in a number of times. Even though there are individuals in the group that openly support “capitalism,” not a single voice has ever been raised in response to my argument. There has also been no expressed interest in discussing this or in my proposal that we need to work toward a self-organized and self-mobilized movement of working people to stop the climate crisis. The national leadership of the climate movement has followed the same “strategy” of supporting “climate-friendly” politicians. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><p class="p1" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">The following charts summarize some key features of modern economic history. Chart 1 shows the growth of the World Gross Domestic Product (World GDP), the annual market value of all goods and services produced in the world, which has increased exponentially since the advent of the English industrial revolution 1770-1840. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p1" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p1" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><b>Chart 1. Exponential increase in world GDP in the modern era</b><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; text-align: center;"><span class="Apple-converted-space" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg2f9Oll8iWwJ7rra8cV38GWuLhnvrwWmBwf60o_c4zd5UvuA06cCr2fYSoAg1bMOMu1RzUcJoSa3pkz6b1_YA00pzeMzs3tRaByKqczSNOl_bxY91-fL-Y0yKZvWefa1dfbn4bU6bglP6un0CrRIY_heIHHc73OKq9gpLGvA2sUpKZ63bLANR4fO5t0Q/s3400/world-gdp-over-the-last-two-millennia%20(2).png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2400" data-original-width="3400" height="370" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg2f9Oll8iWwJ7rra8cV38GWuLhnvrwWmBwf60o_c4zd5UvuA06cCr2fYSoAg1bMOMu1RzUcJoSa3pkz6b1_YA00pzeMzs3tRaByKqczSNOl_bxY91-fL-Y0yKZvWefa1dfbn4bU6bglP6un0CrRIY_heIHHc73OKq9gpLGvA2sUpKZ63bLANR4fO5t0Q/w597-h370/world-gdp-over-the-last-two-millennia%20(2).png" width="597" /></span></a></div><p class="p1" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span class="Apple-converted-space" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><p class="p1" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Chart 2 shows the exponential or rapid increase in per capita GDP by economic regions. These countries for each region are selected for their different degrees of industrialization and availability of data.<br /></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span></span></span></p><p class="p1" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Chart 2. </span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEifycbpVz6Mfy6T9HA0i0zw7rGjLvCsb5AQUxKTgLrIt6SzATgFoM2e2L8ghRFwWRS59rGjIkh7uVhanir9frwnnXDM7kW2_nhaq4SBQw8ADg0KQa4dhTd5-5mhXfbwrJKCVL7udWkAaWASu7AXA4ZsSgyJlD5YHyAMwUMqxTtrAGRztOmPCdsQArZukA/s3400/gdp-per-capita-maddison-2020.png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2400" data-original-width="3400" height="431" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEifycbpVz6Mfy6T9HA0i0zw7rGjLvCsb5AQUxKTgLrIt6SzATgFoM2e2L8ghRFwWRS59rGjIkh7uVhanir9frwnnXDM7kW2_nhaq4SBQw8ADg0KQa4dhTd5-5mhXfbwrJKCVL7udWkAaWASu7AXA4ZsSgyJlD5YHyAMwUMqxTtrAGRztOmPCdsQArZukA/w611-h431/gdp-per-capita-maddison-2020.png" width="611" /></span></a></div><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span class="Apple-converted-space" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><p class="p1" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span>Chat 3 shows how during this period, the world population has also increased exponentially.</span></span></p><p class="p1" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p1" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p1" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Chart 3.</span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjviQm6oxBIFzjL0Z1B5Ker85DqgGJ1HuK1kafsb4X364ISFnPeKEWabUe7Rdm4JsDFN2suMCCX2JZg5qChlcyGFUkrpGUqBWnv8mWLx6r4fmYDIvobO4EPQHt5kXOT4xV17IAcTDvYVPrTUmEYgXrgD_pX95WqDtrfRhAmNoNaZuCKtwXTC7pAcTy69g/s2674/Annual-World-Population-since-10-thousand-BCE%20(1).png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1881" data-original-width="2674" height="420" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjviQm6oxBIFzjL0Z1B5Ker85DqgGJ1HuK1kafsb4X364ISFnPeKEWabUe7Rdm4JsDFN2suMCCX2JZg5qChlcyGFUkrpGUqBWnv8mWLx6r4fmYDIvobO4EPQHt5kXOT4xV17IAcTDvYVPrTUmEYgXrgD_pX95WqDtrfRhAmNoNaZuCKtwXTC7pAcTy69g/w597-h420/Annual-World-Population-since-10-thousand-BCE%20(1).png" width="597" /></span></a></div><p class="p1" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Charts 4 and 5 show the rapid or exponential rise in food and energy consumption after World War II. <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p1" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; text-align: center;"><b><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></b></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; text-align: center;"><b><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></b></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; text-align: center;"><b><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Chart 4. The rapid increase in per capita food consumption</span></b></p><p class="p4" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEiwxE0KKC4RVFByX269cjdJmvZHw9YdENsT-5OX3H3acvGfptzrHgxC27pD4rgg1hfDsWSZ1qFv6AXrfF22C8k_3SYwgikaKyi24b0Y9Lp6_WsT9kLpZiHeFGEYZERi2pW38jqNe1QJiII9saMqedzZDHhdKTaIFGZDBEtnoIC-Ff8cZ-Lj8Iv3PpJzuw" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><img alt="" data-original-height="448" data-original-width="614" height="341" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEiwxE0KKC4RVFByX269cjdJmvZHw9YdENsT-5OX3H3acvGfptzrHgxC27pD4rgg1hfDsWSZ1qFv6AXrfF22C8k_3SYwgikaKyi24b0Y9Lp6_WsT9kLpZiHeFGEYZERi2pW38jqNe1QJiII9saMqedzZDHhdKTaIFGZDBEtnoIC-Ff8cZ-Lj8Iv3PpJzuw=w485-h341" width="485" /></span></a></div><p></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; text-align: center;"><b><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Chart 5. The exponential rise in energy consumption by source<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></b></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p4" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px; text-align: center;"><span class="Apple-converted-space" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEh6SLC-OJbsp52JmxFbTKLR09TRA7aImgDV7UFnPszGP2EON3JbjrgnBNMmyLSScDRi0B-gtyuQkC51iQ8AIzxXGlI5I082wXqF1QyErwnWd5VA6NGLpT9Di5cANDVgh_LezSjam6O4CEog3CRw5lVBbUyLGPDupVhTtDk5ViOoiEwVgRvsuLdtFkjDcQ" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><img alt="" data-original-height="452" data-original-width="754" height="336" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEh6SLC-OJbsp52JmxFbTKLR09TRA7aImgDV7UFnPszGP2EON3JbjrgnBNMmyLSScDRi0B-gtyuQkC51iQ8AIzxXGlI5I082wXqF1QyErwnWd5VA6NGLpT9Di5cANDVgh_LezSjam6O4CEog3CRw5lVBbUyLGPDupVhTtDk5ViOoiEwVgRvsuLdtFkjDcQ=w484-h336" width="484" /></span></a></div><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span><p></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span class="Apple-converted-space" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p1" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Chart 6 shows how the wealth expropriated by the capitalist system has largely accumulated in the U.S., Europe, Asia Pacific, and now China.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; text-align: center;"><b><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Chart 6. World Wealth by Region in 2018</span></b></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span class="Apple-converted-space" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p5" style="-webkit-text-stroke-color: rgb(0, 0, 0); font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjC0erRVYNuGwFIf3lkcK753G8oStW_ZOM-X9tKFBxCbEXILdJUvsvtYUbDIQaTeBk5yZZA3LGXQf7XvvmLvnMmSICICvEzH0h8gtO_VIBs-uMssqlngID7Y6vCFcaYArvac9uNOUBqMppcTxZzlvfei1kk-628Zdak88lgWFXSde16aKjwL246yZdnow" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><img alt="" data-original-height="1009" data-original-width="1428" height="325" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjC0erRVYNuGwFIf3lkcK753G8oStW_ZOM-X9tKFBxCbEXILdJUvsvtYUbDIQaTeBk5yZZA3LGXQf7XvvmLvnMmSICICvEzH0h8gtO_VIBs-uMssqlngID7Y6vCFcaYArvac9uNOUBqMppcTxZzlvfei1kk-628Zdak88lgWFXSde16aKjwL246yZdnow=w458-h325" width="458" /></span></a></div><p class="p6" style="-webkit-text-stroke-color: rgb(0, 0, 0); font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p6" style="-webkit-text-stroke-color: rgb(0, 0, 0); font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p6" style="-webkit-text-stroke-color: rgb(0, 0, 0); font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span>Finally, Chart 7 shows the exponential rise in carbon dioxide concentration in the atmosphere that follows the spread of industrialization and related factors, as discussed earlier.</span><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p6" style="-webkit-text-stroke-color: rgb(0, 0, 0); font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p5" style="-webkit-text-stroke-color: rgb(0, 0, 0); font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></p><p class="p7" style="-webkit-text-stroke-color: rgb(0, 0, 0); font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; text-align: center;"><b><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Chart 7. Annual World CO2 Emission</span></b></p><p class="p7" style="-webkit-text-stroke-color: rgb(0, 0, 0); font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; text-align: center;"><b><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></b></p><p class="p7" style="-webkit-text-stroke-color: rgb(0, 0, 0); font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; text-align: center;"><b><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></b></p><p class="p7" style="-webkit-text-stroke-color: rgb(0, 0, 0); font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; text-align: center;"><b><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span></b></p><p class="p7" style="-webkit-text-stroke-color: rgb(0, 0, 0); font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><b></b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjCkCjsalsPBOopE5g2EPZtC1qFGqCW7T829lu___dKdRpWWDxvHTDhI9mPLETxPZks_dmrT3r8w_77XrZwn_JiUdEtslcENKRmq2xFqZpOw9P5Cn16vuFXWnV1IUb3-mVmhhTZzaXF9xt6UbPrYwpAZ9eaOctJBEmah3l1nAj7uunVii2K_QlA8Qd-dQ" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><img alt="" data-original-height="1122" data-original-width="1430" height="327" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjCkCjsalsPBOopE5g2EPZtC1qFGqCW7T829lu___dKdRpWWDxvHTDhI9mPLETxPZks_dmrT3r8w_77XrZwn_JiUdEtslcENKRmq2xFqZpOw9P5Cn16vuFXWnV1IUb3-mVmhhTZzaXF9xt6UbPrYwpAZ9eaOctJBEmah3l1nAj7uunVii2K_QlA8Qd-dQ=w498-h327" width="498" /></span></a></b></div><p class="p5" style="-webkit-text-stroke-color: rgb(0, 0, 0); font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 14px;"><br /></p><p class="p1" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; text-align: center;"><b><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></b></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In combination, these charts tell a powerful story. With the advent of English capitalist industrialization and its spread across the world, the expropriation of wealth from nature through the exploitation of the working people has intensified many folds. Before the industrial revolution, humanity relied on sunshine, burned wood, straw, and dried dung for energy. The wind was used in sailing and water, and wind-powered simple machines grounded the grain and pumped water. Draft animals were used in land transport and farming. While there were ecological and environmental crises, some of which brought down civilizations, the impact was still local or regional. With the advent of the anthropocentric industrial capitalist civilization, the crises have become global and, in some cases, like climate change, existential.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In the capitalist world economy, firms produce to make a profit and pursue expanded capital accumulation to amass wealth. However, profits generated in the process of production must be realized upon sale. The process of expanded (re)production requires not only the intensification of the exploitation of labor power but also the expansion of the labor force and consumer and capital markets. Thus, the population needs to increase. The charts show that since 1800 world population has grown exponentially as commodity markets, especially the consumption of food and energy, have expanded, supported by increasing per capita GDP and increasing life expectancy due to improvements in public health since the nineteenth century and the general introduction and use of antibiotics since the mid-twentieth century.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p2" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span class="s1">By the end of World War II, the geological epoch, the <i>Holocene, </i>which began 11,650 years ago, has been giving way to the <i>Anthropocene</i> (The age of humankind). The Anthropocene, dated by some geologists to have begun after World War II, has been accompanied by the Great Acceleration: the </span>exponential growth of human population, urbanization, real G.D.P. growth, foreign direct investment, primary energy use, large dams, air travel and tourism, water use, paper production, fertilizer consumption, transportation, telecommunications, emission of carbon dioxide, methane, nitrogen dioxide, surface temperature, stratospheric ozone, marine fish capture, ocean acidification, coastal nitrogen, shrimp aquaculture, tropical forest loss, domesticated land, and terrestrial biosphere degradation.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> </span></p><p class="p1" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"></span></p><p class="p6" style="-webkit-text-stroke-color: rgb(0, 0, 0); font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"></span></p><p class="p3" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Thus, accelerating ecological crises, especially existential ones, are rooted in the anthropocentric industrial capitalist civilization. </span></p><br /><p></p>Kamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-65497580173027274302023-02-28T15:45:00.026-08:002023-03-06T13:46:11.106-08:00 3542. Cultrure and Nature in the Epic of Gilgamesh (Farsi translation)<p style="text-align: justify;"><br /></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: center; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "B Homa"; font-size: 26pt; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Homa"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Homa"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Homa";">فرهنگ و طبیعت در حماسهی گیلگمش</span></span></p><p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: center; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">کامران نیری</b><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> <b>۲۲ نوامبر ۲۰۱۸</b> </span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><b>ترجمه: پارسا عارفی</b></span></span></p><p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Traffic";"></span></b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/537cad0be4b02cb9fe04985f/1578244788578-SNCEYN1I0NSS5SMQFDHW/GilgameshandEnkidu.jpg?format=1000w" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="412" src="https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/537cad0be4b02cb9fe04985f/1578244788578-SNCEYN1I0NSS5SMQFDHW/GilgameshandEnkidu.jpg?format=1000w" width="732" /></a><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Traffic";"></span></b></span></div><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Traffic";"><br /></span></b></span><p></p><p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Traffic";">۱. مقدمه</span></b><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Traffic";"><o:p></o:p></span></b></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">حماسهی گیلگمش که
اولین نوشتهی ادبی بلند از کهنترین تمدن بشریاست، مجموعهای منظوم، از حماسههای
منطقه بینالنهرین است، که در طی زمان سروده شده و ماجراهای گیلگمش، حاکم </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">اوروک</span><sup><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">۱</span></sup><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> ، که </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "B Nazanin"; font-size: 12pt; text-align: left;">۲,۶۰۰ </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">سال قبل از
مسیح میزیسته، را روایت میکند (یادداشت ۱). اوروک </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="font-family: "B Nazanin"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>۵,۰۰۰</span> سال پیش، همانجایی که شهر </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">وارکا</span><sup style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">۲</span></sup><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> در ۲</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">۵۰ مایلی جنوب بغداد در عراق فعلی قرار دارد، واقع شدهبود. لوح های که
حماسه گیلگمش به خط میخی بر روی آنها نگاشته شدهاست، آسیب دیدهاند. از قرن
نوزدهم، پژوهشگران با زحمت زیاد، قطعات این لوحها را یافته، به هم چسبانده وبا
رمزگشایی، داستان منسجم و یک دستی را تهیه کردهاند. [برای بحث مشروح آن، نگاه
کنید به بخش « مقدمه» در نوشتهی زیولکوفسکی (۲۰۱۲ </span><span dir="LTR" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Ziolkowski</span><span dir="RTL" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"></span><span dir="RTL" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>)، و جورج
(۲۰۰۳</span><span dir="LTR" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">George </span><span dir="RTL" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"></span><span dir="RTL" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>)].</span></p><span dir="RTL"></span>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";"> </span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">این حماسه، هم توجه
اندیشمندان رشتههای مختلف را بخود جلب کرده [مثلاً </span><span dir="LTR" lang="FR" style="mso-ansi-language: FR;">Maier </span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> ،۱۹۹۷] و هم مورد نظر مردم قرار گرفته است. در
این جستار از زاویهی جدیدی، که مبتنی بر نظریهام در مورد ظهور بیگانگی از طبیعت، گذار از دوران </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">غذا جوئی به کشاورزی است، حماسه گیلگمش را بررسی کردهام.
در این نظریه <span>(برای بحث بیشتر نک .نیری ۲۰۲۱)، ا</span>ستدلال
کردهام که لازمه گذار از </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">غذاجوئی</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">به کشاورزی، که از۱۲</span><span face=""Arial",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">٫</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">۰۰۰ سال پیش شروع شده، بیگانگی انسان از طبیعت است که
این امر منجر به جهانبینی انسانمحور شده است. کشاورزی مستلزم اهلیسازی گیاهان و
حیوانات و کنترل و سلطه بر طبیعت است و گذار به انسانمحوری یک تحول تاریخی جهانی
است زیرا نیاکان غذاجوی ما دیدگاه طبیعت محور طی ۲۹۰</span><span face=""Arial",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">٫</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">۰۰۰ سال قبل داشتهاست ( که در بخش ۳ خواهم داد). </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">اگر استدلال من
درست باشد، باید بتوانیم این گذار را در حماسه، اسطوره، و فولکلور تاریخ فرهنگی
تمدنهای اولیه و تحکیم انسانمحوری در تمدنهای بعدی مشاهده کنیم. حماسه گیلگمش
یک نمونه ایدهآل برای بررسی است. در بخش ۲، خلاصهای از حماسه را بازگو خواهم
کرد. در بخش ۳، رابطهی فرهنگ و طبیعت در حماسه را بررسی خواهم کرد. در بخش ۴،
فولکلورها وحکایتهای مادر بزرگم در تهرانِ دههی ۱۳۳۰ در زمان کودکیم شنیدم را
مرور و بحث خواهم کرد که چگونه هزاران سال تمدن موجب تعمیق انسان</span><span lang="AR-SA">
</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">محوری شدهاست. با این همه، سلطهی قطعی انسانمحوری در فرهنگ بشر، با
ظهور، تثبیت و توسعه تمدن سرمایهداری صنعتی و ریشهکن کردن تقریباً تمام جوامع
غذاجو، صورت گرفته است. در بخش ۵ به اختصار توضیح خواهم داد چرا حیاتی است که ما
جهانبینی زیستبوممحوری را احیا کنیم تا بتوانیم دنیا را نجات دهیم.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Traffic";">۲. خلاصهی حماسه</span></b><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Traffic";"><o:p></o:p></span></b></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">گیلگمش، شخصیت اصلی
حماسه، پادشاه اوروک، شهری در سومر ( وبعداً در بابِل) است. این شهر در شرق رود
فرات فعلی و روی مسیرخشک شدهی قدیمی آن قرار داشت. اوروک نقش عمدهای در شهریسازی
سومر در اواسط هزارهی چهارم قبل از میلاد مسیح داشت. درزمان اعتلای آن، یعنی ۲۹۰۰
سال قبل از میلاد مسیح، اوروک با</span></span><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> مساحت محصوری حدود ۶ کیلومترمربع</span><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> و ۸۰۰۰۰ – ۵۰۰۰۰ جمعیت که در شهر واطراف آن زندگی می کردند ، بزرگترین شهر جهان در آن زمان محسوب میشود.</span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">گیلگمش، دوسوم خدا
و یک سوم انسان است، که این ویژگی، او را داناترین و قویترین حاکم موجودات
فناپذیر میکند. با این همه، او حاکم ستم گری است. او « حق همخوابگی با هر عروسی
در شب زفاف » را برای خود قائل است و چنان بیرحمانه حکومت می کند که مردم اوروک
برای رهایی از شرّ او به خدایان پناه میبرند. </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">آنو</span><sup><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">۳</span></sup><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">، خدای خدایان، استغاثه آنان را میشنود و </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">آرورو<sup>۴</sup></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">ربالنوع باروری را فرا میخواند تا نیمهخدایی خلق کند
تا بتواند گیلگمش را کنترل کند و صلح و آرامش به اوروک بیاورد. آرورو با استفاده
از گِل، جنگاوری بنام<b> </b></span><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">اِنکیدو<sup>۵</sup></span></b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">خلق می کند و او را
به میان حیوانات کوه و دشت می فرستد. انکیدو مانند سایر حیوانات زندگی میکند. با
آنها میخورد و با آنها مینوشد. او همچنین موی دماغ و مانع شکارچیان و دامگذاران
اوروکی میشود. یکی از همین شکارچیان شکایت به گیلگمش میبرد و از او میخواهد تا
از شر انکیدو خلاص شود. گیلگمش به شکارچی دستور میدهد تا فاحشهی مقدس معبدشان را
مامور کند تا انکیدو را از کوهسار خارج و به اوروک بیاورد. این مأموریت به «کاهنهی
فاحشهای» بنام </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">شَمهَت<sup>۶</sup></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">داده می شود. او برهنه در مسیر تردد انکیدو روی علفها
دراز میکشد. انکیدو، همچون حیوانات، شمهت را بو میکشد و غریضه جنسیاش تحریک میشود
و آنان یک هفته تمام همبستر میشوند. بعد از آن، انکیدو رام میشود. شمهت، با
تکه پارچهای از لباس خود، میانتنهی انکیدو را می پوشاند و او را اغوا میکند تا
در اوروک به جنگ گیلگمش برود. </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">از طرفی، گیلگمش دو
بار خوابی آشفته می بیند، که مادرش، ربالنوع</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">نینسان<sup>۷</sup></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">، اینگونه تعبیر می
کند که او بهترین دوست زندگیاش را پیدا خواهد کرد. وقتی انکیدو وارد اوروک میشود،
به مصاف گیلگمش میرود. هنگامی که گیلگمش
برانکیدو چیره می شود او را در آغوش می گیرد و دوست صمیمی یکدیگر میشوند.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">اندکی بعد، گیلگمش
تصمیم میگیرد تا جنگل معروف سرو آزاد را فتح کرده و درختانش را برای شکوه و عظمت
اوروک قطع کند. برای رسیدن به هدفش، او باید اول نگهبان جنگل که هیولایی بنام </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">هومبابا</span><sup><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">۸</span></sup><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> است را از سر راه بردارد. انکیدو تلاش میکند گیلگمش
را از اینکار منصرف کند، زیرا هومبابا نمایندهی </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">انلیل<sup>۹</sup></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> خدای زمین و باد است. اما بهر حال گیلگمش
راهی سفر می شود. وقتی آنها به جنگل میرسند، پرندگان و حیوانات، هومبابا را خبر
میکنند. </span><span lang="FA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">جدال </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">در میگیرد و هومبابا براحتی بر گیلگمش و انکیدو فائق می
آید، ولی در آخرین لحظات، گیلگمش دست بدامن خدای خورشید، </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">شَمَش<sup>10</sup></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">میشود. او هشت باد
چرخان میفرستد که هومبابا را کور میکنند. با استفاده از این فرصت، دو قهرمان
داستان هومبابا را شکست میدهند. هومبابا امان میخواهد. ولی انکیدو اصرار میکند
گیلگمش او را بکشد و او نیز چنان میکند. آنها با کِشتیای پر از تنهی درخت برای
ساخت قصری برای گیلگمش و سربریدهی هومبابا به نشانه غنیمت، به اوروک برمیگردند.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">سرمست از پیروزی،
گیلگمش حس میکند که </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">ایشتار<sup>11</sup></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> الههی سکس و جنگ،
به او علاقمند است. ولی گیلگمش او را پس میزند زیرا، هیچ</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">یک از معشوقهای قبلیاش ، فرجام خوبی
نداشتهاند. ایشتار خشمگین و مترصد انتقام، دست بدامن آنو میشود تا </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">گاوِ نرِ بهشت<sup>12</sup></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> را در اختیارش
بگذارد تا بتواند از او علیه گیلگمش استفاده کند. ولی گیلگمش و انکیدو گاوِ نرِ
بهشت را می کشند و شاخش را بعنوان غنیمت به دیوار تالار قصر آویزان میکند. در
همین زمان، خدایان سهگانه — آنو، اِنلیل و </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">اِیا</span><sup><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">13</span></sup><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">خدای آب — گردِ هم
آمدند تا تصمیم بگیرند که برای انتقام خون هومبابا و گاونر بهشت، گیلگمش را بکشند
یا اِنکیدو را. آنو میپرسد: «کدامیک سروها را کنده است؟» گیلگمش اینکار را کرده بود،
ولی اِنلیل مداخله می کند و میگوید: « اِنکیدو باید بمیرد! نه گیلگمش ». شَمَش،
خدای آفتاب، سعی میکند میانجیگری کند ولی کاری از پیش نمیبرد. اِنکیدو بیمار میشود
و خواب عجیبی میبیند. خوابش چنین آغاز میشود که او همهی آنهایی را که باعث شدهاند،
تا زادگاه جنگلیاش را ترک کند و به اوروک بیاید، نفرین میکند. عاقبت او توسط </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">آنزو</span><sup><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">14</span></sup><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">، عقابِ شیرسر، نزد </span><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">اِرِشکیگال<sup>15</sup></span></b><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span></b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">ملکهی سرزمینِ مردگان برده میشود. وقتی اِنکیدو چشم
باز میکند، گیلگمش در کنارش نشسته و سعی میکند او را دلداری دهد.. ولی اِنکیدو
میگوید: « در خوابم، بهشت می نالید و زمین میغرید و من بین آندو ایستاده بودم. و
تو میدانی که تعبیر آن چیست.» بزودی اِنکیدو به خواب عمیقی فرو می رود رنگ پوستش چون ملحفهای سفید می شود و روز
دوازدهم جان میدهد. </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">بخش دوم حماسه در
مورد سرگشتگی گیلگمش است که نمیتواند بعد از مرگ اِنکیدو آرامش یابد. او دستور میدهد
تا مجسمه طلایی از انکیدو بسازند و در اوروک نصب کنند. او سپس برای کسب زندگی جاویدان،
عازم سفر می شود. در این سفر، او با حیوانات وحشی و هیولاهای خارقالعادهای روبرو
میشود. او تبدیل به انسانی سرکش میشود که تنپوشَش، پوست شیر است.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">سرانجام</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">، او با </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">اوتناپیشتیم<sup>16</sup></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> و همسرش روبرو میشود.
اوتناپیشتیم با ساختن یک کشتی بزرگ و
انتقال انسانها و حیوانات به آن، آنهارا از</span><b><i><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-bidi-language: FA;"> </span></i></b><i><span lang="FA" style="mso-bidi-language: FA;">طوفان بزرگ</span></i><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">نجات داده بود.
بهمین دلیل،آنان تنها زوجی بودند که توسط اِنلیلِ، خداگونه شده بودند و زندگی جاودانه داشتند.
گیلگمش از اوتناپیشتیم درخواست زندگی جاودانه میکند، چون او نتوانسته بود از طریق
تحمل بیداری طولانی به زندگی جاودانه دستیابد. به اصرار همسرش، اوتناپیشتیم او را
بسوی گیاه جوانی راهنمایی میکند. ولی ماری گیاه را خورده بود. گیلگمش بعنوان یک
موجود فانی به اوروک بازمیگردد. در انتهای داستان، گیلگمش خواب میبیند که اِنکیدو
برگشته تا به او دربارهی زندگی پس از مرگ بگوید. او با وحشت شدید از فناپذیری،
سراسیمه از خواب میپَرَد. حماسه با این کلمات پایان می پذیرد: « او، کسیکه همه
چیز را دید، و دید که لوح نوشتهاش کامل شد.» </span><span lang="FA" style="mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Traffic";">۳. <b>فرهنگ و طبیعت در حماسه گیلگمش </b></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ascii-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Traffic";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">برخی از پژوهشگران
بر این باورند که برگردان امروزی و حرفهای حماسه، رنگ و لعاب دغدغههای امروز را
گرفتهاست. حتی اگر چنین باشد، در مورد نکات کلیدی حماسه از جمله مطالبی که مربوط
به ظهورانسان محوری و افول زیست بوم محوری است اتفاق نظر وجود دارد و توسط منابع
دیگری نیز که دربارهی زندگی در تمدن سومری است تایید شده است؛ بویژه اگر ما نگاه
دیرینه در مورد مترقی بودن تمدن را در راستای یافتههای جدید اصلاح کنیم. (برای
نمونه بارزی از این منظر نگاه کنید به مقدمه احمد شاملو به بر گردان وی از حماسه
گیلگمش؛ نشر چشمه ۱۳۸۲).</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><b><u><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Yekan"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Yekan"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Yekan";">طبیعت در سومر</span></u></b><b><u><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Yekan"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Yekan"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Yekan";"> <o:p></o:p></span></u></b></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">تا همین اواخر،
باستانشناسان وانسانشناسان که سعی داشتند بفهمند چرا برخی از شکارگرـگردآورندگان،
به کشاورزی روی آوردند تصور میکردند که ناحیهی ً</span><i><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Roya"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Roya"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Roya";">هلال حاصلخیزً</span></i><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">در آن زمان مانند
امروز خشک و لمیزرع بوده است. لیکن در حماسه، متوجه می شویم که سومر سرزمین
سرسبزی بوده و جنگل سرو و حیات وحش بوده است.
پژوهشهای اخیرفرضیهی خشک بودن سومر و نظریهای که کشاورزی اولیه باعث « شکوفایی
کویر شده است » را رد کرده است.(</span><span dir="LTR" style="mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Scott</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>، ۲۰۱۷، صص۵۵-۴۳) <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="FA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><b><span lang="FA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Yekan"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Yekan"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Yekan";"> </span></b><b><u><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Yekan"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Yekan"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Yekan";">زیستبوم محوریِ
نیاکان غذا جوی ما</span></u></b><b><u><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Yekan"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Yekan"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Yekan";"><o:p></o:p></span></u></b></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">برای بحث در بارهی
فرهنگ و طبیعت در حماسه گیلگمش، باید درکی از نگاه طبیعتمحور اجداد غذاجوی خود
داشتهباشیم تا بتوانیم دلایل استمرار و تغییرات در تمدنهای اولیه را، چنانچه در
حماسه منعکس شده است، را دریابیم. من فکر نکنم بتوانم بهتر از </span><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">گِرَاِم بارکر<sup>17</sup></span></b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> باستان شناس
دانشگاه کمبریج، که سالها در مورد مسألهی کشاورزان اولیه، تحقیق کردهاست، حق
مطلب را ادا کنم. او مینویسد:.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-right: 36pt; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">« ....پژوهشهای جدیدِ قومشناسی بروشنی نشان میدهد که
غالب غذاجویان درکشان از رابطه انسان و دنیای اطرافش، بسیار متفاوت از الگوی
دکارتی ما بوده است. آنان، محیط زیست را خانهای مقدس و لطیف میدانستند که
موجودات گوناگونی </span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>’</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">در آغوشش زندگی میکنند</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>‘</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>.</span><span dir="LTR">Ingold)</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span style="mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>
<span lang="AR-SA">۱۹۹۶ ص ۱۲۸</span></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>(</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>. رابطه با طبیعت نیز همانند
رابطه بین انسانها، مبتنی براصل مشارکت
بود: طبیعت سرچشمهی همهی نعمتهاست، </span><span lang="AR-SA">’</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">طبیعتی بخشنده</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>‘</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> .</span><a name="_Hlk112608251"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>(Bird- David)</span></a><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>( برد</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>۱۹۹۰</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>,</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>۱۹۹۳</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>(</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>. </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">بیشتر غذاجویان تفاوتی بین سرنوشت خود و سرنوشت دنیای
اطراف خود قایل نبودند. آنها استعارههایی چون زایش، مادری، و خویشاوندی در توصیف
رابطهاشان با محیطزیست بکار میبردند. زمینی که برای زندگی کردن نیاز داشتند را،
نه با دیوار و نرده کشیدن، کاری که کشاورزان میکنند، بلکه از طریق گذرگاه های آن
مشخص میکردند. بنابراین زمین یک غذاجو، نشانهی رابطه و تعلق خاطر او به آن بود و
نه مالکیت آن. راهها و گذرگاهها هم
نشان روند خود زندگی است: </span><span lang="AR-SA"> ’</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">نشانهای است از اینکه شخص از کجا آمده و کجا بوده.</span><span lang="AR-SA">‘</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span><span dir="LTR">Ingold</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>(</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>, </span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>۱۹۹۶
</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";"> ص ۱۲۸</span><span lang="AR-SA">)</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-right: 36pt; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">« برخلاف مفهوم طبیعتگرایی غربی، بیشتر غذاجویان، </span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>’</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">انیمیست</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>‘</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> و کمتر </span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>’</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">توتمی</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>‘</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> هستند.. آنها معتقدند که تمام
پدیدههای طبیعی و حتی خود جهان هستی دارای روح و رواناند. در نگاه آنان،
حیوانات نه تنها فرقی با انسان ندارند، بلکه آنها را نیز ’ شخص‘ میدانند. سرزمینشان گنجینهای است از ’ اشخاص‘، هریک با
زبان، شعور، هوش، وجدان اخلاقی، و دانش، فارغ از اینکه در ظاهر انسان، حیوان،
خزنده یا درخت باشند. به همین دلیل استکه مردمان قبیله </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">هیوارو<sup>18</sup></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">، بومیان شرق
اکوادور و پرو، معتقدند که انسانها، حیوانات، و درختان همگی’اشخاص‘ اند و به سبب
هم خونی و اجداد مشترک با هم نسبت دارند.
( </span><span dir="LTR" lang="PT" style="mso-ansi-language: PT;">Descola</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="PT" style="mso-ansi-language: PT;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> </span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="PT" style="mso-ansi-language: PT;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>,</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: PT;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> ۱۹۹۶</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: PT;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: PT;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>)</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">. غذاجویانِ انیمیست معمولاً کلماتی برای
تفکیک بین مردم، حیوانات و گیاهان و طبقهبندی آنها ندارند، ولی در عوض سیستم ردهبندی
مبتنی بر برابری، بجای سیستم سلسلهمراتبی ما در ردهبندی لینهای دارند</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>)</span><span dir="LTR" style="line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: AppleSystemUIFont;"> </span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span face="AppleExternalUIFontArabic-Regul" lang="FA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-language: FA;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>۱۹۹۶</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="FA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: AppleSystemUIFont;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>
</span><span dir="LTR" style="line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: AppleSystemUIFont;">(Howell </span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> در نظام
توتمی بومیان استرالیا، از طریق مراسم و مناسک خود، بر رابطهی خطی بین انسان و
غیرِ انسان تاکید میکنند. حیوانات رایجترین توتم هستند، که هویت یا تمایز شخص یا
گروه را مشخص میکن</span><span lang="FA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">ن</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">د، گرچه میتوانند
غذای مناسبی برای خوردن و یا فکرکردن باشند. آنها حیوانات را، برخلاف انیمیست ها،
شریکِ اجتماعی خود نمیدانند. </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-right: 36pt; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-right: 36pt; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">« دنیای غذاجو سرشار از مفاهیم اخلاقی، عرفانی، و اسطورهای
است.</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>(Carmichal et. Al., </span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>۱۹۹۴</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>)</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>. این دنیا، از طریق بازگویی اسطوره
ها، که عموماً شامل انواع حیوانات در نقش انسان و تغییر شکل متناوب آنهاست، ساخته
و بازسازی میشود. علاوه بر جهان موجود که انسانها و حیوانات در آن ساکناند، یک
عالَمِ ماوراء طبیعی نیز وجود دارد. در غالب جوامع غذاجو، </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">شَمَنها</span><sup><span lang="FA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">19</span></sup><span lang="FA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">(جادوگر و حکیم
قبیله) که رابط دنیای طبیعی و عالَمِ فرا طبیعیاند، در حالت خلسه و نشئه گی بهآن
گذر می کنند و شعف بار در بارهی آن می گویند. یکی از موجودات اسطوره غذاجویان، </span><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">تریکستر</span></b><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><b><sup><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-font-family: "B Koodak"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>20</span></sup></b><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> است که بخشی
خدا و بخشی قهرمانِ فرهنگی است،<span> که از گذشتهای
افسانهای به طرق </span></span><span lang="FA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">از نظر</span><span lang="FA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">اخلاقی
مبهم، تغییر شکل میدهد.( </span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: DE;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span dir="LTR" lang="DE" style="mso-ansi-language: DE;">Gunter </span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: DE;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>۱۹۹۹</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: DE;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">ص
۴۲۷</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="DE" style="mso-ansi-language: DE;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>(</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>. <span>از آنجا که همهی جهان در خود اوست، پس نابودی یک درخت
یا حیوان قتل نیست بلکه یک تحول است</span></span><span lang="AR-SA">. </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">ی</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">افتن غذا امری
بدیهیاست، که با حماسههاییکه به شکارگر میگوید قبل از کشتن حیوان و خوردن او،
خود را آن حیوان فرض کند نیز تایید میشود. ’جهان هستی هوشمند، صدای آنها را خواهد
شنید - مجموعهای از موجودات هوشمند که، اگر با کلمات بیخردانه ( تمسخر،
خودستایی، خودمانی بودن بیمورد، ناسزاگویی، و ....) رنجانده شوند، معمولاً با
امتناع جدی از خورده شدن یا بیمارکردن و یا از طرق حشونتآمیز دیگر، انتقام میگیرد.<b>‘</b>
</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: IT;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span dir="LTR" lang="IT" style="mso-ansi-language: IT;">C.L.Martin, 1993)</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">ص ۱۴</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: IT;">)</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> » </span><span dir="LTR" lang="IT" style="mso-ansi-language: IT;">Barker, 2006)</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> صص۶۰</span><span lang="AR-SA">-</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">۵۹</span><span lang="AR-SA">,</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">همه
تاکیدات در اصل است</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="IT" style="mso-ansi-language: IT;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>(</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="IT" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><b><u><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Yekan"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Yekan"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Yekan";">تداوم و تغییر <o:p></o:p></span></u></b></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Yekan"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Yekan"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Yekan";">زیستبوم محوری<b><o:p></o:p></b></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">چند خدائیِ حاکم بر
حماسه، بدون تردید پیامد انیمیسم مرسوم غذاجویان است که،در آن<span> نیروها و حالات طبیعی، به صورت خدایانِ ا</span>نساننما
در آمدهاند. بنابراین، </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">آنو</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> نماد آسمان، </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">انلیل</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> مظهر زمین و باد، و </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">اِیا </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">(یا<b> </b></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">اِنکی</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">) نماد آب اند. در این حماسه، آنو، انلیل و اِیا، خدایان
سهگانهای هستند که کارشان داوری و نظارت بر کار خدایان مرد و زن دیگر است. در
این حماسه همچنین، هر کس میتواند خدای شخصی خود را برای هدایت و پشتیبانی داشتهباشد.
ممکن است فرض شود که گرایش روزافزون بشر به ربط دادن نیروها و حالات طبیعی به
خدایان انسانگونه، نشانهی رشد تدریجی انسان محوری در بطن جهانبینی فراگیر زیستبوممحوری
باشد. این گرایش اما، در میان خدایان حماسه، بسیار کمتر از شهروندان اوروک است (در
این باره بیشترخواهم گفت).</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">در حماسهی گیلگمش،
واقعیت و جادو درهم تنیده شدهاند. آینده، پیشگویی میشود، همانگونه که شَمهَت به
ِانکیدو میگوید که وقتی آنان به اوروک برسند، چه خواهد شد.، وخوابها نیز از پیش
تعبیر میشوند، مثل دو خواب گیلگمش که قبل از آمدن انکیدو به اوروک، مادرش تعبیر
کردهبود. </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">ما همچنین میدانیم
که انکیدو از گِل ساخته شد و در حیاتوحش رها شد تا مانند انسانی</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">رام
نشده </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">زندگی کند. او نهتنها بخشی از حیاتوحش بود بلکه خود را عضوی از آن میدانست.
بهمین خاطر حیوانات بدام افتاده را آزاد میکرد و شکارچیان را بیرون میراند. او
از دوستان حیوانش در مقابل انسان متمدن محافظت میکرد. حتی خدایان نیز احساس میکردند
که، با ساختن موجودات ماورأطبیعی، باید از طبیعت در مقابل انسان متمدن مراقبت
کنند. انلیل، هومبابا را ساخت تا از جنگل سروآزاد و حیات وحشاش حفاظت کند. در
تمام امور زندگی، هرکس میتواند دست بدامان خدایی بشود و کمک دریافت کند. بهمین
دلیل، گیلگمش مجبور شد از شَمَش، پسر خدای خورشید، یاری بخواهد تا بتواند هامبابا
را بکشد. بعداً اما، آنو، انلیل و اِیا، شورای خدایان اعظم براشفتند و تصمیم
گرفتند که گیلگمش و انکیدو را بخاطر کشتن هومبابا و گاوِنرِ بهشت، تنبیه کنند.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Yekan"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Yekan"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Yekan";">ا</span></b><u><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Yekan"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Yekan"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Yekan";">نسان محوری درحال توسعه</span></u><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Yekan"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Yekan"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Yekan";"><o:p></o:p></span></b></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">علیرغم تداوم زیستبوم
محوریِ غذاجویان، نشانههای بارزی از جامعه طبقاتی و انسانمحوری در حماسه مشهود
است.:</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraph" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-right: 36pt; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo2; text-align: right; text-indent: -18pt; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;">·<span style="font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">طبقهبندی
اجتماعی</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraph" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-right: 36pt; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">در حماسه، اوروک یک جامعهی طبقهبندی شده است.
شهروندانش عبارتند از کشاورزان، گلهداران، صنعتگران، تاجران، شکارچیان و دامگذاران
، که همه سرسپرده حاکم مطلق، یعنی گیلگمش هستند، که همهگونه آنها را استثمار میکند
و <a name="_Hlk113298583"><b>’</b>حق همبستری در شب زفاف<b>‘</b></a> با هرعروس
باکرهای را برای خود محفوظ میدارد. این ستم و استثمار چنان مردم را به جان آورده
بود که دست بدامان خدایان شدند<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraph" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-right: 36pt; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraph" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-right: 36pt; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo2; text-align: right; text-indent: -18pt; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;">·<span style="font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA;">مرد</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">سالاری</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraph" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-right: 36pt; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">در حماسه، اوروک یک جامعه مردسالار است. برای اغوا و رامکردنِ
انکیدویِ وحشی، گیلگمش پیشنهاد استفاده از یک « فاحشه مقدس» را میدهد. شمهَت، که
میپذیرد انکیدو را با سکس اغواکند، درضمن یک کاهنه است و این نشانگر نقشِ اجتماعی
دوگانه و متضاد اوست. بدیهی است در جامعه مردسالارِ اوروک، که در روابط خانوادگی
شهروندان مشهود است، هر نقشی زن داشتهباشد نقشی فرعی است. ایشتار بدنبال جلب توجه
گیلگمش بود ولی او به یاد میآورد که ایشتار به معشوقهای قبلیاش خیانت کرده است
و این نشانه دیگری از نگاه مردسالارانه در رابطه عاشقانه است.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraph" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-right: 36pt; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraph" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-right: 36pt; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo2; text-align: right; text-indent: -18pt; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;">·<span style="font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">دیدگاههای
مذهبی و سلسله مراتب </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraph" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-right: 36pt; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">اگرچه در حماسه، اشاره مستقیمی به وجود معبد در اوروک
نشده است، ولی ما میدانیم که شَمهَت یک کاهنه است، پس باید معبدی نیز هنگام نوشتن
این بخش از حماسه وجود داشتهباشد(باستان شناسان وجود چنین.معبدی را تایید کرده
اند). بعلاوه، در حماسه، دو موقعیت وجود دارد که زندگی پس از مرگ دغدغهی قهرمان
داستان میشود: یکی زمانیکه انکیدو در بستر مرگ است و دیگری در دوازدهمین و آخرین
کتیبه است، که تجربیاتِ پس از مرگِ انکیدو روایت میشود. در هر دو مورد، حیات پس
از مرگ، در دنیای مُردگان بطرزی ناخوشایند تصویر شدهاست. برخی تفاسیر آخرین لوح
را، بعنوان آخرین رؤیای گیلگمش، پس از ناامیدی از داشتن عمر جاویدان،میدانند. زندگی پس از مرگ یکی از دغدغههای بشر از دوران
نیاکانِ غذاجویِ ما بوده است. به هرحال،
با ظهورتمدن، تعبیرِ مذهبی زندگی پس از مرگ نهادینه شد و قشر روحانیت بوجود آمد تا
زندگی مذهبی شهروندان را هدایت کنند.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Yekan"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Yekan"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Yekan";">طرز برخورد با طبیعت</span></b><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ascii-font-family: "B Yekan"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Yekan"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Yekan";"><o:p></o:p></span></b></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">نگاه گیلگمش به
طبیعت با نگاه شکارچیان امروزی، بهویزه شکارچیانی که برای هیجان و خودنمایی شکار
میکنند، کاملا شباهت دارد. گیلگمش تصمیم گرفت صرفاً برای هیجان و کسب افتخار، جنگل
سرو را فتح کند و هومبابا، نگهبان آنرا بکشد. پس از کشتن هومبابا، با کشتی پر از
تنهی درخت برای قصرش و سرِ هومبابا به نشانهی غنیمت روانهی اوروک شد. زمانیکه
او گاونرِ بهشت را کشت، شاخهایش را کند و از دیوار تالار قصر آویزان کرد. انکیدو،
که بعنوان فردی وحشی خلق شده بود، بعد از رام شدن توسط شَمهَت، حتی خصومت بیشتری
نسبت به حیاتِ وحش نشان داد. او اصرار کرد تا گیلگمش هومبابا را، که توسط گردباد
کور شده بود و برای زندهماندن التماس میکرد، بکُشد. شهروندان عادی اوروک، مثلاً
کشاورزان و دامداران با حیوانات اهلیشده امرار معاش میکردند، و شکارچیان و دامگذاران
از طریق اسارت و کشتن حیوانات وحشی گذران زندگی میکردند. نگاهِ آنها نسبت به
مابقی طبیعت، کاملاً با نگاهِ شکارگرـ گردآورندگان، که بخش اعظم ۵۰ میلیون جمعیت
دنیا را تشکیل می دادند و پایگاههای اولیهی تمدن را محاصره کردهبودند، متفاوت
است. در اسطوره، گیلگمش مفتخر است که دیوار مستحکمی اطراف اوروک ساختهاست که
شهروندانش را از حیاتِ وحشِ اطراف جدا میسازد. باستانشناسان شهرهای محصور مانند
اوروک را، سازهای دفاعی در مقابل جنگ میدانستند، اگرچه روشن نیست که دشمن کیست.
اخیراً، پژوهشگران، چنین دیوارها را بیشتر برای کنترل مردم در دولت-شهرهای اولیه
میدانند تا دفع در برابر مهاجمین « بَربَر ». آنگاه که اوتناپیشتیم گیلگمش را بسوی
گیاهِ جوانی هدایت میکند، ماری آنرا از او میدزدد (اگر مار لعنتی آن دور و بر
نبود. الان گیلگمش دارای جوانی ابدی بود). وقتی</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span><i><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Roya"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Roya"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Roya";">توفان بزرگ</span></i><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">آمد، این
اوتناپیشتیم بود که با ساختن یک کشتی و سوار کردن یک جفت از هر حیوان ،نسل آنها را
نجات داد، <span>یعنی تاکید بر برتری انسان</span>.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";"> </span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Traffic";">۴. </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Traffic";">خاطرات کودکی: پژواکی
از حماسهی گیلگمش</span></b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">شاید حالا وقتش
باشد که نگاهی به فولکلور و داستانهای خاورمیانهی پیشا مدرن بیاندازیم و تداوم و
تغییرات آنرا از حماسهی گیگمش، نشان دهیم. چنین کاری اما، این نوشته را بسیار
طولانیتر خواهد کرد. ازاینرو، من به اشارهی گوشهای از خاطرات کودکیام بسنده میکنم.
من در دههی 1330، در حاشیهی تهرانِ نیم میلیون نفری، بزرگ شدم. نه همسایهای
داشتیم و نه از آبِ لولهکشی و برق و گرمایش مرکزی خبری بود. این، موجب شد تا من،
پسربچه کنجکاوی که همبازی نداشتم، بتوانم به کاوش در بیابان اطراف خانه بپردازم،
از درختان بالا بروم و از میوههایشان بخورم، حشرات را، که سرگرم فعالیتهای
روزمره اشان بودند، دنبال کنم، نظارهگر پرندگان باشم و به آوازشان گوش فرا دهم،
به تغییرات فصول، ابرها، آفتاب، ماه، و ستارگان دقت کنم. تخیلاتم در شب به پرواز
در میآمدند، چه در شبهای زمستان که از سرمای اتاق، لحاف را بخودم میپیچیدم و چه
درشبهای تابستان در رختخوابم در پشتِبام، که به گنبد پرستاره خیره میشدم. مادر
بزرگِ پدریام که با ما زندگی میکرد، دوستداشت شبها برایم قصّه بگوید. برخی از
اینها تصورات خیالی شبیه حماسهی گیلگمش، با نگاه انسانمحوری فرهنگ ایرانی بود. از
زمره اولین ادیان توحیدی (تک خدایی) دین زرتشتی است که ۵ هزار سال قبل از میلاد
مسیح، در پارس (امپراتوری بزرگی که ایران امروزی کم و بیش بخش مرکزی آن بود) ظهور
کرده بود. قهرمانان داستانهای مادربزرگم، نه خدایان، که شاهزادگان و پادشاهان
بودند و به جای خدایان رنگارنگ حماسهی گیلگمش، یک خدای انتزاعی و </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">غیرشخصی</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">وجود داشت.
درحالیکه قدرتِ خدایانِ انسانگونهی حماسهی گیلگمش نمایندهی طبیعی دولتها و
قدرتها بودند، خدای یکتا اما، نه تنها هیچیک از خطاهای انسان یا خدایانِ انسانگونه
را ندارد بلکه دانای مطلق، قادرِ مطلق و بینهایت مهربان است (من به عنوان یک کودک
زود متوجه شدم که همه این ادعا ها نادرست است و گرنه چرا باید این همه فلاکت وجود
داشتهباشد؟). از اینرو، موجودات خیالی داستانهای مادر بزرگم یعنی دیو، غول، جن،
پری و سیمرغ دارای قدرتی بودند که یا آرزوی داشتناشان را داریم و یا از آنها می
هراسیم. دیو، علیرغم هیکل درشت و سنگینش، قادر به پرواز است. جن یا پری هروقت
اراده کنند می توانند پیدا و یا ناپیدا شوند. قهرمانانِ داستان ـ شاهزادگان یا
شاهان ـ یا بدنبال باطلکردن طلسم ساحرهای
بودند، یا بدنبال یافتن یک گنج، و یا در جستجوی زن جوانی که زیباییاش بینظیر
باشد. دررابطه با طبیعت که در حماسهی گیلگمش کاملاً مشهود است در قصه های مادر
بزرگ من نبود. بجای جنگلِ سروِ آزاد و طبیعت وحشی که اوروک را دربر گرفته بودند،
در قصههای مادربزرگم، فضای سبز یا در قصر پادشاه بود که با دیوارهای بلند برای
محافظت از او محصورشدهبود، و یا در قلعههای رویایی در آسمان (که معمولاً بالای
ابرها قرار داشتند)، و یا درقصر شگفتانگیزی که قهرمان داستان آنرا در قعر چاهی
خشک در وسط بیابان پیدا میکرد.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p align="right" class="Body" style="text-align: right;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"> </span></p>
<p align="right" class="Body" style="text-align: right;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">بعضی از حکایتهای
مادربزرگم، حاکی از ترس خودش از مرگ بود (گرچه او در آن موقع باید در دههی چهارم
عمرش میبود). مثلاً، او در بارهی شبِ اولِ قبر و آنچه بعد از دفن شدن، رخ میدهد
برایم میگفت، که این خیلی شبیه تجربهی انکیدو در عالَمِ اموات بود که به خواب
گیلگمش آمده بود (کرمها گوشت تنش را میخوردند). هر دو داستان فرض را براین
گذاشتهاند که مرده مانند زندههامیتواند ببیند و حس کند. اگرچه، حیوانات وحشی
بویژه شیر در داستانهای مادربزرگ وجود داشت، ولی در ایران در آن زمان شیر نبود.
با اینحال، پرچم شاهنشاهی دارای نقش شیر نری بود که شمشیری در پنجهی جلوییاش داشت،
ویا نقوش کندهکاریشدهی شیران درحال جنگیدن با پادشاه در تختجمشید. البته، همهی
اینها خاطرات محوی از گذشته است.</span><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">. از</span><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">هزاران سال پیش، شیر در منطقه وجود داشتهاست، ولی در
اثر افزایش جمعیت، شکار، و تخریب زیست بوم، نسل آنها منقرض شدهاست.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">در دههی ۱۳۳۰،
تعداد اندکی پستاندار درشتاندامِ وحشی در ایران وجود داشت. حیواناتی هم که در
شکارگاه شاه و برای تفریح اوجمع کرده بودند
وارداتی بودند. شکارگاه که فاصله زیادی با منزل ما نداشت با دیوار بلندی
محصور شدهبود تا هم امنیت اعلیحضرت را تامین کند و هم کار گیرانداختن و کشتن
حیوانات را در گوشهی دیوار برای او آسانتر کند. جای پای حماسهی گیلگمش در یک
مورد دیگرادامه پیداکرده بود. پس از
انقلاب۱۳۵۷، فعالان جهاد سازندگی در نشریه
خود گزارش دادند که شیوخ عرب در استان خوزستان، که خیلی از وارکایِ عراق، همانجایی
که اوروک قرار داشت، دور نیست، هنوز <b>” </b>حقِ<b>“ </b>همخوابگی با عروس در شبِ
زفاف را برای خود محفوظ داشتند، که حدس میزنم این رسم امروزه دیگر اجرا نمیشود.
در سالهای اخیر هیجان زیادی در مورد یوزپلنگ و دو تولهاش که در دشتِ کویر دیده
شده بودند، بوجود آمده است. متأسفانه با تخریب سنگین زیست بوم، بدلیل افزایش جمعیت
(از ۳۶میلیون در سال ۱۳۵۷به ۸۰ میلیون نفر ۴۰ سال بعد)، صنعتی شدن و آلودگی هوا و
آب، و تشدید بحرانهای زیست محیطی، آینده حیاتِ وحش در ایران را چنان تاریک کرده
است که امکان تغییر اساسی این وضعیت بدون یک تحول اجتماعی ریشهای وجود ندارد. </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Traffic";">۵. از انسانمحوری تا عصرِ انسان</span></b><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Traffic";"><o:p></o:p></span></b></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">با آغاز هزاره سوم،
دانشمندان بیشتری هشدار داده اند که زمین وارد عصرِ انسان (آنتروپوسین) شده است.
گرچه، علل و تاریخ آغاز عصر انسان از نظر تخصصهای مختلف، متفاوت است، ولی همهی
آنها دغدغهی مشترکی دارند، و آن اینکه، نظام زمین<b><sup>21</sup></b></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">چنان توسط بشر
تغییر داده شده که بحران انقراض ششم را
بوجود آورده است. (یادداشت ۲). بنابراین عصر انسان، یعنی سلطهی فرهنگِ مرگباری بر
طبیعت، که آینده بشر و بخش اعظم انواع، بستگی به تحول ریشهای آن دارد.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><a name="_Hlk119713119"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">چه باعث شده است که بشر از انسانمحوری آغازینِ تمدن به عصرِانسان برسد؟
پاسخ کوتاه، تعمیق بیگانگی از طبیعت است، که ناشی از تلاش سیری ناپذیری تمدن برای
کنترل و سلطه هر چه بیشتر بر طبیعت برای مصادره ثروت هرچه </span></a><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">بیشتر از آن است (</span><a href="https://pecritique.com/2020/08/14/%D8%A8%D8%AD%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%86-%D8%AA%D9%85%D8%AF%D9%86-%D9%88-%DA%86%DA%AF%D9%88%D9%86%DA%AF%DB%8C-%D8%AD%D9%84-%D8%A2%D9%86-%D9%85%D9%82%D8%AF%D9%85%D9%87%e2%80%8c%D8%A7%DB%8C-%D8%A8%D8%B1-%D8%B3/"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">نیّری، 2018</span></a><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">). این خواست، محرک
توسعهی نیروهای تولیدی، که غالباً نیروهای مخرب نیز هستند، میباشد (یادداشت ۳)،
یعنی توسعه فناوری وعلوم، وهمینطور روابط </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">بومشناختیِ اجتماعیِ</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> تولید که شاملِ
تحت سلطه گرفتن، ستم واستثمار اکثر بشریت، انواع اهلی شده حیاتِ وحش میشود.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ascii-font-family: "Helvetica Neue"; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Helvetica Neue"; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">توسعه نیروهای
تولید به عنوان بخشی از فرایند تاریخی منجر به پیدایش، تحکیم، و سلطهی نهایی شیوهی
تولید سرمایهداری شده است. فرایندی که در قرن شانزدهم بعد از فروپاشی فئودالیزم
در اروپای غربی آعاز شد.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">پیش از استقرار مدرنیتهی
سرمایهداری، جوامع بطور عمده متکی به</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">نیروی عضله انسان و حیوان برای کشت و کار
بودند و روند تغییرات بسیار آهسته بود. لذا افزایش جمعیت به کندی صورت میگرفت و
نحوه زندگی آنها کمتر مخرب زیست بوم بود. هرگاه، شیوهی تولید پیشین از نظر بومشناختی
بطور فاجععه آمیزی مخرب بود، باعث فروپاشی تمدن</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">موجود شده است مانند نخستین تمدن در سومر.
با این وجود، گستره ای فاجعه از نظر جغرافیایی محدود بود. در کتابِ «اروپا و
مردمِ بدون تاریخ»<i> </i>(۱۹۸۲<b>) </b></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">اریک ولف</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> یادآور میشود که در سال ۱۴۰۰میلادی، هنوز اکثریت دنیا
جز تمدن نبود. در حقیقت، در سال ۱۰۰۰ میلادی، کمتر از ۱۵ درصد جهان در تمدن میزیست
و دیگران را <b>” </b>بَربَر<b> “</b> مینامید. بربرها عبارت بودند از غذاجویان،
دامداران، باغداران، و کشاورزان خردهپا که معمولاً با روشهای بدوی مانند </span><i><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Roya"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Roya"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Roya";"> بِبرُ ّ و بسوزان</span></i><b><sup><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">22</span></sup></b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> <b> </b>کشاورزی میکردند، و هنوز با شکار و گردآوری
بخشی از نیازشان را تأمین میکردند.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">با پیدایش تدریجی
اقتصاد جهانی سرمایهداری و گسترش مدرنیته، این همه تغیر کرد. درحالی که برای
فلاسفهی قرون وسطی،نظام طبیعت </span><span lang="AR-SA"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">بخشی از نظم بزرگتر الهی بود، انسانگراییِ عصرِ روشنگری
مولود علوم تجربی فرانسیس بیکن، نیکولاس کوپرنیک، و گالیله، و بررسیهای ریاضیاتی
رنه دکارت، گاتفرید ویلهلم لایبنیتس، و آیزاک نیوتن بود. نیوتن انسان محوری
فراگیری را ایجاد کرد که نه تنها طبیعت را در خدمت فرهنگ قرار داد بلکه حتی امکان
استقلال جامعه از طبیعت راپذیرفت. این بیگانگیِ تقریباً کامل از طبیعت، نمادِ
انسانمحوریِ تمدنِ سرمایهداریِ صنعتی شده است که زیربنای مفاهیم غربی فلسفه،
عقلانیت، وعلوم تا به امروز بوده است (یادداشت ۴). ویژگی دوران کنونی، جهانبینی
اکومدرنیستی است که به پشتوانهی شاخههای نوین علم و فناوری نظیر </span><span color="windowtext" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">زیست
شناسی ترکیبی<b><sup>23</sup></b></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">، علم مواد، </span><span color="windowtext" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">مهندسی</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span><span color="windowtext" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">کره زمین<b><sup>24</sup></b></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> و هوش مصنوعی ظهور
کرده است. تلاش برای « به استعمار درآوردن فضا »، به ویژه مریخ، همانطور که قبلاً
در داستانهای علمی <b>ـ</b> تخیلی مطرح شده، مورد توجه سرمایهداران </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">ریسک پذیر قرار
گرفته است. این نگاه با توسط دانشمندی چون کارل ساگان، که مدعی است انسان موجودی
چند سیارهای است، تبدیل به امری عادی شده است.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">البته، گسترهی
ایده و توسعهی علمی و فنی، نهایتاً بستگی به پویایی شیوهی تولید مسلط دارد.
جایگزینی خدایان ادیان چندخدایی و خدای ادیان توحیدی با بازار سرمایهداری و تلاش برای
کسب سود، یعنی تمدن سرمایهداری صنعتی</span><span lang="AR-SA"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">انسانمحور، انرژیِ
لجام گسیختهای را رها کرد که مارکس و انگلس جوان در فراخوان خود برای سوسیالیسم
اجمالاً به آن اشاره کرده اند:<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; line-height: 107%; margin-bottom: 8pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">«ﺑﻮرژوازی، از ﻃﺮﻳﻖ رﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ همهی اﺑﺰار ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ و از ﻃﺮﻳﻖ وﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻓﻮق
اﻟﻌﺎدﻩ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩی ارﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﯽ، همهی ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎن، ﺣﺘﯽ وﺣﺸﯽ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻞ را، ﺑﺴﻮی ﺣﺮﻳﻢ
ﺗﻤﺪن ﺟﺬب ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﺪ</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ارزان ﮐﺎﻻهای ﺑﻮرژوازی ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺗﻮپ هﺎی ﺳ ﻨﮕﻴﻨﯽ اﺳ ﺖ</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">ﮐﻪ از ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁن همهی
دﻳﻮارهای ﭼﻴﻦ در هم ﮐﻮﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﯽ ﺷﻮد، ﮐﻪ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﻠﻪ ی ﺁن ﻧﻔﺮت</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">ﻓﻮق اﻟﻌﺎدﻩ
ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ی وﺣﺸﻴﺎن ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎن ﺳﺮ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻓﺮود ﻣﯽ ﺁورد</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> ﺑﻮرژوازی همهی ﻣﻠﻞ ﺟﻬﺎن
را ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺮگ و ﻧﻴﺴﺘﯽ ﻣﺠﺒﻮر ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻪ ی ﺑﻮرژواﺋﯽ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ را ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ؛ و ﺁﻧﺎن
را ﻣﺠﺒﻮر ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ را ﮐﻪ ﺑﻮرژوازی</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">ﺗﻤﺪن ﻣﯽ ﻧﺎﻣﺪ، ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﯽ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮرژوا ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> در ﻳﮏ ﮐﻼم،
ﺑﻮرژوازی،ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﻣﯽ ﺳﺎزد ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ از ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮی ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮد از ﺟﻬﺎن دارد</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; line-height: 107%; margin-bottom: 8pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> «ﺑﻮرژوازی، روﺳﺘﺎ را در ﺗﺴﻠﻂ
ﺷﻬﺮها در ﺁوردﻩ اﺳﺖ</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> ﺗﻮاﻧﺴﺘﻪ اﺳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮهای ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﭙﺎ ﮐﻨﺪ، ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﻬﺮی را ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ
روﺳﺘﺎ اﻓﺰاﻳﺶ دادﻩ، ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ، ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺑﻬﯽ از ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ را از ﺑﻼهت زﻧﺪﮔﯽ روﺳﺘﺎﺋﯽ
ﻧﺠﺎت ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ اﺳﺖ</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> ﺑﻪ هماﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ روﺳﺘﺎ را ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺷﻬﺮها ﮐﺮدﻩ، ﮐﺸﻮرهای وﺣﺸﯽ و ﻧﻴﻤﻪ
وﺣﺸﯽ را ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﮐﺸﻮرهای ﻣﺘﻤﺪن، ﻣﻠﻞ روﺳﺘﺎﺋﯽ را ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻮرژواﺋﯽ، ﺷﺮق را ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻏﺮب
ﮐﺮدﻩ اﺳﺖ</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> <span lang="AR-SA"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; line-height: 107%; margin-bottom: 8pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: none; color: #666666; font-family: georgia; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="border: none; direction: rtl; line-height: 107%; margin-bottom: 8pt; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">«ﺑﻮرژوازی، ﺑﻴﺶ از ﭘﻴﺶ، وﺿﻊ ﭘﺮاﮐﻨﺪﻩ ی ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ، ابزار ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ و ﻣﺎﻟﮑﻴﺖ
را از ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﯽ ﺑﺮد</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> ﺑﻮرژوازی ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ را ﻣﺘﺮاﮐﻢ ﮐﺮدﻩ، اﺑﺰار ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ را ﻣﺘﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ، و
ﻣﺎﻟﮑﻴﺖ را در دﺳﺖ ﻋﺪﻩ ای ﻣﺤﺪود ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ دادﻩ اﺳﺖ</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ی ﺿﺮوری اﻳﻨﮑﺎر
ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﯽ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ اﺳﺖ</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>.</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> اﻳﺎﻟﺖ های ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ و ﻳﺎ اﻳﺎﻟﺖ های ﺑﻪ ﺳﺴﺘﯽ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ، ﺑﺎ
ﻋﻼﺋﻖ، ﻗﻮاﻧﻴﻦ، ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ها و ﺿﻮاﺑﻂ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﯽ ﺟﺪاﮔﺎﻧﻪ، ﮔَﻞ هم ﺷﺪﻩ در داﺧﻞ ﻣﻠﺖ واﺣﺪ،
ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ واﺣﺪ، ﻗﺎﻧﻮن واﺣﺪ، ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﯽ ﻣﻠﯽ واﺣﺪ، ﻣﺮزهای واﺣﺪ و</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ های ﮔﻤﺮﮐﯽ
واﺣﺪ، اﺟﺘﻤﺎع ﮐﺮدﻩ اﻧﺪ» (یادداشت ۵) (مارکس و انگلس، ۱۸۴۸)</span><span lang="FA" style="border: none; line-height: 107%; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p align="right" class="Default" style="line-height: normal; margin-top: 0cm; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ascii-font-family: "Helvetica Neue"; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Helvetica Neue"; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"> </span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">البته مارکس و
انگلس تصور نمیکردند که چشمانداز سوسیالیستیاشان تا این زمان در قرن بیست و یکم
نیز محقق نخواهد شد و شیوهی تولید سرمایهداری در سطح جهانی توسعه یافته، و بحرانهای
همزمانِ اجتماعی و زیست بومی امروز را بوجود آورده که ممکن است به انقراض بشریت
و اکثر انواع ختم شود.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">شهر اوروک در اوج
خود حداکثر ۸۰۰۰۰ نفر جمعیت داشت. جمعیت
انسانی زمین در آن زمان ۵۰ میلیون نفر تخمین زده میشود، که عمدتأ غذاجو بودند. در
سال ۲۰۰۸، جمعیت جهان ۷/۶ میلیارد بود که بطور مساوی بین شهر و روستا تقسیم شده
بود و تعداد شهرهای با جمعیتِ یک میلیون یا بیشتر به ۴۰۰ میرسید. در زمان نگارش
این جستار، جممعیت جهان به ۷/۷ میلیارد افزایش یافته و پیشبینی میشود تا سال
۲۰۵۰ به ۱۰ میلیارد برسد. در حال حاضر ۴۶ کلانشهر و منطقهی کلانشهری هریک با
جمعیتی بین ۱۰ تا ۳۸ میلیون نفر در جهان وجود دارد. طبق گزارش بانک جهانی، تولید
ناخالص جهانی<b><sup>25</sup></b> </span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="PT" style="mso-ansi-language: PT;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>(GWP)</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> بصورت اسمی حدود ۲۸/۷۸ تریلیون دلار آمریکا است، که تقریباً برابر۵/۱۰۷
تریلیون دلار آمریکایی بر حسب برابری قدرت
خرید<b><sup>26</sup></b> </span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="PT" style="mso-ansi-language: PT;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>(PPP)</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> میشود. سرانهی تولید
ناخالص جهانی بر حسب برابری قدرت خرید در سال ۲۰۱۷ حدوداً معادل ۱۷۳۰۰ دلار
آمریکایی بود(</span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gross_world_product"><span class="Hyperlink0"><span lang="AR-SA">ویکی</span></span><span class="Hyperlink0"><span lang="AR-SA"></span><span lang="AR-SA">پدیا</span></span></a><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">). </span><span face=""Arial",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: Arial;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">« با هر معیاری که
بررسی کنید<b>-</b> هزینهی خانوار، تعداد مصرفکنندگان، میزان استخراج مواد خام<b>-</b>
مصرف کالاها و خدمات در کشورهای صنعتی برای دههها دائماً افزایش داشته است، و در
برخی کشورهای در حال توسعه نیز با سرعت در حال افزایش است. »</span><span dir="LTR">Worldwatch
Institute, </span><span dir="LTR">“</span><a href="http://www.worldwatch.org/node/810"><span class="Link"><span dir="LTR">The State
of Consumption Today</span></span></a><span dir="LTR">”) </span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> </span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" style="mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>(<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">براساس یک بررسی،
اکنون «طبقه جمعیت مصرف کننده» بیش از ۱</span><a name="_Hlk115384960"><span face=""Arial",sans-serif" lang="FA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">٫</span></a><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">۷ میلیارد نفر است
که تقریباً نصف آن در کشورهای در حال توسعه است. سبکِ زندگی و فرهنگ یکسانی که در
قرن بیستم در اروپا، آمریکای شمالی، ژاپن، و چند کشور دیگر حاکم شده است، در قرن
بیست ویکم دارد جهانی میشود. چین به تنهایی ۳۰۰ میلیون نفر به « طبقه متوسط» جهان
افزوده است. هزینههای جهانیِ مصرفِ خانوار برای خرید کالا و خدمات در سال ۲۰۰۰،
از مرز ۲۰ میلیارد دلار گذشت، که چهار برابر سال ۱۹۶۰(با نرخ دلار۱۹۹۵) بوده است.
اگرچه مصرف بالای «طبقهی مصرفکننده» چشمگیر است، ولی هنوز ۷۱% جمعیت جهان با روزی ۱۰ دلار یا کمتر زندگی میکنند.
هر قدر هم نابرابری توزیع درآمد اصلاح شود، تا زمانیکه این الگوی تولید و مصرف
معکوس نشود، فروپاشی زیستبومی حتمی است. </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body"><span dir="RTL" lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ascii-font-family: "Helvetica Neue"; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Helvetica Neue"; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">اگر
چه هنوز </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">شکارگر ـ گردآورنده ها در بعضی جوامع ـ مانند<b> </b></span><a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/Okiek"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">اُکیَک</span></b></a><b><sup><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">۲7 </span></sup></b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> در کنیا، یا برخی از </span><a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/Australian-Aboriginal"><span class="Hyperlink0"><span lang="AR-SA">بومیان</span></span></a><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> و مردمان </span><a href="https://www.britannica.com/place/Torres-Strait-Islands"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">تورز اِسترِیت
آیلندرِز</span></b></a><b><sup><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">28</span></sup></b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> استرالیا، و همچنین بسیاری از گروههای<b>
اینوویت<sup>29</sup></b> (بومیان قطب نشین آمریکای شمالی) وجود دارند ـ ولی در
اوایل قرن بیست و یکم، شکارچی و گردآورندگی به عنوان سبکِ زندگی بصورت گسترده محو
شده است، نگاه زیستبوممحوری هنوز در برخی فرهنگها و نیز در میان بخشی از آنان
که با انسانمحوریِ مدرنسازی سرمایهداری مقابله میکنند، وجود دارد. تنها از طریق عشق واقعی به جهان طبیعی و شگفتیهای
آن است که می توان امید داشت که بشریت بتواند به ازخودبیگانگی گسترده از طبیعت
فائق آمده و قدم در راه زدودن بیگانگی اجتماعی بگذارد تا شاید مانع انقراض بشریت
شود. من این آینده بشریت و فرایند انقلابی که ما را به آنجا خواهد رساند را
سوسیالیسم زیست بوم محورمینامم. انقلابی که طی آن، مبارزه مردم کارگر علیه تمام
مظاهر سیستم سرمایهداری صنعتی</span><span lang="AR-SA"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">انسانمحوری با
ظهورانسانی جدید با فرهنگ سوسیالیستی زیستبوم محور همزمان خواهد شد. انسان جدید،
دستاوردهای جنبی مثبت تمدن را که در هماهنگی با طبیعت است، برای پیشرفت بشر بکار
خواهد گرفت.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Traffic";">تقدیمنامه:</span></b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> این جستار را در شبِ </span><i><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Homa"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Homa"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Homa";">روزشکرگزاریِ</span></i><b><i><sup><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Homa"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Homa"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Homa";">30</span></sup></i></b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> سال ۲۰۱۸ تمام کردم. یکسال قبل در چنین
شبی، </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Homa"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Homa"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Homa";">سانی</span><b><sup><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Homa"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Homa"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Homa";">31</span></sup></b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> را از دست دادم. من او را کریستمس ۲۰۱۱ زیر درختچهی توت سیاه در
جاده داربی نزدیک محل زندگیام پیدا کرده بودم. نمیدانستم چقدر دوستش دارم تا
اینکه از دستش دادم. میخواهم این نوشته را به یاد او تقدیم کنم. چگونه است که
انسان می تواند دوستی عمیقتری را با گربهای برقرار کند تا با یک همنوع. این </span><a href="https://knayeri.blogspot.com/2017/11/farewell-to-my-beloved-sunny.html"><span class="Hyperlink0"><span lang="AR-SA">وداع
من با سانی</span></span></a><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> است که یکسال قبل با تعدادی از عکسهای او، نوشته شده
است.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Traffic";">سپاسگزاری:</span></b><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ascii-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Traffic";"><o:p></o:p></span></b></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Traffic";"> </span></b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">از جولی کالاهان که
نسخه اولیهی مقاله به انگلیسی را برای اصلاح خطاهای گرامری خواند سپاسگزارم. خطاها و نظریاتی
که دراین نوشته از من است. از دوستم پارسا عارفی برای برگردان این متن
سپاسگزارم.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Traffic";">یادداشتها:</span></b><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ascii-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Traffic"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Traffic";"><o:p></o:p></span></b></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">۱. متن اصلی حماسه
که برای این نوشتار استفاده کردم، ترجمه و تصاویری است از کوین اچ. دیکسون<b><sup>32</sup></b></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">(۲۰۱۸)، که تاکیدش
بر« دنیای حسّی» در حماسه است، ضمن آنکه « دقت ادبی» آنرا حفظ کرده است.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">۲. اکنون انسان با
سه خطر وجودی روبروست: تغییرات اقلیمی فاجعهآمیز، انقراض ششم، و احتمال هولوکاست
هستهای. همچنین مشخص شده که این خطرات وجودی در بحرانهای اجتماعی و زیست محیطی
تنیده شدهاند </span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>(R</span><span dir="LTR" lang="SV" style="mso-ansi-language: SV;">ockstr</span><span dir="LTR">ö</span><span dir="LTR">m, et.al. 2009; Stephen, et.al.
2015a, 2015b)</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>. در اوت ۲۰۱۶، حتی گروه کاریِ آنتروپوسینِ کنگره بینالمللی</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">زمین شناسی، پیشنهادکرد دوران جدیدی از زمین
شناسی را اعلان کنیم، د عصرِ انسان (آنتروپوسین) </span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>(Carrington, 2016)</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>. فرارسیدن عصرِ انسان یعنی پایان دوران هولوسین </span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="IT" style="mso-ansi-language: IT;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>(Holocene)</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>، دورانی که
۱۱</span><span lang="AR-SA">,</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">۳۰۰ سال پیش آغاز
شد و زمینه جوی را برای «انقلاب کشاورزی» که بنیان تمدن امروزی است، فراهم کرد.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">۳. اشاره به چند
مثال کفایت میکند:</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraph" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-right: 36pt; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo2; text-align: right; text-indent: -18pt; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;">·<span style="font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">طبق گزارش سال ۲۰۱۶ سازمان ملی آمارِ تفریحات مرتبط با صید، شکار و حیاتِ
وحش، 8/35 میلیون ماهیگیر(با قلاب) و 5/11
میلیون شکارچی در آمریکا، ۶۴۳ میلیون دلار صرف شکار و ماهیگیری کردند. شکار و</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA;"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">ماهیگیری صنعت بزرگی است که در سال 2016 درآمد 1/8
میلیارد دلاری داشتهاست. </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraph" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-right: 36pt; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraph" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 36.0pt; margin-right: 35.7pt; margin-top: 0cm; margin: 0cm 35.7pt 12pt 36pt; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo3; text-align: right; text-indent: -17.85pt; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;">·<span style="font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="LTR">Bagger 293</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> با ارتقاع
۹۵ متر و طول ۲۲۰ متر، بزرگترین ماشین خاکبرداری جهان است که میتواند روزی ۲۴۰</span><span face=""Arial",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">٫</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">۰۰۰ مترمکعب خاک را جابجا کند. یعنی میتواند در یک روز
زمین فوتبال آمریکایی را به عمق ۲۵ متر خاکبرداری کند</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraph" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 36.0pt; margin-right: 35.7pt; margin-top: 0cm; margin: 0cm 35.7pt 12pt 36pt; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo3; text-align: right; text-indent: -17.85pt; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;">·<span style="font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">با 144 متر طول و ۱۴,۰۵۵ تن وزن، </span><span dir="LTR">Annelies
Ilena</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>
بزرگترین کشتی ماهیگیری اروپاست. این کشتی عظیم با ۷<a name="_Hlk115549526">,</a>۰۰۰
تن ظرفیت، می تواند هفتههای متوالی ماهیگیری کند.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraph" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 36.0pt; margin-right: 35.7pt; margin-top: 0cm; margin: 0cm 35.7pt 12pt 36pt; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo3; text-align: right; text-indent: -17.85pt; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;">·<span style="font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">عظیمترین موتور دیزلی که در کانتینر اقیانوس پیما استفاده میشود، قادر
است ۱۰۹</span><span face=""Arial",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">٫</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">۰۰۰اسب بخار نیرو
تولید کند </span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraph" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 36.0pt; margin-right: 35.7pt; margin-top: 0cm; margin: 0cm 35.7pt 12pt 36pt; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo3; text-align: right; text-indent: -17.85pt; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;">·<span style="font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">ماشین بزرگ و کامل قطع و برش درختان جنگلی بنام </span><span dir="LTR">Ponsse
Scorpion King</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 36.0pt; margin-right: 17.85pt; margin-top: 0cm; margin: 0cm 17.85pt 12pt 36pt; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">۴</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">. هوریگان</span><b><sup><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA;">33</span></sup></b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA;"> </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">نشان میدهد که چگونه فیلسوفان قرن ۱۷ و ۱۸ برای استقلال فرهنگ از طبیعت
استدلال میکردند. توماس هابز</span><b><sup><span lang="AR-SA">34</span></sup></b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"> معتقد بود <span>که ««حالت طبیعت» همان « شرایط طبیعی بشر» است که از «صنعت، فرهنگ، ناوبری،
زمان، هنر، و جامعه.تهی است و از همه بدتر «حالت طبیعت» یعنی ترس مداوم و خطر مرگ
خشونت بار است و زندگی بشرهمراه با تنهایی، فقر، مشقت و خشونت است و عمرکوتاه »</span>.
</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>(Hobbs, Leviathan, 1615, chapter XIII)</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>.
« جان لاک نیز حالت طبیعت و قرارداد
اجتماعی را به عنوان ابزار تحلیل برای تعیین قوانین اولیّه تعهد سیاسی بکار برد.»</span><span lang="FA" style="mso-bidi-language: FA;"> (</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-bidi-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">ص ۳ </span><span dir="LTR" style="mso-bidi-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">Horigan, 1988,</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-bidi-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>)</span><span lang="FA">. </span><span lang="FA" style="background: white;"> </span><span lang="AR-SA"> « بنابراین، هدف مهم و اصلی
اتحاد مردم تحت یک حکومت</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="background: white;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span> </span><span lang="AR-SA">در جمهوری
دموکراتیک برای حفظ داراییایشان است: که با توجه به حالت طبیعت به خیلی چیزها نیاز
دارند</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">». <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-bottom: 12pt; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">« برای روسو، گذار از طبیعت به فرهنگ، وسیله ای است برای
فهم طبیعت واقعی انسان. کاندیلاک در </span><b><i><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Roya"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Roya"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Roya";">’</span></i></b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Roya"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Roya"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Roya";">جُستاری در بارهی ریشههای دانش بشر</span><b><i><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Roya"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Roya"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Roya";">‘</span></i></b><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">، </span></b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">با استفاده از تضاد بین طبیعت و فرهنگ و انسان و حیوان
نشان داد که حوزهی اجتماع شاخه ویژهای را برای مطالعه علوم انسانی مشخص میکند. منظوراز مفهوم حالت طبیعت نه یک وضعیت تاریخی
واقعی، بلکه حالتی فرضی است، ابزاری فلسفی
که برای تعیین ویژگیهای انسان استفاده میشود.» </span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="IT" style="mso-ansi-language: IT;"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>(Horigan, ,1988,</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="IT" style="mso-ansi-language: IT; mso-bidi-language: FA;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> </span><span lang="FA" style="mso-ansi-language: IT; mso-bidi-language: FA;">ص ۳»</span><span lang="FA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; margin: 12pt 0cm; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">دکارت طرفدار الویت
اندیشه بر ماده و دوگانگی فرهنگ و طبیعت بود. نزد او جهان مادی ماشینی بود که از
قوانین مکانیک پیروی مکرد که خود توسط قدرت تفکر انسان داسته شده اند. این نگاه نه
تنها فرهنگ و طبیعت را از هم جدا میکند، بلکه اولی را مقدم میداند. دکارت تردیدی
نداشت که بشر بر حیوان غیرانسان جزئی از بخش مکانیکی جهان و فاقد عاملیت است. «
این نظر که کنترل انسان بر حیوانات (ازجمله هم
مرد و هم زن)، بخش جدایی ناپذیر از ایدئولوژی فراگیر تصاحب و سلطه بر طبیعت
است، که ریشههایش در عمق سنّت تفکر غربی است.»</span><span lang="FA" style="mso-bidi-language: FA;"> ( ص ۱ </span><span dir="LTR" style="mso-bidi-language: FA;">Ingold,
1994,</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="FA" style="mso-bidi-language: FA;"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> )</span><span lang="FA" style="mso-ascii-font-family: "Helvetica Neue"; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Helvetica Neue"; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-bottom: 12pt; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">هوریگان مینویسد: « این مفاهیم، یعنی برتری فرهنگ بر
طبیعت و انسان بر حیوان، از عصر روشنگری بر علوم انسانی امروز مسلط است و هنوز بخش
محوری نظریههای اجتماعی جدید را تشکیل میدهند.»</span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="LTR"></span><span dir="LTR"></span>)</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span> </span><span dir="LTR" lang="PT" style="mso-ansi-language: PT;">Horigan, 1988</span><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span><span lang="FA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><span dir="RTL"></span><span dir="RTL"></span>، </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">صص۴
</span><span lang="AR-SA">و</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";">۳</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">) </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; margin-bottom: 12pt; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">۵. مارکس و انگلس روشنفکران سوسیالیست انقلابی تاریخی و
بسیار نخبه بودند. عقایدی که اینجا از آنها در بارهی «تمدن»، « توحش»، « ملل وحشی»، و عقب افتادگی
روستا نقل شد، اساساً ناشی از پذیرش </span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">بی چون و چرای بخشی از تفکر روشنفکری
بورژوازی اروپای غربی آن دوران است، که بعدها بدرستی « اروپا محوری» نامیده شد.
مارکس و انگلس، بدلیل هوشمندی و تفکر انتقادی، عقایدشان تکامل پیدا کرد و برخی از
آنچه اینجا مطرح شد را اصلاح کردند هر چند بدون بحث ریشهای در مورد مشکلات ناشی از چنین تفکری. بنابراین،
بخشی از جنبش سوسیالیستی برای مدتها، اروپا محور باقی ماند. انقلابات ۱۹۱۷روسیه و همچنین بعضی از رهبران آن یک گسست
بنیادی با این تفکررا ایجاد کردند. <span>چرخش انقلاب
جهانی به حاشیه سرمایهداری جهانی، نیز باعث اصلاح برخی از این مفاهیم شد. </span>لیکن رویکرد به
مدرنیزم تقریباً غیر انتقادی باقی ماند،. بهرحال، مباحث مربوط به دیدگاههای مارکس
و انگلس و جنبشهای سوسیالیستی بعد از آنها، گرچه مهم و جالب هستند، ولی خارج از
بحث این نوشتهاند.</span><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><b><span lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";">فهرست
اسامی و برخی لغات</span></b><b><span lang="FA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin"; mso-hansi-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></b></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">1.<span style="font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Uruk</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">2.<span style="font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Warka</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">3.<span style="font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Anu <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">4.<span style="font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Aruru<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">5.<span style="font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Enkidu<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">6.<span style="font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Shamhat<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">7.<span style="font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Ninsun<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">8.<span style="font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Humbaba<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">9.<span style="font-stretch: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Enlil<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">10.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Shamhat<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">11.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Ishtar<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">12.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Bull of Heave</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">n</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">13.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Ea</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">14.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Anzu</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">15.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Ereshkigal</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">16.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Utnapishtim</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">17.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Graem Barker</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">18.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Jivaro</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">19.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Shaman</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">20.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Trickster</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">21.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Earth System</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">22.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Slash and Burn</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">23.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Synthetic Biology</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">24.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Geoengineering</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">25.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Gross World Product</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">26.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Purchasing Power Parity</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">27.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Okiek</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">28.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Torres Strait Islander</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">29.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Inuit</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">30.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Thanksgiving Day</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">31.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Sunny</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">32.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Kev</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">in
H. Dixon</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">33.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Horigan</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 18pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-indent: -18pt;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><!--[if !supportLists]--><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;">34.</span><!--[endif]--><span dir="LTR"></span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";">Thomas Hobbs</span><span face=""Calibri",sans-serif" lang="AR-SA" style="mso-ansi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "B Nazanin";"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="Body" dir="RTL" style="direction: rtl; line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; text-align: right; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="FA" style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia; mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS"; mso-bidi-language: FA; mso-hansi-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";"> </span></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5261748503426298041.post-39316078168286851652023-02-27T14:02:00.008-08:002023-02-27T14:14:19.277-08:003541. Paresh Chattopadhyay and His Time<p><span style="background-color:; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"> <span style="font-style: inherit; font-variant-caps: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: inherit; font-weight: inherit;">by Pradip Baksi, <a href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html">Mainstream Weekly</a>, February 18, 2023</span></span></p><p><span style="color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><br /></span><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span style="font-style: inherit; font-variant-caps: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: inherit; font-weight: inherit;"></span></span></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://files.libcom.org/files/styles/large/public/images/library/Paresh-Chatterjee.1_0.gif?itok=vaRD-nLH" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="360" data-original-width="480" height="360" src="https://files.libcom.org/files/styles/large/public/images/library/Paresh-Chatterjee.1_0.gif?itok=vaRD-nLH" width="480" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Paresh Chattopadhyay</span></td></tr></tbody></table><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span style="font-style: inherit; font-variant-caps: inherit; font-variant-ligatures: inherit; font-weight: inherit;"><br /></span></span><p></p><div class="texte surlignable" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><b>Editor's Note:</b><span style="font-weight: inherit;"> Paresh Chattopadhyay was a special socialist intellectual. I met him through Behzad Yaghmaian at the Union for Radical Political Economics conference that took place in the early 1990s and I made sure to talk to him at every other such event where he was also present. Paresh's key ideas were two: first the answer to the most things important questions are in studying Marx and second, to study Marx in his own original text, which meant essentially German. I disagreed with Paresh as I was myself moving away from the leftist "isms." Soon after, I discovered Marx in 1971, I had to choose between Maoism or Trotskyism as an Iranian student radical. I chose Trotskyism and automatically switched over from reading Marx to studying Trotsky's key texts. The reason was obvious: both Maoists and Trotskyists claimed to be Marxists. What I wanted to learn was how Trotsky differed from Mao and Stalin who were held as idols by the Maoists. By the early 1980s, after participating in the Iranian 1979 revolution as part of the Iranian Trotskyist movement, I found myself in the crisis-ridden Socialist Workers Party. A key aspect of the crisis was the SWP National Secretary Jack Barnes's claim that Trotsky's Permanent Revolution long held as his significant early contribution to the Marxian theory of revolution was "telescoping" the revolutionary process leading to ultraleftist sectarian errors and that Lenin's theory of the "democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry" was in fact superior. So I studied Lenin in the 1980s. However, I also attended the Graduate Division of the New School for Social Research to study "economics" which was mostly focused on reading Marx's Capital twice: at the Master's and then at the doctoral levels (four semesters in total). So by the time I met Paresh, I had gone to enough to know that the answer to the theoretical and political questions facing me is not in any one socialist leaders no matter how intellectually and politically accomplished. While I agreed with Paresh that it is important to understand Marx as best as we can by studying the original text unfiltered by translators reading and interpreting them before translation to English, I thought the most important contributions of Marx (as well as other top leaders of the socialist movement) are their theories and methodologies and the underlying philosophy. Thus if for Paresh the Gold standard in socialist theorizing and politics is their conformity with what he thought Marx actually had written or had said, I have reasoned that I would benefit most by understanding Marx's key philosophical, theoretical, and methodological framework within which analysis takes place. For me, Marx has been a most important teacher but never a prophet. I shared Paresh's interpretation of Marx's socialism as bottom-up, libertarian, and anti-bureaucratic as well his disgust with Stalinism. I enjoyed his writing and learned from them. He would be missed. KN</span></span></p><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; text-align: center; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span style="font-weight: inherit;">* * *</span></span></p><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Paresh Chattopadhyay/Pareshda<span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> [<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nb1" id="nh1" rel="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="He was born on 01 January 1927 and died on 14 January 2023:
I have not seen (...)">1</a>]</span> was born in Rudrakar of undivided Bengal. That place is now located within the Shariatpur district of Bangladesh. He died in Montreal, Quebec, Canada.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">I had only one face to face encounter with him. It was sometime in 1966. I was then an enthusiastic supporter of the “Cultural Revolution” launched by Mao Zedong and some of his colleagues in Beijing and Shanghai. In those days Pareshda taught at the IIM, Calcutta and signed some of his articles in the now defunct <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Now</i> as C.C. Paresh. A friend of mine and I liked some of those articles and we sought an interview with him. He gracefully granted us one. We gave him a copy of one of our publications and opened our move by asking him about his views on Stalin. He was very critical of Stalin and his legacy. Blissfully unaware of his exposure to the Council Communists and to some other streams of dissident communists and marxists of Central and Western Europe and fortified by the ignorant arrogance of greenhorns, we promptly concluded that Pareshda was a Trotskyist and our meeting was over. After a gap of about four and a half decades we started exchanging emails, from around the middle of 2012, thanks to the efforts of Sankar Ray/Sankarda<span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> [<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nb2" id="nh2" rel="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">2</a>]</span>. The three of us shared some common interests in the progress of the second <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Marx-Engels-Gesamtausgabe</i> or <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">MEGA2</i><span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> [<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nb3" id="nh3" rel="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="MEGA2 I-IV:">3</a>]</span>.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Pareshda was active as a student and a teacher in the three cities of Kolkata, Paris and Montreal, located in three different continents and cultural milieus, during the days of the last cold war and beyond. He was trained as an economist and taught economics, sociology and some related topics of statistics. Some of my own teachers were his contemporaries at the University of Calcutta. He was, perhaps, one of our first students<strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">—</strong>andfor us South Asiansour first teacher<strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">—</strong>exposed to all the 15 volumes of Karl Marx’s “Capital” and the work preparatory to it<span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> [<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nb4" id="nh4" rel="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">4</a>]</span>.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">During the last decade of his life Pareshda tirelessly insisted that all of us interested in Marx’s Critique of Political Economy as a discipline must study the corresponding texts in the original languages and he tried to set an example, wherever possible, through his own use of Marx’s texts in the original languages. The translations of Marx’s texts that came down to us in South Asia and elsewhere<strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">—</strong>during the twentieth century<strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">—</strong>were edited by people who used several varieties of the ideological filters of marxism-leninism, first manufactured in the erstwhile USSR and then recycled through the UK, USA and PRC. Consequently, these translations remain transcreations masquerading as Marx’s texts. Hence the need to study Marx’s texts in the languages of the originals. This approach is not appreciated by most of our anglophone communists and marxists. They continue to conflate Marx’s texts with many kinds of marxisms and subscribe to the contra-historical, and hence idealist, belief that Marx was the first marxist. At the first level this reluctance to engage with Marx’s texts in the original languages and the habit of clinging to their incorrect English translations may be indicative of our psychological inertia and laziness about learning new languages. At the subsequent levels it reflects some deep-going cultural processes of our societies that have repeatedly transformed our searches for truth, beauty, goodness and justice into their opposites.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">In the past we have translated the heterodox discourses of Śākyamuni Buddha, critical of the dominant Dharmas and Darshans of South Asia of his time<strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">—</strong>that are conjectured to have been delivered in some of the yet to be reconstructed Middle Indic dialect(s)<strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">—</strong>into some varieties of codified Pāli, Sáṃskṛtam, Tibetic, Mongolic, Chinese etc. literary languages, and transformed them into their opposites, namely, into the dogmatic canonical texts of the various sects of the Southern, Northern and Eastern Bauddha Dharmas and Darshans, crafted to serve the interests of various sanghas and empires of Asia.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Right now our criminal rulers are busy weaponizing the attitude of benign personal Bhakti towards the protagonist of the ancient poetic text titled <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Rāmāyaṇam,</i> transcreated and transformed into the medieval text called the <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Rāmacaritamānasa,</i> to organize violent pogroms and governmental repressions against our Muslims and Christians, our humiliated and tormented labouring castes and tribes, and against all shades of liberals and dissidents even from within our hegemonic castes, to consolidate their own power and to destroy every institution of our early modern civil and political societies that comes in their way. Who could have imagined that a fictional “rabble” and their lord despised by Madhusudan in the middle of the nineteenth century<span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> [<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nb5" id="nh5" rel="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="“I despise Ram and his rabble;...”: Michael Madhusudan Dutt to Raj Narain (...)">5</a>]</span> would be invoked by some rabble-rousing warlords in real time to turn India that is Bharat into a wasteland in the twenty-first ?</span></p><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">To study the texts that have emerged from India the readers of other parts of the world have studied and continue to study our ancient, medieval and modern languages. To study Marx’s texts, we too have to study the ancient, medieval and modern languages of Europe that he used. Karl Marx and India-studies were born in Germany at around the same time. One of Marx’s teachers of Greek and Latin literature at the Bonn University<strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">—</strong>August Wilhelm von Schlegel (1767-1845)<strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">—</strong>was also one of the principal architects of India-studies in Western Europe. In spite of that originary connection, contemporary developments in Marx-studies, India-studies and Germany-studies remain almost unrelated <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">terra incognita</i> for most of us, and that even in these days of continuous accessibility of all sorts of texts on the world wide web.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Some have called Pareshda a hegelian marxist and placed him within a network of libertarian marxist tendency. In their own words: “Some current Hegelian Marxists of note include Christopher J. Arthur, Cyril Smith and Paresh Chattopadhyay, the latter two also influenced by Raya Dunayevskaya and Marxist-Humanism...”<span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> [<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nb6" id="nh6" rel="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="Wright, Chris (2005):">6</a>]</span>.Yet others have called him an Indian-Canadian economist and placed him within the tradition of what they call western marxism<span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> [<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nb7" id="nh7" rel="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="Van der Linden, Marcel (2007), Western Marxism and the Soviet Union: A (...)">7</a>]</span>.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">For me, personally, he was first and foremost a teacher. I have sought and obtained his advice on several occasions. He had advised me to start from Marx’s 1843 <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right</i> while I was trying flesh out Marx’s brief untitled note starting with the sentence: “The history of the origin of the modern state or the French Revolution”(1844)<span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> [<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nb8" id="nh8" rel="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="MEGA2 IV/3(1998):11.">8</a>]</span> in our own contexts. When I was studying Marx’s narratives on <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">wage-labour</i> with the aim of investigating the universe of familial labour without wages and did not have access to all the versions of those narratives, contained in the different variants of “Capital” I, available as the five volumes of <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">MEGA2</i> II/5-10<span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> [<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nb9" id="nh9" rel="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="See the webpage indicated on note [4] above.">9</a>]</span>, he informed me about his own and Maximilien Rubel’s comparative readings of those versions. Over the last one decade we have occasionally exchanged some ideas and publications on some areas of our common interest. These included: our plural societies<span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> [<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nb10" id="nh10" rel="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="The Wancho people of the Patkai Hills; the hunter-gatherers of the (...)">10</a>]</span>, music<span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> [<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nb11" id="nh11" rel="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="Computational musicological approach to the study of Hindustani Classical (...)">11</a>]</span>, Bengali and English literature<span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> [<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nb12" id="nh12" rel="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="Rabindranath Thakur, Satinath Bhaduri, Keston Sutherland, Martin Puchner (...)">12</a>]</span>, history<span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> [<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nb13" id="nh13" rel="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="Friedrich Engels, Victoria Woodhull and Julius Martov.">13</a>]</span> and some issues related to the editing and translation of Marx’s texts<span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> [<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nb14" id="nh14" rel="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="Texts of some Russian editors of the MEGA2 II; reviews of some translations (...)">14</a>]</span>.</span></p><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">To understand Pareshda and his time we must study his texts in their original contexts. I conclude this note with a bibliography of his writings. It may be of some use for tracing the path of evolution of his ideas that have passed through many schools of the Bengali, French and Canadian marxisms and academic cultures, to engage with Marx’s texts in the original languages and in their original contexts. It lays no claim to completeness. I hope that others will add more of what they know about his texts and thus help create a more complete database for our present and future investigators interested in Marx’s open-ended critique of political economy as a discipline.</span></p><p class="filet_sep filet_sep_0" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(204, 204, 204); border-bottom-style: solid; border-image: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-left-style: initial; border-right-color: initial; border-right-style: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-top-style: initial; border-width: 0px 0px 4px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: center; vertical-align: baseline;"></p><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Paresh Chattopadhyay: A bibliography</span></strong></p><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">I. Books</span></strong></p><ul class="spip" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: square; margin-block: 0px; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em 50px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">1994: <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The Marxian concept of capital and the Soviet experience: essay in the critique of political economy,</i> Westport etc.: Praeger.</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">2016: <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Marx’s Associated Mode of Production: A Critique of Marxism,</i> Cham: Springer Nature/Palgrave Macmillan.</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">2018: <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Socialism and Commodity Production: Essay in MarxRevival,</i> Leiden/Boston: Brill.</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">2021: <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Socialism in Marx’s Capital: Towards a DealieanetedWorld,</i> Cham: Springer Nature/Palgrave Macmillan.</span></li></ul><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">II. Chapters in Books</span></strong></p><ul class="spip" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: square; margin-block: 0px; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em 50px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">1985: Chapter 8. On the Problematic of ‘the State as Capitalist’ and Its Significance for the Third World: An Essay in the Critique of Political Economy: 129-153, in: Mitra, Ashok [Ed.], <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The truth unites: Essays in Tribute to Samar Sen,</i> Calcutta: Subarnarekha.</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">1987: Chapter 3 “Labour and Development” (pp. 48-69) in Boyd, Rosalind et al, eds. <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">International Labour and the Third World: The Making of a New Working Class</i>. England: Avebury/Ashgate</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">1993: Chapter 3. Bureaucracy and class in Marxism: 39-59, in Garston, Neil [Ed.], <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Bureaucracy: three paradigms,</i> Boston: Kluwer.</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">2004: Chapter 13. Socialism and Value Categories in Early Soviet Doctrine: Lenin, Trotsky, Bukharin, Preobrazhensky: 219-232, in: Freeman, Alan et al [Ed.], <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The New Value Controversy and the foundations of Economics,</i> Cheltenham etc.: Edward Elgar.</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">2012: Chapter 12. Competition: 72-77; and, Chapter 23. Friedrich Engels: 144-148, in: Fine, Ben <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">et al</i> [Eds.], <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The ElgarCompanion to Marxist Economics,</i> Cheltenham etc.: Edward Elgar.</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">2014: Chapter 1. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels on communism: 37-52, in: Smith, Stephen A. [Ed.], <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The Oxford Handbook of the History of Communism,</i> Oxford: OUP.</span></li></ul><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">III. Articles</span></strong></p><ul class="spip" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: square; margin-block: 0px; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em 50px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">১৩৭৪/1967: “তরুণ মার্কস” [“Young Marx”], শারদীয় <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">এক্ষণ,</i> ৫ম বর্ষ, ৪র্থ-৫ম সংখ্যা; পুনর্মুদ্রণ: <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">নির্বাচিত এক্ষণ ১: প্রবন্ধ সংকলন</i> (১৯৯৮):১৭৮-১৮৯।</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">1970: “State Capitalism in India,” <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Monthly Review </i>[<i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">MR</i>], Volume 21, No. 10 (March):</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a class="spip_url spip_out auto" href="https://monthlyreviewarchives.org/mr/article/view/MR-021-10-1970-03_2" rel="nofollow external" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">https://monthlyreviewarchives.org/mr/article/view/MR-021-10-1970-03_2</span></a></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">1972 a: “On the Question of the Mode of Production in Indian Agriculture: A Preliminary Note,” <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Economic and PoliticalWeekly</i> [<i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">EPW</i>], Volume 7, No. 13 (25 March): A39-46.</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">1972 b: “On the Political Economy of the Transition Period,” <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">MR,</i> Volume 24, No. 4 (September):</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a class="spip_url spip_out auto" href="https://monthlyreviewarchives.org/index.php/mr/article/view/MR-024-04-1972-08_2" rel="nofollow external" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">https://monthlyreviewarchives.org/index.php/mr/article/view/MR-024-04-1972-08_2</span></a></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">1974 a: “Political Economy: What’s in a Name?,” <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">MR,</i> Volume 25, No. 11 (April):</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a class="spip_url spip_out auto" href="https://monthlyreviewarchives.org/index.php/mr/article/view/MR-025-11-1974-04_3" rel="nofollow external" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">https://monthlyreviewarchives.org/index.php/mr/article/view/MR-025-11-1974-04_3</span></a></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">1974 b: “Marxism: Looking Backward and Forward: Essay 5,” <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">MR,</i> Volume 26, No. 2 (June):</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a class="spip_url spip_out auto" href="https://monthlyreviewarchives.org/mr/article/view/MR-026-02-1974-06_7" rel="nofollow external" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">https://monthlyreviewarchives.org/mr/article/view/MR-026-02-1974-06_7</span></a></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">1976: “On the Czechoslovak Reform Model,” <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">MR,</i> Volume 27, No. 11 (April):</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a class="spip_url spip_out auto" href="https://monthlyreviewarchives.org/mr/article/view/MR-027-11-1976-04_4" rel="nofollow external" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">https://monthlyreviewarchives.org/mr/article/view/MR-027-11-1976-04_4</span></a></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">1980: “Labour and Development” in <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Labour, Capital and Society</i> Vol 13: 1, pp. 3-33</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">1994: “Marx’s First Critique of Political Economy, 1844-1994,” <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">EPW,</i> Volume 29, No. 31 (July 30): PE54-PE59.</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">1995: “Neither liberalization nor statist regime: A materialist point of view,” <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars,</i> Volume 27, Issue 4: 53-56. This issue of this journal is available on:</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a class="spip_url spip_out auto" href="https://www.tandfonline.com/toc/rcra19/27/4" rel="nofollow external" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">https://www.tandfonline.com/toc/rcra19/27/4</span></a></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">1996: “Fascism, Socialism and the Left,” <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">EPW,</i> Volume 31, No. 41/42 (October 12-19): 2823-2831.</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">2006: “Passage to Socialism: The Dialectic of Progress in Marx,” <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Historical Materialism</i> [<i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">HM</i>], 14(3), 45-84.</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">2010: “The Myth of Twentieth-Century Socialism and the Continuing Relevance of Karl Marx,” <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Socialism and democracy,</i> Volume 24, Issue 3: 23-45.</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">2012: “Lenin Reads Marx on Socialism: A Brief Note,” <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">EPW,</i> Volume 47, No. 50, (December 15): 65-68.</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">2013: “A Leninist Reading of Marx (and Engels): A Note,” <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Mainstream,</i> Volume LI, No. 13, (16 March):</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a class="spip_url spip_out auto" href="http://www.mainstreamweekly.net/article4060.html" rel="nofollow external" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">http://www.mainstreamweekly.net/article4060.html</span></a></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">2021: “Socialism and Democracy: A Marxian Perspective,” <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Mainstream,</i> Volume LIX No. 7 (30 January):</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a class="spip_url auto" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article10403.html" rel="nofollow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">http://mainstreamweekly.net/article10403.html</span></a></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">Unpublished (manuscript drafted in 2000): Surplus school and Marx: on Garegnani’s Marx reading: a provisional text:</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a class="spip_url spip_out auto" href="https://copejournal.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/Chattopadhyay-Surplus-School-And-Marx-On-Garegnanis-Marx-Reading-2000.pdf" rel="nofollow external" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">https://copejournal.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/Chattopadhyay-Surplus-School-And-Marx-On-Garegnanis-Marx-Reading-2000.pdf</span></a></li></ul><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">III. Book Reviews</span></strong></p><ul class="spip" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: square; margin-block: 0px; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em 50px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">1985: review of Desai, A.R.(1984), <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">India’s Path of Development: A Marxist Approach,</i> Bombay : Popular Prakashan, in: <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">MR,</i> Vol. 37, No. 6 (November):</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a class="spip_url spip_out auto" href="https://monthlyreviewarchives.org/mr/article/view/MR-037-06-1985-10_6" rel="nofollow external" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color:; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">https://monthlyreviewarchives.org/mr/article/view/MR-037-06-1985-10_6</span></a></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">1986: review of Nove, Alec (1983), <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The Economics of Feasible Socialism,</i> London: G. Allen & Unwin, in: <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">MR,</i> Volume 37, No. 10 (March):</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a class="spip_url spip_out auto" href="https://monthlyreviewarchives.org/mr/article/view/MR-037-10-1986-03_5" rel="nofollow external" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">https://monthlyreviewarchives.org/mr/article/view/MR-037-10-1986-03_5</span></a></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">1989: <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Review of The State and Poverty in India: the Politics of Reform</i>, by Atul Kohli. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (1987) in <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Labour, Capital and Society</i>. 22:1, April, pp. 171-73.</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">1999: review of Custers, Peter (1997), <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Capital Accumulation and Women’s Labor in Asian Economies,</i> London / New York: Zed Books, in: <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars,</i> Volume 31, Issue 4: 67-75:</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a class="spip_url spip_out auto" href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/14672715.1999.10415769" rel="nofollow external" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/14672715.1999.10415769</span></a></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">2000: review of Burkett, Paul (1999), <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Marx and Nature: A Red and Green Perspective,</i> New York: St. Martin’s Press, in: <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Science & Society,</i> Volume 64, No. 2 (Summer): 259-261.</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">2004: a review of <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">MEGA2</i> IV/3(1998), <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">HM,</i> 12(4), 427-454; available at:</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a class="spip_url spip_out auto" href="https://libcom.org/library/source-critique-political-economy" rel="nofollow external" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">https://libcom.org/library/source-critique-political-economy</span></a></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">2006: Review of Eric A. Plaut et al, eds. <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Marx on Suicide</i> (1999) and Vom Selbstmord (2001) in <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Review of Radical Political Economics</i> Fall pp. 655-59</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">2011: review of Jal, Murzban (2010), <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">The Seductions of Karl Marx,</i> Delhi: Aakar Books, <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">EPW,</i> (April 30), Volume XLVI, No. 18: 28-30.</span></li></ul><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">IV. Talk</span></strong></p><ul class="spip" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; list-style: square; margin-block: 0px; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em 50px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">2012: The unexplored Marx, a talk with Tapan Bandyopadhyaya in: <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Frontier,</i> Volume 44, No. 35 (11-17 March):</span></li><li style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a class="spip_url spip_out auto" href="https://www.frontierweekly.com/archive/vol-number/vol/vol-44-2011-12/vol-44-35/marx-44-35.pdf" rel="nofollow external" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;">https://www.frontierweekly.com/archive/vol-number/vol/vol-44-2011-12/vol-44-35/marx-44-35.pdf</span></a></li></ul></div><div class="notes" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; clear: both; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant-east-asian: inherit; font-variant-numeric: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><hr style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-bottom: 0px solid; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-left: 0px solid; border-right-width: 0px; border-right: 0px solid; border-style: solid; border-top-color: initial; border-top-style: solid; box-sizing: content-box; height: 0px; margin: 1.5em 0px;" /><div id="nb1" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">[<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nh1" rev="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="Footnotes 1">1</a>] </span><a class="spip_url spip_out auto" href="https://libcom.org/tags/paresh-chattopadhyay" rel="nofollow external" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">https://libcom.org/tags/paresh-chattopadhyay</a><br class="autobr" style="box-sizing: border-box;" />He was born on 01 January 1927 and died on 14 January 2023:<br class="autobr" style="box-sizing: border-box;" /><a class="spip_url spip_out auto" href="https://www.dignitymemorial.com/obituaries/montreal-qc/paresh-chattopadhyay-11107469" rel="nofollow external" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">https://www.dignitymemorial.com/obituaries/montreal-qc/paresh-chattopadhyay-11107469</a><br class="autobr" style="box-sizing: border-box;" />I have not seen his birth certificate or matriculation certificate. Sankarda had some other information about his year of birth and held that Pareshda was born a few years later.</span></p></div><div id="nb2" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">[<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nh2" rev="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="Footnotes 2">2</a>] </span><a class="spip_url spip_out auto" href="https://kafila.online/2012/06/22/mega-the-recovery-of-marx-and-marxian-path-sankar-ray/" rel="nofollow external" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">https://kafila.online/2012/06/22/mega-the-recovery-of-marx-and-marxian-path-sankar-ray/</a></span></p></div><div id="nb3" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">[<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nh3" rev="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="Footnotes 3">3</a>] </span><i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">MEGA2</i> I-IV:<br class="autobr" style="box-sizing: border-box;" /><a class="spip_url spip_out auto" href="https://mega.bbaw.de/de" rel="nofollow external" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">https://mega.bbaw.de/de</a><br class="autobr" style="box-sizing: border-box;" /><a class="spip_url spip_out auto" href="https://megadigital.bbaw.de/" rel="nofollow external" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">https://megadigital.bbaw.de/</a></span></p></div><div id="nb4" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">[<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nh4" rev="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="Footnotes 4">4</a>] </span><a class="spip_url spip_out auto" href="https://mega.bbaw.de/de/struktur/ii-abteilung" rel="nofollow external" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">https://mega.bbaw.de/de/struktur/ii-abteilung</a></span></p></div><div id="nb5" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">[<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nh5" rev="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="Footnotes 5">5</a>] </span>“I despise Ram and his rabble;...”: Michael Madhusudan Dutt to Raj Narain Bose, in an undated letter written sometime between the 16th of January and the 29th of August 1861; see: letter no. 70 in: গুপ্ত,ক্ষেত্র [সম্পা.] (১৩৭০/1963), <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">কবি মধূসূদন ও তাঁর পত্রাবলী </i>[<i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Poet Madhusudan and his letters</i>]: ১৫৩, কলিকাতা: গ্রন্থনিলয়।</span></p></div><div id="nb6" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">[<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nh6" rev="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="Footnotes 6">6</a>] </span>Wright, Chris (2005):<br class="autobr" style="box-sizing: border-box;" /><a class="spip_url spip_out auto" href="https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/chris-wright-a-libertarian-marxist-tendency-map" rel="nofollow external" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/chris-wright-a-libertarian-marxist-tendency-map</a></span></p></div><div id="nb7" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">[<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nh7" rev="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="Footnotes 7">7</a>] </span>Van der Linden, Marcel (2007), <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Western Marxism and the Soviet Union: A Survey of Critical Theories and Debates since1917</i> (in Dutch 1989 and in German 1992), English translation by Jurrian Bendien, Leiden/Boston: Brill (2007): 266-270.</span></p></div><div id="nb8" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">[<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nh8" rev="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="Footnotes 8">8</a>] </span><i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">MEGA2</i> IV/3(1998):11.</span></p></div><div id="nb9" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">[<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nh9" rev="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="Footnotes 9">9</a>] </span>See the webpage indicated on note [4] above.</span></p></div><div id="nb10" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">[<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nh10" rev="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="Footnotes 10">10</a>] </span>The Wancho people of the Patkai Hills; the hunter-gatherers of the corporate sector of our urban enclaves; our ongoing linguistic genocide; various streams of our Marxists.</span></p></div><div id="nb11" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">[<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nh11" rev="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="Footnotes 11">11</a>] </span>Computational musicological approach to the study of Hindustani Classical Music; Music and Marx. Pareshda was a trained singer in his youth. He lost his voice after some illness.</span></p></div><div id="nb12" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">[<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nh12" rev="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="Footnotes 12">12</a>] </span>Rabindranath Thakur, Satinath Bhaduri, Keston Sutherland, Martin Puchner and Keith Tribe</span></p></div><div id="nb13" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">[<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nh13" rev="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="Footnotes 13">13</a>] </span>Friedrich Engels, Victoria Woodhull and Julius Martov.</span></p></div><div id="nb14" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><p style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="background-color: ; color: #666666; font-family: georgia;"><span class="spip_note_ref" style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">[<a class="spip_note" href="http://mainstreamweekly.net/article13163.html#nh14" rev="footnote" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;" title="Footnotes 14">14</a>] </span>Texts of some Russian editors of the <i style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; font-stretch: inherit; font-variant: inherit; font-weight: inherit; line-height: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">MEGA2</i> II; reviews of some translations of Karl Marx’s “Capital” into Persian and Bahasa Indonesia</span></p></div></div>Kamran Nayerihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13737979861971221811noreply@blogger.com0