Friday, September 4, 2026

3715. Learning from Beavers

By Kamran Nayeri, September 4, 2026


Anthropogenic crisis of the Colorado River

The anthropocentric industrial capitalist civilization is in existential crisis: consider catastrophic global warming and climate change, the Sixth mass extinction, recurrent pandemics, and the nuclear Holocaust.

In this essay, I will show how beavers, as social mammals who engineer the environment, improve rather than destroy ecosystems, using the Colorado River as a case study. The Colorado River has existed for five million years, providing much-needed water for what is now the American Southwest, but it now faces an anthropogenic crisis.

Here is a short history of how human intervention created the Colorado River crisis.

  • 1922: The Colorado River Compact is signed, allocating water rights among seven states: Arizona, California, Colorado, Nevada, New Mexico, Utah, and Wyoming.
  • 1930s: Major dam projects, including the Hoover Dam, are completed, significantly altering river flow and water distribution.
  • 2000s: Prolonged drought due to catastrophic global warming and climate change is leading to declining water levels in Lake Mead and Lake Powell, both created after damming the river. Currently, Lake Mead is at 28.5% capacity, and Lake Power is at 26.2% capacity.
  • 2012: The U.S. Bureau of Reclamation reports that the Colorado River is overallocated, with demand exceeding supply.
  • 2021: The U.S. government declares a water shortage for the first time, triggering mandatory cuts for Arizona and Nevada.
  • 2023: A large runoff is predicted, providing a temporary reprieve, but experts warn that it will take several wet years to recover fully.
  • 2026: Ongoing negotiations among states to address water sharing and conservation efforts continue amid dire conditions. Phoenix, a metropolis of 1.6 million inhabitants built in the heart of a desert, is on the short list of cities that may be cut off from the Colorado River water.

Anthropogenic crisis of oceans

Anthropocentric industrial capitalist civilization is trashing the planet everywhere. Take the anthropogenic crisis of the oceans. Human activity has now altered 66% of the marine environment. 35.5% of marine fish stocks assessed are overfished. Eleven million tons of plastic enter the oceans every year, roughly one million tons every month. Industrial fishing, fossil-fuel emissions, agricultural runoff, plastics, shipping, coastal development, mining, and chemical pollution interact to produce cumulative ecological damage. One particularly striking historical measure is the deterioration of global fisheries: the proportion of fish stocks considered biologically sustainable fell from 90% in 1974 to about 64.5% in 2021.

Who are beavers?

North American beavers have stocky bodies, a yellow-brown to almost black coat, and a broad, flat, scaly tail. Their large, orange incisors grow continuously throughout their lifetime. They have webbed rear feet and digitated front paws. The beaver's stocky body enables it to conserve heat.

North American beavers are the largest rodents in North America and the second largest in the world (South America's capybaras being the heaviest). They weigh between 35 and 65 pounds (16 to 30 kilograms), with the heaviest beaver on record weighing 110 pounds (50 kilograms).

They are 3 to 4 feet (1 to 1.2 meters) long and stand 1 to 1.5 feet (0.3 to 0.5 meters) tall. The shape of the beaver's tail varies but, in general, is about 2 inches (5 centimeters) thick at the base and tapers to about 0.24 inches (0.6 centimeters) at the tip.

Beavers have long, orange front teeth called incisors. These teeth grow continuously throughout their life and wear down with daily use. These teeth are self-sharpening and can cut a tree the size of a person's finger in a single bite! If the incisors become too long, they can prevent the beaver's mouth from closing enough for its grinding molars to meet, which could lead to starvation. Beavers' incisors appear dark orange due to the high amount of iron contained in the enamel, which is the hard outer layer of the teeth. The iron strengthens the enamel, helping prevent the teeth from breaking or cracking while the beaver gnaws.

Beavers regularly move between aquatic and terrestrial environments. Their small, dexterous front feet are well adapted to working on land. They walk on five digits, grasp sticks with their front paws, and have well-developed digging claws. Their larger hind feet are webbed for swimming and devoid of fur, except on the dorsal surface.

The hind feet also have a preening toe, the second from the inside, with a unique double toenail. Beavers are meticulous groomers. They use the preening toe as a comb to prevent their fine, soft fur from matting to maintain its waterproofing and insulating properties. These flexible toes also remove burrs and parasites.

On land, a beaver's movements are extremely awkward, making them vulnerable to predators. In water, however, beavers can swim up to 6 mph (10 kilometers per hour). Their oversized lungs allow them to stay submerged for up to 15 minutes while traveling over half a mile.

Whiskers help detect objects around a beaver's face and head, which is especially helpful in narrow passageways and dark water. The beaver's eyes have a thin, transparent membrane, called a nictitating membrane, that pulls over the eyeball for underwater work. A beaver's sight is good only for short distances and at close range. Its ears are external, small and rounded, with valves that also close while submerged, and the beaver's auditory sense is well developed.

The shape of the tail is an individual and family trait, varying from short and broad to long and narrow. It is practically hairless and covered with black scales. There is a sharp demarcation between the fur and the scales, the fur remaining at full length and density right up to this line. The tail is used as a rudder in swimming, as a balance prop while working on land and to signal danger when slapped on the water. Beavers will also store fat in their tails, eating more in the fall so they can survive off the fat stored in their tails through winter if food is not available. The beaver's vertebrae continue into and almost to the end of the tail.

Beavers are found throughout North America except for the California and Nevada deserts and parts of Utah and Arizona. They live in ponds, lakes, rivers, marshes, streams, and nearby wetlands.

Beavers are one of the few animals that modify their habitat; they build watertight dams of sticks woven with reeds, branches, and saplings, caulked with mud. Dams reduce stream erosion by forming slow-moving ponds. These ponds support a wide range of small aquatic life and provide water and food for much larger animals. By building dams, beavers create new habitats that can support an incredibly diverse biological community.

Beavers also build dome-like lodges that rise 6.5 feet (2 meters) or more and can reach widths of 39 feet (12 meters). A lodge can have one or more underwater entrances, and living quarters are located at the top of the lodge above the water line. Often built away from the shore, these lodges form islands that can only be entered from underwater. The lodge chamber may be 4 feet (1.2 meters) wide and 2 feet (0.6 meters) high, insulated by walls one-third of a meter thick and ventilated by a small air hole in the roof called a "chimney." Typically, they cover the floor with wood shavings to absorb excess moisture and provide bedding. Beavers spend the summer and fall building dams and gathering and storing food for the winter.

North American beavers typically live 10 to 12 years. The oldest on record lived 30 years.

Beavers communicate through signals by flapping their tail on the surface of the water, indicating danger. Beavers communicate outside of their family unit by depositing scents around the edges of their territory. The beaver is unique among rodents in that it builds scent mounds — heaps of mud, sticks, and grass up to one-third of a meter high and about a meter wide on which they deposit scents from their anal glands.

Beavers have important castor and oil glands near the anus. Castor, a very pungent, thick liquid, is produced for scent marking and leaves a long-lasting odor. The oil glands produce the oil used to waterproof a beaver's fur. The oil is slightly different between the sexes and is used in reproductive communication.

Within the lodge, beavers employ various vocalizations (though their voice box is rudimentary) and postures to communicate with family members. At the Smithsonian's National Zoo, beavers have occasionally been heard hissing if they are unhappy.

Beavers are herbivores that eat leaves, woody stems, and aquatic plants. Their chief building materials are also their preferred foods: poplar, aspen, willow, birch and maple.

In cold climates, they spend the winter inside their lodge chamber, feeding on branches they have stored on the muddy pond floor as a winter food supply. The water acts as a refrigerator, keeping the stems cold and preserving the nutritional value. Beavers hold their food with their front paws and eat it like corn on the cob.

Beavers are mainly nocturnal throughout their range. However, in regions where ponds freeze over throughout the winter season, beavers may stay in their lodges or under the ice using their fat reserves and feeding off the cache they have gathered.

In the lodge and underwater, light levels remain constant and low during the 24-hour day, so sunrise and sunset are not apparent. In the absence of solar "cues," a beaver's activity is not synchronized with the solar day. The circadian rhythm, or regular day cycle, breaks down, and beaver "days" become longer, varying in length from 26 to 29 hours. At the Zoo, beavers usually wake up in the early evening, around 4 p.m.

Social Structure

Beavers form strong family bonds. They are social animals, and each group includes one breeding pair, the year's kits, and surviving offspring from the previous year, called yearlings.  There may also be one or more sub-adults, 2 years or older, of either sex from previous breeding seasons. These subadults generally do not breed.

In winter, these family groups live together in their lodge and share food from the common larder (stored food supply). Their family life is exceptionally stable and is based on a hierarchy in which adults dominate yearlings and yearlings dominate kits. Physical aggression is rare and vocalizations, gestures, and postures are used within the lodge to communicate issues of dominance status within the group.

Beavers are generally believed to pair for life. They breed in winter, from January to late February, and females give birth in spring.

Kits are born weighing about 1 pound (0.5 kilograms) with their eyes open and completely covered with fur. They take to the water inside the lodge within half an hour after birth. They are skillful swimmers within a week but are too buoyant to dive.

Kits typically stay close to their mother in the lodge for the first few weeks, nurse frequently, and gain considerable weight. Females have four nipples and sometimes sit upright to nurse. Evidence suggests teat sharing among kits, which may explain the high survival rate of all members of a large litter. Kits nurse for about six weeks, and all family members help bring them solid food.

On land, mothers often carry kits on their broad tails, sometimes even walking erect and holding them in their paws. In the water, kits may rest upon their mother's back. The young stay with their parents for two years, helping with lodge maintenance and raising the next generation of kits until they are usually driven away just before the birth of a new litter.

Beavers’ role in the ecosystem

Beavers are one of the most powerful forces shaping freshwater ecosystems in North America and Europe. By building dams, digging channels, and felling trees, they transform streams into complex wetland landscapes that store water, filter pollutants, support wildlife, and even slow the spread of wildfires. Before European colonization, an estimated 60 to 400 million beavers shaped North America’s waterways. Today, only 9 to 12 million remain, representing an 80% to 98% decline from historical populations. That loss has had cascading effects on landscapes across the continent.

How Beavers Reshape Waterways

Beavers are often called “ecosystem engineers” because they physically rebuild the environments they live in. A single beaver family can dam a stream, flood a valley, and create an entirely new wetland where one didn’t exist before. These dams slow water flow, spread it across the floodplain, and raise the surrounding water table. In headwater streams where beavers have been relocated, dams created roughly 243 cubic meters of surface water storage per 100 meters of stream within the first year. That’s enough to visibly change the hydrology of a small valley.

What’s less obvious is what happens underground. Beaver dams push water laterally into the soil, recharging groundwater. In one study, relocated beavers raised the water table up to a third of a meter and stored approximately 2.4 times as much groundwater as surface water in each dam reach. This matters enormously in dry regions where groundwater feeds wells, sustains vegetation through summer, and keeps streams flowing during droughts. Dams also reduce stream temperatures, which benefits cold-water fish species and slows evaporation during warm months.

Natural water filtration

Beaver ponds act like slow-motion treatment systems for polluted water. When a stream backs up behind a dam, sediment settles out, and the still, oxygen-poor conditions at the bottom of the pond trigger natural chemical processes that break down excess nutrients. This is especially valuable in agricultural areas where fertilizer runoff loads streams with nitrate and phosphate.

Research on beaver ponds in farming watersheds has found they can remove 5% to 45% of the nitrate load coming off the land, depending on the season and pond conditions. In one study comparing water quality upstream and downstream of a beaver enclosure, nitrate concentrations dropped 43% and phosphate concentrations dropped 51%. During summer, when biological activity peaks, those reductions were even sharper: 47% for nitrate and 61% for phosphate. Even in winter, the ponds removed 37% of nitrate and 38% of phosphate. Compared to a nearby agricultural stream with no beavers, the reductions were striking: 64% less nitrate and 86% less phosphate.

This filtering capacity is essentially free infrastructure. Municipalities spend millions on constructed wetlands to do what beaver ponds accomplish on their own.

Biodiversity hotspots

The wetlands beavers create support for far more species than the streams and forests they replace. Beaver ponds combine open water, muddy edges, dead standing trees, and dense regrowth into a patchwork of microhabitats that attracts everything from insects to large mammals.

Recent comparisons between beaver-created wetlands and human-made ponds found that beaver ponds attracted more than twice as many hoverflies and 45% more butterflies than nearby artificial ponds. On a typical night, beaver ponds hosted an average of 5 bat species compared to 4 species along other parts of the same stream, a 22% increase in diversity. These differences likely stem from the structural complexity of beaver wetlands. The mix of standing dead wood, living shrubs, aquatic plants, and varied water depths creates feeding and nesting opportunities that a simple pond can’t match.

Beaver ponds also provide critical habitat for amphibians, waterfowl, and songbirds. The flooded trees create nesting cavities for woodpeckers and owls. The still, warm shallows are ideal for breeding frogs and salamanders. Lush vegetation along pond edges also draws deer, moose, and other herbivores to drink and forage.

A complicated relationship with salmon

The connection between beavers and fish is one of the more nuanced parts of their ecological story. In many settings, beaver ponds boost fish populations. The slow, deep water creates shelter from predators, and the organic material that accumulates in ponds feeds insect larvae that juvenile fish eat. Studies have documented higher fish densities, faster growth rates, and better survival for juvenile salmon in beaver-pond habitat compared to open streams.

But the relationship isn’t always positive. In large river floodplains with extensive side channels, beaver dams can fragment habitat by blocking fish passage between ponds and the main river. Research on two rivers in Alaska illustrated the tradeoff clearly. On one river where beavers had built many dams in side channels, juvenile salmon densities were 3 to 12 times lower in older beaver ponds than in connected spring brook and main channel habitats. The researchers estimated that without the dams, that river’s floodplain could rear roughly three times as many salmon and produce nearly double the fish biomass.

Context matters. In small, degraded streams with limited habitat complexity, beaver activity tends to help fish by deepening pools, cooling water, and adding structure. In already productive, well-connected floodplains, too many dams can fragment the system and reduce total fish output. This is why fisheries managers sometimes evaluate beaver-salmon interactions on a river-by-river basis rather than applying blanket rules.

Fire resistance in dry landscapes

In the fire-prone western United States, beavers are gaining recognition as an unexpected tool for wildfire resilience. By raising water tables, wetting floodplain soil, and sustaining green vegetation through dry summers, beaver dams create ribbons of moisture across otherwise parched landscapes.

Studies of wildfires across the western U.S. found that stream segments with beaver activity maintained significantly higher vegetation greenness during and after fire than comparable segments without beavers. In the Rocky Mountain region, beaver ponds decreased burn severity in surrounding floodplain areas during megafires. The mechanism is straightforward: wet soil and lush green plants don’t burn the way dry grass and dead brush do. Beaver wetlands essentially create firebreaks along stream corridors.

This effect has practical implications for communities. Beaver-created networks of wet, fire-resistant habitat can slow the spread of flames and buy time for firefighting resources to arrive. Some land managers in the western U.S. are now exploring beaver relocation and beaver dam analogs (human-built structures that mimic beaver dams) as a low-cost strategy for increasing landscape fire resilience.

Why their decline matters

The loss of 80% to 98% of North America’s beaver population didn’t just mean fewer beavers. It meant the disappearance of millions of small dams, ponds, and wetlands that had shaped the continent’s hydrology for millennia. Streams that once meandered through wide, soggy floodplains became narrow, fast, and deeply incised. Wetlands dried up. Water tables dropped. The ecological services beavers had been providing for free, from water storage to nutrient filtering to habitat creation, vanished with them.

Restoring beaver populations won’t fix every watershed problem, but the evidence increasingly shows that even small numbers of beavers can meaningfully improve water storage, water quality, biodiversity, and fire resilience within a single year of establishing themselves. For a 40-pound rodent, that’s an outsized impact on the landscape.

Beavers' role in Colorado River history

Now let me turn to the role beavers have played in the Colorado River's history.

The North American beavers (Castor canadensis) have inhabited the arid Colorado River basin, a vast watershed spanning the southwestern United States. In some ways, Beavers are like humans: they are social mammals, and they build their own environment by putting up dams on rivers. However, their dam-building behavior engineers wetlands, retains water, and fosters biodiversity to counter drought impacts and support riparian ecosystems. (Larsen et al., 2021; Wu et al., 2019) As reservoir levels in Lake Powell decline amid prolonged drought, beavers have naturally recolonized exposed tributaries in Glen Canyon, building dams and ponds that slow streamflow, recharge aquifers, and create habitats for native species, helping recover previously submerged canyons (Singhai, 2026). Restoration initiatives across the basin leverage this ecological engineering through beaver translocation programs, reintroduction efforts, and low-tech process-based methods like artificial beaver dam analogs, which mimic natural structures to trap sediment, elevate water tables, and enhance floodplain connectivity in degraded rivers. (Ebbs, 2023; Wan, 2025) These strategies aim to increase beaver populations and dam density, potentially storing substantial volumes of snowmelt and runoff higher in the watershed to bolster resilience to climate variability and benefit both wildlife and the water security of millions dependent on the Colorado River system.

Multifaceted benefits of beavers’ activity

Beavers’ activities benefit the ecosystem in several ways. Here is a summary (Murry, 2025)

Water Filtration: Beaver ponds act as natural filters, removing sediments, pollutants, and excess nutrients from water, improving water quality for human consumption and agricultural use downstream.

Flood Control: Beaver dams slow down water flow during periods of heavy rainfall or snowmelt, reducing the risk of downstream flooding and erosion. This natural flood mitigation is often more cost-effective than traditional infrastructure solutions.

Habitat Creation: Beaver ponds and wetlands create diverse habitats for a wide range of plant and animal species, enhancing biodiversity and supporting healthy ecosystems. These habitats benefit not only wildlife but also recreational activities like fishing and birdwatching, which have economic value.

Groundwater Recharge: Beaver ponds increase groundwater recharge, which can replenish aquifers and provide a more reliable water supply during dry periods.

Carbon Sequestration: Wetlands created by beavers store significant amounts of carbon, helping to mitigate climate change. The accumulation of organic matter in beaver ponds and surrounding areas traps carbon dioxide from the atmosphere.

Salmonid Enhancement: Beaver ponds can create ideal spawning and rearing habitat for salmonids, improving fish populations and supporting fisheries.

Beaver dams in the Colorado River basin impound streams to form ponds that retain surface water, slow flow rates, and minimize evaporation in the arid landscape. These structures elevate local water tables, promoting infiltration that recharges shallow aquifers and sustains baseflow during prolonged droughts. In the basin's drought-stressed hydrology, such ponds mitigate flash-flood intensity by distributing peak flows across floodplains, while capturing and holding water volumes otherwise lost to rapid runoff. As reservoirs like Lake Powell recede, beavers have colonized exposed tributaries in Glen Canyon, where their dams store water in formerly submerged channels and contribute to localized retention amid broader system declines. Assessments of historical and potential dam sites along Colorado's rivers indicate capacity for far more beaver-engineered structures, which could enhance transient storage of substantial water volumes to bolster basin-wide resilience.

Habitat enhancement for wildlife

Beaver dams in the Colorado River Basin transform stream environments into complex wetland mosaics, fostering habitats that support a wide array of aquatic and terrestrial species. Ponds formed behind dams offer refuge and breeding grounds for fish, amphibians, and waterfowl, while the resulting riparian zones—enriched with vegetation and stable banks—provide foraging and nesting areas for mammals such as otters, muskrats, and deer. These modifications increase habitat heterogeneity, allowing greater species diversity than unaltered arid streams. In exposed tributaries of Glen Canyon, where receding waters from Lake Powell have revealed previously submerged channels, returning beavers have accelerated ecosystem recovery by constructing dams that retain moisture and promote vegetative regrowth amid persistent aridity. These engineered features sustain native riparian species, including willows and cottonwoods, which in turn support insect populations and higher trophic levels, enhancing overall food web resilience. Beaver activity here counters habitat fragmentation caused by drought, creating persistent oases that bolster populations of drought-sensitive wildlife. ]By facilitating connections across aquatic-terrestrial interfaces, beaver-modified landscapes amplify basin-wide biodiversity through expanded niches and refuge from extreme conditions. These wetlands serve as drought buffers, maintaining perennial water sources that prevent localized extinctions and promote gene flow among species, thereby strengthening ecological networks in an otherwise water-scarce watershed.

An outline of beavers’ history in the American Southwest

Pre-European Abundance

Before European settlement, North American beavers were widespread along the tributaries and riparian zones of the Colorado River basin, extending into arid environments in the southwestern United States, such as Arizona. (Young, November 2025)  Their dam-building activities significantly shaped pre-settlement wetlands and ecosystems by impounding water flows, fostering pond habitats, and enhancing soil moisture retention in otherwise dry landscapes. In Colorado, a core portion of the basin, beavers were historically prevalent across diverse physiographic regions, indicating high population densities that supported natural hydrologic processes through extensive pond and wetland networks.  Early exploration records and the ecological legacy of beaver-modified channels document this abundance, underscoring their role in maintaining riparian biodiversity before widespread human alteration.

Trapping era decline

Intensive fur trapping by European American mountain men and settlers in the 19th century decimated beaver populations across the Colorado River basin, driven by high demand for pelts in the global fur trade (Young, December 2025). Trappers targeted streams in tributaries like the Little Colorado River during the 1820s and 1830s, exploiting abundant beaver colonies for their waterproof fur, which fueled hat production in Europe and the eastern United States. This commercial exploitation, peaking in the mid-1800s, drove many southwestern watersheds to near-extirpation, as populations could not recover amid relentless harvesting. Habitat alterations exacerbated the trapping pressure, as expanding agriculture, mining, and settlement in the arid Southwest disrupted riparian ecosystems essential for beaver survival. Land use changes, including stream channelization and vegetation clearance for farming and resource extraction, fragmented habitats and reduced food sources like willows and aspens, compounding the effects of over-trapping. These anthropogenic modifications, occurring alongside the fur trade boom, accelerated local extinctions in the basin's diverse watersheds from Colorado to Arizona. The combined onslaught caused widespread wetland loss and degraded riparian zones, transforming once-vibrant aquatic systems into incised channels and arid floodplains that persisted into the 20th century. Without beaver engineering to maintain ponds and slow water flow, soil erosion intensified, biodiversity plummeted, and the basin's water-retention capacity diminished, leaving a legacy of ecological simplification.

Natural population returns

As prolonged drought has caused Lake Powell's water levels to recede and expose previously submerged tributaries in Glen Canyon, North American beavers (Castor canadensis) have naturally recolonized these areas, building dams, ponds, and lodges in canyons that had not seen daylight for decades. Beavers have dispersed from peripheral populations into the basin's arid streams, using recovering riparian zones to establish a presence without human intervention (Clements & Harmon, 2023). Surveys have observed self-sustaining beaver colonies in these tributaries, where their activities promote early ecosystem recovery by creating wetlands that retain moisture and support native vegetation in drought-stressed environments (Pobis, 2025)

Human-assisted reintroductions

Human-assisted reintroduction efforts in the Colorado River basin involve translocation programs that relocate beavers from areas where they pose conflicts or are displaced to underoccupied sites suitable for restoration (Sadiq, 2025). These initiatives aim to leverage beavers' natural dam-building to enhance riparian habitats, retain water in drought-prone regions, and support ecosystem recovery across the arid watershed. A notable example is the 2019 translocation project led by Utah State University researchers, which moved beavers to tributaries like the Price River to revive degraded waterways by promoting wetland formation and sediment capture. In Colorado, the Colorado Parks and Wildlife agency has pursued strategies to bolster populations in strategic locations, shifting from lethal control to relocation where feasible to maximize habitat benefits. These programs often feature collaborations between state wildlife agencies, such as Colorado Parks and Wildlife, and conservation organizations like the Colorado Beaver Working Group, which coordinates efforts to expand beaver presence in historically suitable but currently depopulated areas of the basin. By targeting sites where beaver engineering can improve water infiltration and biodiversity, these reintroductions complement broader restoration goals amid persistent water scarcity.

Water management benefits

Beaver dams in the Colorado River basin retain substantial water volumes by creating ponds and wetlands that slow and store surface water, buffering against the region's chronic arid conditions and supporting water supplies for millions across the Southwest. These structures distribute water more evenly across landscapes, reducing evaporation losses and enhancing overall watershed resilience during droughts. By impounding water behind dams, beavers promote groundwater recharge through infiltration into aquifers, helping sustain stream baseflows and easing pressure on major reservoirs such as Lake Powell amid declining levels. In areas exposed by receding reservoir waters, returning beaver populations have begun building dams that raise local water tables and recharge subsurface stores, contributing to long-term hydrological stability. Estimates indicate that expanding beaver dam networks across the basin could enable storage of significant additional volumes, with potential surface water retention on the order of tens to hundreds of millions of cubic meters, amplifying distributed storage capacity beyond current levels. Restoration efforts, including dam analogs, further leverage this potential by mimicking beaver engineering to scale up retention in targeted reaches.

Conclusion

The key difference between human activity within anthropocentric industrial capitalist civilization and beaver activity is that while the former tends to degrade and even destroy ecosystems, beaver society builds its environment in ways that enhance ecosystems and biodiversity.  Both behaviors result from species evolution. For 2.5 million years, the Homo genus, our ancestors, interacted with the rest of nature largely in a similar way as hunter-gatherers. Even our species, Homo Sapiens, which appeared about 300,000 years ago, behaved similarly because they too were hunter-gatherers who viewed themselves as inseparable from the rest of nature, exhibiting a culture of ecocentrism. However, with the advent of farming during the Holocene, groups of early farmers emerged and began to domesticate plants and animals to create an artificial ecosystem called the farm. This required a radical cultural shift from ecocentrism to anthropocentrism. Not only did the farm require domination and control of farm plants and animals for the benefit of the farmers, but it also viewed wild nature as threatening to the farm, to be purged as needed. Mother Nature became a source of wealth to be exploited at will. The beaver society teaches us it is possible and preferable to return to ecocentrism and the love for nature and a culture of being as opposed to the culture of having.

References:

Clements, Charlie D.  and Dan N. Harmon. “Beavers and Riparian Habitats.” The Progressive Rancher. March 8, 2023.

Ebbs, Stephenie. “How Beavers Could Help the Colorado River Survive Future Droughts.” ABC News. April 20, 2023.

Larsen,  Annegret, Joshua R. Larsen, Stuart N. Lane. “Dam Builders and Their Works: Beaver Influences on the Structure and Function of River Corridor Hydrology, Geomorphology, Biogeochemistry and Ecosystems.” Earth-Science Reviews.  July 2021.

Murray, James. “How Did the Loss of Beavers Affect the Environment?” The Institute for Environmental Research and Education.  August 27, 2025.

Pobis, Madison. “How Reintroducing Beavers Can Build Watershed Resilience.” Woods Institute of Environment, Stanford University. 

Sadiq, Muhammad. “The Story of a Town Saved by Beavers.” Animals Around the Globe. April 16, 2025.  

Singhai, Swasti . “As the Second-Largest Reservoir in the Nation Drops, So Does Tourism.” USA Today. August 31, 2026.

Wan, Luwen. “How Reintroducing Beavers Can Enhance Ecological Health.” Stanford Report. August 11, 2025.

Wu, Haipeng, Jin Chen, Jijun Xu, Guangming Zeng, Lianhai Sang, Qiang Liu, Zhengjie Yin,  Juan Dai, Dacong Yin, Jie Liang, and Shujing Ye. “Effects of Dam Construction on Biodiversity: A Review.” ScienceDirect. June 2019.

Young, Laura. “Was There a Prehistoric Beaver?” The Institute for Environmental Research and Education. November 8, 2025.

___________. “Why did the beaver population decrease?” The Institute for Environmental Research and Education. December 6, 2025. 

Thursday, September 3, 2026

3714. Trotsky on the Rise of Fascism in Germany

By Leon Trotsky (taken from Marxist.org)


Though expelled from the USSR, Trotsky and the Left Opposition still considered themselves a faction of the Communist International. Until Hitler came to power, they tried to influence the Comintern and the German reds, to return them to the Leninist precepts of internationalism and internal democracy.

They did not (yet) support the rise of a Fourth International. It was these events in Germany, and the failure of the German Communist Party and the Communist International that lead to Trotsky’s call for a new, “Fourth” Communist International. We include one 1940 article on the nature of Fascism that Trotsky was working on the time he was murdered by a Stalinist agent. The rest of this collection deals specifically with the rise of the Nazis in the early 1930s.

In the following collection of Trotsky’s letters and articles, he is specifically addressing the German Communist Party, which he considered the only realistic organization to stop fascism. His goal was for them to break with Comintern policy, not the Comintern itself. These series of articles and essays, however, show Trotsky’s method in his ultimate break with the Comintern.

We’ve also include a chronology of events beginning with the rise of the workers movement at the end of World War I and statistics on the various elections that the Communist Party participated in.

This page was originally compiled by the Zodiac. The page has been reformatted to conform with the Trotsky Internet Archive. Several additional articles, previously un-transcribed have been contributed by the TIA’s director and other TIA volunteers.



1918: German revolution dies, due in large part to the Social Democratic Party (SPD). The SPD belongs to the old Second International. Before the war, it had never held power, only opposition. Class cooperationists, the SPD supported the war. In working to prevent a successful Red revolution, the SPD allies with capitalists and the army, even cooperating with right-wing “Freikorps”, thereby helping train early cadres of the future National Socialist Party (Nazis).

Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht are both executed by the state. Russian Bolsheviks had counted on a successful German revolution for the survival of their own revolution.

1919: German monarchy folds, the Weimar Republic is born. The Weimar constitution is a standard “social democrat"-style arrangement: workers are granted several “social safety net” programs, while the capitalists (and army) retain with full powers, which they more or less “promise” to never abuse. The first Weimar cabinet is headed by the SPD, and their Chancellor Philipp Scheidemann, in coalition with two capitalist parties, the Catholic Center Party and the German Democratic Party. (NOTE: In the 1919 Reichstag elections, 45 percent of voters support parties which label themselves Marxist.)

1921: All revolutionary opportunity has passed. The Third International (Communist International, or Comintern) initiates a “united front” strategy as a way of strengthening Communist parties in nations where Social Democrats dominated—rather like Germany.

1922: German government is crippled by, and unable to meet, war reparations specified by the Treaty of Versailles.

1923 January: French government sends troops to occupy the Ruhr. Inflation soars, the working class launches massive strikes, the middle class has savings wiped out. It’s an extreme crisis and the government is helpless. KPD membership swells and new ultra-right movements (like the Nazis) grow. But KPD leadership, guided by the Comintern, misses the opportunity. By 1924, events stabilize (with some American aid).

1924 May: Reichstag elections see “Marxist” parties drop to to 33 per cent of the electorate; Nazi strength declines even more drastically.

1924 December: Another round of Reichstag elections sees SPD support grow and KPD drop.

1925: Presidential election. Monarchist general Hindenburg elected president in runoff election against Wilhelm Marx, member of the Catholic Center Party—the latter being supported by the SPD and the liberal capitalist parties—and Ernst Thaelmann of the KPD.

1925-29: Weimar Republic’s stable period. SPD remains Germany’s largest party with powerful support from the working class. No realistic plan for a German social revolution can be constructed without intelligent consideration of the SPD.

Meanwhile, in the USSR, the “Left Opposition” is defeated by Stalinists. In 1927, Trotsky is expelled from the Soviet Communist Party. In 1928, he’s deported to Siberia. In 1929, he’s exiled to Turkey. Stalinists purge more than just Left Opposition. By 1930, the Communist International and affiliated parties are merely bureaucratic extensions of Soviet foreign policy. The leaders of the KPD are appointees of the Kremlin.

1928 May: Reichstag elections return the SPD to cabinet with Chancellor Hermann MÜller. KPD get a third of the SPD’s vote (Nazis get less than a tenth). This SPD leadership is further right than before and opts for something called the Great Coalition—including the People’s Party—and holds power for about two years.

Meanwhile, the Comintern adopts the ultra-left doctrine of the Third Period and something called social fascism. The doctrine says the collapse of the world’s capitalist nations is supposedly following a handy pattern:
 

  • The First Period (1917-1924): Capitalist crisis and revolutionary upsurge;
  • The Second Period (1925-1928): Capitalist stability;
  • The Third Period (now): Capitalist crises return and proles are ready to rise up again.

The Comintern concludes it’s time to end Second Period collaboration with Social Democrats (and their powerful working class base). In the case of Germany, it means these SPD workers are really just “social fascists,” a sort of left wing of fascism.

1929 Fall: The Great Depression, death knell of Weimar. German unemployment hits 3 million. The already fragile German economy collapses. The populace is radicalized. KPD membership grows, despite alienation from SPD-led unions. The fascists likewise grow, now even attracting financial support from big capitalists. And the storm troops (Sturm-Abteilung or SA) hits 100,000 by year’s end.

1930 March: the SPD Müller cabinet resigns. Never again will Weimar see a majority government. President Hindenburg appoints Heinrich Brüning of the Center Party as Chancellor. Bruening tries to establish a more right wing government but fails to get sufficient support in the Reichstag.

Brüning cites Paragraph 48 of the Weimar Constitution and claims to now rule by “emergency decree.” The Social Democrats helped construct that paragraph, never imagining they’d be the target of it.

1930 July: Brüning’s emergency decrees on budget are overruled by SPD, KPD, and Nazi deputies. Hindenburg dissolves the Reichstag and calls for new elections.

1930 September 14: Election day. SPD votes tumble by 6 percent, while the KPD rises by 40 percent. However, their combined vote falls from 40.4 per cent of electorate to 37.6. The real change is the Nazi vote—up 700 per cent. The Nazis go from ninth to second-largest party. Meanwhile, the Comintern-led KPD dubs this a victory for the Communists and “the beginning of the end” for the Nazis. The Comintern concurs.

Trotsky’s opinion was slightly different. To paraphrase him, the KPD is like a singer who sings wedding songs at funerals, and funeral songs at weddings ... and is soundly thrashed at each occasion.


1930 October 18: Shaken by the Nazi electoral triumph, the SPD decides to back Brüning’s government. With SPD support, Brüning remains Chancellor another 26 months. It is an unpopular rule that only benefits the Nazis. Big business support of Hitler continually increases. The SA is emboldened in attacks on working-class radicals.

Stymied by the SPD-Brüning block, the Nazis focus on gaining control of Prussia’s Landtag (state legislature). Prussia is the largest state in Germany, with over two-thirds of the population. It’s a Social Democratic stronghold. The Nazis, right-wing Nationalists and the Stahlhelm (a counter-revolutionary veterans’ organization), invoke a clause in the Weimar Constitution to launch a referendum to oust the Prussian SPD-coalition government. KPD opposes the referendum.

1931: Over 4 million unemployed.

1931 July 21: KPD leaders present ultimatum to sPD coalition leaders in Prussia: make a united front with us or we’ll back the Nazis. SPD leaders reject it. The KPD backs the Nazis, despite the fact it might put the Nazis in power—though now the KPD calls it the “Red referendum”. Nazis and German Communists campaign together to remove Prussia’s SPD-led government.

1931 August 9: Prussian Referendum fails. SPD stays in control.

1931 September: SPD leaders expel Reichstag deputies Max Seydewitz and Kurt Rosenfeld for open opposition to SPD support of Brüning regime. The expelled deputies favor a united front against fascists.

1931 October: More SPD expulsions/resignations. SPD splits. Left Social Democrats unite with SPD youth, pacifists, and some of the Brandlerite Communist Party Opposition (KPO) to form the Socialist Workers Party (SAP). Six SAP leaders are deputies in the Reichstag.

Trotsky takes a positive attitude toward new group, hoping that its members will overcome SPD centrism. But SAP is a confused body with no real impact on working-class politics. (In July 1932 elections, SAP gets merely 72,630 votes and lose all six Reichstag seats. In the November 1932 election, their vote drops further still. SPD rank and file can not be dislodged from their party that easily. So rather than destroy the SPD in this time of crisis, one should work to save it.)

1931 December: SPD leaders create the Iron Front for Resistance Against Fascism. The organization seeks to engage the old Reichsbanner, the SPD youth, and labor and liberal groups. SPD rallies to the Iron Front, holds mass demonstrations, fights fascists in the streets, and arms selves. This is more than the SPD leaders wanted. But SPD workers don’t care and grow increasingly revolutionary. Meanwhile, the KPD has no ideological concept of a united front—hell, they just supported the Nazis in the “Red referendum.”


1932: Economic crisis deepens. Unemployed: 5 mil. “Social Democratic” state further dismantled.

1932 March 13: Presidential election. Three main candidates: Hindenburg, Hitler, and Thälmann. But the Nationalists also push Stahlhelm leader Theodor Düsterberg—who merely steals votes from Hitler. Last Presidential election, the SPD opposed Hindenburg. Now they support him over Hitler. The Iron Front becomes an electoral machine for the monarchist militarist.

1932 April 10: Run-off Presidential election held since no clear majority was established. Düsterberg withdraws so Nationalists can campaign for Hitler. Hindenburg wins, but Nazi vote has doubled in 17 months. Nonetheless, the SPD hails Hindenburg’s election as a triumph over fascism.

1932 April 14: Brüning has Hindenburg sign a decree outlawing Nazi SA and SS. Brüning thinks this curbs Hitler’s growth. Instead, it will prove to be Brüning’s fall.

1932 May 31: Hindenburg demands Chancellor Brüning resign. Hindenburg picks Franz von Papen of the Centre pary as new Chancellor. The Center party expels von Papen. He is basically Hindenburg’s puppet, without any support in the Reichstag.

1932 June 4: Papen dissolves the Reichstag and calls for new elections.

1932 June 15: Papen rescinds the ban on Nazi private armies. Wave of violence results. Hundreds dead/wounded. Papen bans political parades in fortnight before July 31 elections.

1932 July 17: Nazis march, under police escort, through working class Hamburg. Result: 19 dead, 285 wounded.

1932 July 20: Citing the Hamburg battle, Papen claims the Prussian government can’t maintain “law and order.” He deposes the Social Democrats and appoints himself Reich Commissioner for Prussia.

The SPD once swore to defend the republic against any coup d’etat, from the right or the left. German workers wait for a call to action. The SPD promise to appeal Papen’s coup to the courts. Nothing else happens.

The KPD calls for a general strike. Of course, the KPD’s great “Red referendum” is used to ridicule it.

1932 July 31: Reichstag elections. Nazis are now Germany’s largest party.

1932 September 12: New Reichstag convenes. Papen thinks he can manipulate the Nazis, but they realize they don’t need him. Nazis support the Reichstag vote to censure the Hindenburg-imposed Papen regime (vote of 513 to 32). The Reichstag is dissolved and new elections called for November 6.


1932 November 6: Reichstag election. Nazi faithful have begun to tire of Hitler’s political maneuvers to gain power carefully. Morale drops. In the election, Nazis lose two million votes. Critically: total Nazi vote is now less than the combined SPD-KPD vote. But this is lost on the Comintern and KPD. This would turn out to be the last “free” election of Weimar Germany—and the Nazis failed to get their majority.

1932 November 17: Papen and cabinet resign.

1932 December 2: Hindenburg appoints “social general” Schleicher Chancellor. Schleicher tries split left (trade-union bureaucrats break with the SPD) and right (dissident “left Nazis” under Gregor Strasser break with Hitler).

1933 January 30: Hindenburg appoints Hitler as Chancellor. Papen is Vice-Chancellor. Hitler agrees to take only three of 11 cabinet posts. Trotsky expects worker parties will resist Hitler and mobilize. SPD leaders say “Hitler’s appointment” is constitutional and forbid worker actions that might upset the Nazis. The KPD, on the other hand, is still denouncing the SPD.

1933 March 5: Hitler gets Hindenburg to dissolve parliament. In the run-up to new election, KPD meetings are banned. KDP press are shut down. Nazis finally take control of Prussia and its nationwide police force and flooded it with storm troopers. The terror begins.


1933 February 27: Nazis start fire in the Reichstag and blame it on Communists.

1933 February 28: President Hindenburg suspends Constitutional guarantees of freedom of expression, press, assembly, association. Thousands of KPD and SPD officials are arrested. Only the Nazis and Nationalists are permitted to campaign in the last week before the election.

1933 March 5: Reichstag elections. Even with all this “constitutional” oppression, the Nazis still couldn’t get a majority. But it was still game over. KPD calls for national strikes.

1933 March 23: Citing the Constitution, Hitler asks new Reichstag to grant him dictatorial power. This requires a two-thirds Reichstag vote. As KPD deputies are jailed or leaving the country, Hitler’s demand is granted (441 to 84). Liberal and conservative parties vote for it. Only the remaing Social Democrats vote against it.

1933 April 1: Stalinists Comintern deludes itself about an expected proletarian revolution soon to follow Hitler’s victory. While it dreams, the KPD is annihilated.

1933 May 1: May Day. The remaining SPD is a different beast than Frederick Engels had known. This creature supports Hitler’s various labor “reorganizations” and encourages workers to march in the Nazi “National Day of Labor” parade May 1.

1933 May 2: Nazis take over the trade-union movement and send labor leaders to concentration camps.

Sunday, August 30, 2026

3713. A Contribution to the Discussion of the Guardian's "Open Letter" on Iran

By Kamran Nayeri, August 30, 2026

Protest on the 40th day since the death of Mahsa/Jina Amini, a 22-year-old Kurdish-Iranian who died after being arrested by the morality police in Tehran on September 22, 2022. 

On August 20, The Guardian published an Open Letter, “To Iran’s political prisoners, trapped ‘between two blades of a scissors’”, by 23 prominent leftists mostly from the United States and Western Europe: “We write to you from a place of deep solidarity, our hearts heavy with the knowledge of the struggle you face within Iran’s prisons: the torture, the systematic neglect, the enforced silence, and the brutal reality of sham trials and executions.”

The authors go further:

And we stand in solidarity with you, as you are at the intersection of two sources of oppression.

On one side, you face the Islamic Republic that, from its inception, enforced absolute social and political control based on an exclusionary ideology. It is a system that claims to counter imperial power while using its very logic of domination and systems of carcerality, torture and execution.

On the other side, you face the aggression and violence of the very imperialist and Zionist forces the Islamic Republic purports to stand against.” (my emphases).

The Open Letter has ignited a much-needed public discussion.

This essay contributes to this discussion by examining aspects of the twin problems of how to defend Iran against imperialist and Zionist aggression while fighting for the release of political prisoners in Iran.  

As an Iranian American socialist since 1971 who participated in organized Iranian socialist movement (1975-1982) and organized socialist movements in the U.S. since 1982, I have firsthand experience in defense of Iranian political prisoners as well as participating as a leader of the Iranian Trotskyist movement and a co-founder of the Workers Unity Party in the Iranian revolution (1979-82) with the goal of helping the Iranian working people to form their own government based on their own grassroots organizations, in particular the workers and peasants shora (council) movements.

To proceed, I'll cite some notable earlier contributions focusing on the “scissors” analogy that frames the Open Letter.

Vijay Prashad, the executive director of the Tricontinental Institute for Social Research, in “Against the False Symmetry of the Scissors: An Open Letter While Iran Resists an Illegal War of Aggression,” criticizes the “scissors” analogy:

“The central image, two blades of a scissors, is evocative but erroneous. It suggests that one of the blades is the Islamic Republic and the other blade is the United States and Israel, with the Iranian people being cut by the two of them. The error of the scissors is not merely that its blades are unequal. It is that the image makes the aggressor and the attacked appear as parallel sources of the same danger, stripping away the history and hierarchy that connect them. US imperialism is not simply one oppression alongside another. It is the force that has encircled Iran, devastated the region, armed Israel, imposed sanctions upon an entire population, and now brought war to Iranian territory. Your letter places the aggression and its target in the same moral frame.” (emphasis added)

Thus, the political framework Prashad uses is what was called Third Worldism in the 1960s and later “anti-imperialism,” which frames the main problem Iranian working people face as imperialism rather than the clerical capitalist Islamic Republic. Indeed, he considers the Islamic Republic regime (which he identifies with Iran as the country) to be an anti-imperialist force facing off against United States imperialism and Israeli Zionism. Thus, he praises the Islamic Republic policy of forming what they call the Axis of Resistance.

Farah Mokhtareizadeh, in “Who Names the World? Anti-Imperialism and Iran's Political Prisoners,” correctly points out:

“Prashad’s argument becomes more difficult when he moves from geopolitical asymmetry to political timing. There is a time to make demands and a time to act in solidarity, he suggests, implying that certain demands upon the Iranian state should recede while imperial war continues. The difficulty is that prisoners live both dangers in the same present tense. An execution sentence does not pause for war, and a prison door does not unlock because the state holding the key confronts a greater external power. The question becomes not whether Iranian repression exists but whether Iranians must postpone naming or resisting that repression until some safer political moment arrives.”

She notes that the scissors analogy was used by Keyvan Mohtadi, a labor activist and former political prisoner, on June 24, 2025, the day after Israeli bombing of Evin Prison, about the political prisoners held inside, including his wife, the labor organizer Anisha Asadollahi.

Thus, Mokhtareizadeh shows how opposition to imperialist and Zionist war and freedom of political prisoners are intertwined and reinforcing. 

The false scissors analogy

At the same time, Mokhtareizadeh’s example shows that the scissors analogy betrays political confusion among a considerable section of the left regarding Iran since the 1979 revolution that overthrew the U.S.-installed dictatorship of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi.  There can be no doubt that the clerical capitalist Islamic Republic and imperialism oppress the Iranian working people. However, were they not oppressed by Mohammad Reza Shah’s dictatorial regime and imperialism before the 1979 Iranian revolution?  Of course they were, as the 1979 revolution was anti-dictatorial and anti-imperialist. The scissors analogy refers to the fact that the 1979 revolution overthrew the U.S.-installed regime of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, and because of the weakness of the working class and socialist movements, put the power in the hands of ayatollah Khomeini, who proceeded to create the Islamic Republic, which is independent of imperialism, by crushing grassroots movements of the working people unleashed by that revolution.

The 1979 Iranian revolution threatened the dominance of imperialism, Zionism, and reactionary Arab regimes in the Middle East. Contrary to the dominant view propagated by both the Islamic Republic and imperialism, the 1979 revolution was not an Islamic Revolution. It was an anti-dictatorial, anti-imperialist, national democratic revolution aspiring to democracy, freedom, and social justice.

However, the Iranian people who lived under dictatorship had no chance to discuss what kind of society, economy, or state they wished to create after they overthrew the Pahlavi dynasty.  The labor movement, especially oil workers, played a significant role in the revolution, but it was politically unprepared to lead the revolution. The left was largely influenced by Stalinism, the ideology that envisioned a national democratic movement led by an anti-imperialist leader. The Tudeh Party held the totalitarian Soviet Union as the Actually Existing Socialism, and pro-China Stalinists (Maoists) held a similar view of the revolution. What is more, Stalinism of the Iranian socialist currents trained them as an undemocratic force. Here is an example: right after the victorious insurrection of February 9-12, two groups of Iranian Trotskyists merged in the Socialist Workers Party.  They planned to hold their first public meeting at Tehran Polytechnic (now Amir Kabir University) in central Tehran. A group of Maoists, Communist Union اتحادیه کمونیست ها), physically attacked and disrupted the meeting. The reason was Stalinism. Both Moscow and Beijing continued Stalin’s campaign against Trotsky and Trotskyism until the Soviet Union collapsed and China became the world's leading capitalist power! Meanwhile, Iranian labor and socialist movements never made defending democratic and political rights their central concern. Thus, when Khomeini declared mandatory Islamic dress for women who were government employees, the protest in Tehran included a rally in front of Tehran University and a march to Azadi Square, which was attacked by semi-fascist Islamic gangs and drew only 20,000 mostly younger women (at the time, Tehran had 3 million people). The labor movement and many leftist groups did not mobilize to participate in or defend it.

Political Islam and the Axis of Resistance

Thus, the power people took by months of mass struggle and three days of armed insurrection across the country was handed over to Ayatollah Khomeini, who began to institutionalize the theocratic capitalist Islamic Republic. In the early 1970s, while in exile in Iraq, Khomeini wrote a pamphlet titled Velayat-e Faghih (the rule of Islamic Jurists). He argued that Muslims everywhere are ruled by non-Muslims and demanded the formation of an Islamic government ruled by Islamic Jurists. The 1979 revolution gave Khomeini that opportunity to establish it in Iran, which he was able to do by deceit and by bloody repression.

Of course, consolidating the Islamic Republic required destroying grassroots movements of working people, including the workers’ shora (council) movement resulting from the 1979 revolution, suppression of oppressed nationalities, systematic oppression of women, as well as any independent political party. Thus, the 1979 Iranian revolution was destroyed through bloody repression by the clerical capitalist Islamic Republic, not by imperialism! (Nayeri, 2025, Chapter One, Chapter Two, pp. 51-56).

However, Khomeini’s vision required expanding the Islamic Republic's power among Shiites in the Middle East. This led to the formation of the Axis of Resistance. This created a new form of confrontation with imperialism and Zionism over their domination of the Middle East and their decades-long struggle to overthrow the Islamic Republic. Prashad mistakes this trajectory for anti-imperialism and anti-Zionism.

Rejecting Dependency School politics

By now it must be clear that how to stop imperialist and Zionist attacks on Iran and at the same time fight for Iranian people’s political rights, especially through building a movement to free all political prisoners, requires theoretical certifications. The “anti-imperialist” framework reflects the dominance of Dependency School (DS) in the 1950s and 1960s, which waned in the 1970s.

In the post-World War II period, anticolonial revolution swept much of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. It raised questions about their development. The Dependency School (DS) refers to a group of different theories that shared the idea that the backwardness of the periphery of world capitalism was due to imperialism. Thus, those who subscribed to DS theories framed their political theories on “anti-imperialism.” At the same time, Latin American nationalist economists formulated the initial DS theories (Nayeri, 2023B, Chapter 3), two prominent socialist dependency theories emerged: Paul Baran's Political Economy of Growth (1957; for a critique see Nayeri, 2023B, Chapter pp. 82-118) and Arghiri Emmanuel’s Unequal Exchange: A Study of the Imperialism of Trade (1972, for a critique see Nayeri 2023B, Chapter 4).

However, DS theories did not jive with Marx's historical materialism, which focuses on modes of production and relations of production to understand society and history. Instead, both Baran and Emanuel focus on imperialism as an external force and the sphere of circulation to explain the periphery's economic backwardness.

By the late 1970s, the DS school began to decline as countries in the periphery of capitalism industrialized, beginning with South Korea and, by the new century, China, which is now outcompeting the United States as the leading world capitalist economy.

Thus, Parshad’s outdated, mistaken DS framework leads him to support the expansionist policies of the clerical capitalist Islamic Republic in the name of “anti-imperialism.”

From Marx’s point of view, capital is self-expanding value. Thus, capital will outgrow its geographical location, and each capitalist state would protect its capitalist interests outside its borders. That is sufficient to explain the economic basis of wars, including World War I and World War II.  In fact, Hilferding’s claim in Finance Capital (1910) that an era of finance capital (later called monopoly capital) and Marx’s labor theory of value, his theory of how the capitalist mode of production functions, is obsolete was based on his mistaking Marx’s theory of competition as being similar to the neoclassical theory of Perfect Competition (Nayeri, 2023B, pp. 11-45). Thus, Lenin’s Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism (1916), based largely on Hilferding’s work, is also mistaken. At any rate, in the same work Lenin identifies imperialism with the export of capital from advanced capitalist states to the periphery and views this as developing the forces of production there.  Thus, DS socialists have been wrong both in constructing their theories and in claiming they are Marxist.

Questions of program, strategy, and tactics

Still, many socialists would agree that the defense of the political prisoners in Iran must be put in the context of U.S. imperialism and Israeli Zionism to attack Iran.  This does not mean that defending democracy and freedom of political expression is subordinate to requirements of fighting imperialism and Zionism. In fact, I would argue in a moment that the two are intertwined and complementary. That is, the Islamic Republic has for almost half a century undermined effective struggle against imperialism and Zionism by attacking individual, democratic and political rights in Iran.

The authors of the Open Letter write: “The Iranian authorities must stop their inhumane practice of death and incarceration now. And the US and Israel must end their barbaric wars and brutal sanctions that knowingly devastate our communities.” This formulation in the Open Letter leaves out the “regime change” agenda of imperialism and Zionism untouched. Not only was regime change the stated goal of the U.S./Israeli war against Iran, but it is the active foreign policy of the Trump administration, as we saw in Venezuela and now see in Cuba. What Trump was able to achieve in Venezuela was what has been called “the shortest war in history”: Nicolas Maudura and his wife were abducted, and Delcy Rodríguez, his vice president, agreed to govern in accordance with Marco Rubio's instructions in Venezuela (Pager and Kurmanaev, July 11, 2026). Neither should we stand quiet when the U.S. and Israelis assassinate leaders of the Islamic

Republic.

The public and the left in the West have failed to actively oppose Israeli genocide in Gaza backed by the U.S. and European imperialist powers! Why would it be any different in the case of sanctions and war against Iran that have been unfolding since the 1979 revolution?

The key question the Open Letter raises is how can a massive enough anti-war movement be built to stop the U.S./Israeli war against Iran?  At the same time, how can an effective movement be built to stay the hands of the clerical capitalist Islamic Republic?

The answer to the first question depends on mass radicalization among working people and youth. No sign of it on the horizon, although nobody really knows how and when such radicalizations unfold.

The answer to the second question largely depends on the working people and socialist currents in Iran for the simple reason that the Islamic Republic continues to enjoy a mass base in Iran that has gone along with its repressive policies.

To overcome this obstacle, a principled anti-imperialist vision to uphold the sovereignty of the Iranian people is the necessary framework for advancing the goals of enhancing political space in Iran and freedom of political prisoners.  

Building a movement of the working people in Iran to challenge the Islamic Republic

The great masses who made the Iranian revolution of 1979 aspired to democracy, freedom, independence, and social justice. Ayatollah Khomeini destroyed grassroots movements that aspired to this vision to install the clerical capitalist Islamic Republic. We need to take up those aspirations and develop them to address the needs of Iran and the world in the twenty-first century.

Earlier I argued that the Islamic Republic is NOT anti-imperialist, that it opposes U.S. imperialism and Israeli Zionism from the narrow vision of Islamic fundamentalism.

As socialists, we need to oppose imperialism and Zionism because they are manifestations of capital as self-expanding value, thus, the capitalist mode of production, mixed with ideologically backward colonial notions. The United States imperialism is the expression of Manifest Destiny, and Zionism is the colonial-settler ideology of occupation and ethnic cleansing of Palestine.

Thus, to defend the sovereignty of the Iranian working people, socialists in Iran must oppose the U.S./Israeli war with a program of action of their own in sharp contrast to the current policies of the Islamic Republic. I would propose the following for discussion among Iranian working people.  A key lesson of the 1979 revolution was that people were united on what/who they did not want but not on what kind of society and economy they wanted and how it would be run.  

I propose the following as a conversation starter.

  • ·       Freedom of expression, freedom of the press, freedom of association, freedom of religion, especially for the oppressed nationalities, women, and defenders of nature. End all forms of oppression of women; for empowerment of women in all levels of society and the state. For individual freedom. For culture and art for everyone. 
  • ·       Freedom for working people to establish their own organizations, such as unions and shoras.  Jobs for all.  For minimum wages and salaries tied to inflation; for an affordable life consistent with human development for all. For an end to child labor. Free quality public education for all. 
  • ·       Freedom of all political prisoners. End all forms of torture and capital punishment now!
  • ·       No arbitrary arrests, presumption of innocence until proven guilty by a jury of one’s peers, and the right to due process. Dissolve the Islamic courts.
  •       Separation of religion and state; the right of the people to vote and to elect the representatives of their choice.
  • ·       The right to form committees of people's representatives that would be responsible to the people themselves and not to the state.
  • ·       The right to arm the people and organize a people's militia; dissolve all repressive armed forces of the Islamic Republic.
  • ·       The right of the mass organizations of the people to administer all the affairs of the towns and provinces.
  • ·       The right to liberation and voluntary cooperation of all the peoples and nationalities living in Iran. The right of self-determination of oppressed nationalities.
  • ·       The right of Iran to political and economic independence from imperialism.
  • ·       For workers’ control and management of all state industries and all enterprises that refuse to serve the interests of their workers and the working people in general.
  • ·       For a constituent assembly organized by the movements of working people to draft a new constitution. For a workers’ state. 
  •         For solidarity with oppressed people and nations; for a democratic secular Palestine where Palestinians and Jews and others live together as equals.  
  • ·       For the right to clean air and water. For the rights of nature to prosper without human exploitation. For an economy and society free of nuclear hazard and fossil fuels. For a green economy.  For a society at peace with itself and at peace with nature

The future Iranian revolution needs to be an ecological socialist revolution because of the existential world ecological crises: catastrophic global warming and climate change, the Sixth Extinction, recurrent pandemics, and nuclear holocaust. I propose Ecocentric Socialism as a vision to aspire to (Nayeri, 2023A, especially Chapter 19).

Building a movement to free all political prisoners in Iran

My experience in a successful campaign to free political prisoners in Iran dates to the 1970s, as in the Committee for Artistic and Intellectual Freedom in Iran (CAIFI). Formed in New York in 1973 to defend Reza Baraheni, the well-known Iranian author, poet, and literary critic of Azeri origin, and a founder of the Writers Association of Iran, who was arrested, tortured, and held in prison. CAIFI challenged the ultra-left sectarian view of the Confederation of Iranian Students (dominated by Maoists and nationalists), who did not believe political prisoners could be freed through mass work, and in some cases they did not even consider defending political prisoners they did not hold to be “revolutionaries.” CAIFI, by contrast, believed in defending all political prisoners regardless of ideology, selecting a few prominent political prisoners to draw public attention to the plight of all political prisoners and building the broadest possible coalition through democratic organizational methods. CAIFI won over the support of some prominent liberal and leftist Americans, including Kay Boyle, Daniel Ellsberg, Ramsey Clark, and Angela Davis, a former political prisoner and signer of the Open Letter, who supported CAIFI.  CAIFI gained momentum when, under international pressure, Baraheni was released, traveled to the U.S., and agreed to be a keynote speaker at CAIFI-sponsored events, attracting even more support for its campaigns.  In just a few years, CAIFI became the most successful defender of the Shah's political prisoners.  CAIFI's mission was finally accomplished when the February 1979 revolution freed all the Shah's political prisoners.

CAIFI was formed in the United States, the main supporter of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's dictatorship, where public opinion mattered. The Islamic Republic’s mass base is inside Iran. Thus, it is necessary to build a defense committee inside Iran, building on CAIFI and other successful defense efforts.

References:

Nayeri, Kamran. Whose Planet? Essays on Ecocentric Socialism. 2023. 

___________. Toward a Theory of Uneven and Combined Late Capitalist Development. 2023.

___________. Between Dreams and Reality: Essays on Revolution and Socialism. 2025.

Pager, Tyler and Anatoly Kurmanaev. “How Marco Rubio Is Running Venezuela From Afar.” The New York Times, July 11, 2026.