3610. Women, Life, Liberty: A Protest Promising a Revolution to End All Oppression and Exploitation

By Kamran Nayeri, October 20, 2022

A protester holds a portrait of Mahsa Amini during a demonstration in support
 of Mahsa Aminiin Tehran on September 22. Photo by Ozan KOS /AFP) 

The song Baraye (For) composed by the singer Shervin Hajipour has been described as "the anthem" of the "Women, Life, Liberty" protests in Iran. Hajipour wrote the lyrics using a collection of tweets by the protesters. Shortly after the release of Baraye, he was arrested. However, he has been released on bail.  As such, the lyrics offer a random sample of what motivates some of the protesters. To keep the authenticity of these, the following is my literal English translation of the lyric, which sacrifices it musical and poetic forms.

Baraye (For)

For the sake of dancing in the street

For the fear felt in the moment of kissing

For my sister, your sister, our sisters

For changing the rotten minds

For shame, for pennilessness

For the yearning for an ordinary life

For the sake of the children that mine the garbage and their dreams

For this government-run economy 

For this polluted air 

For Vali-Asr street and its dying trees

For Piruz, the cheetah cub and his imminent extinction

For the banned innocent dogs

For nonstop weeping

For imagining the repeat of this moment

For a laughing face

For the students, for the future

For this compulsory paradise 

For the imprisonment of educated intellects

For the Afghani children

For all these never repeated fors

For all the hollow slogans 

For the collapse of the chaffy houses 

For tranquillity

For the sun after the endless night

For tranquilizers and insomnia

For men, country, prosperity

For that girl who wished to be a boy

For women, life, liberty

For liberty

The protests

The death of Mahsa Amini, the 22-year-old Kurdish-Iranian woman in the custody of the Islamic Republic morality police in Tehran on September 16, 2022, has ignited ongoing protests. With a population of 86.3 million and a median age of 32, street protests have been mainly organized and attended by young people, including many young women. Some college campuses and high school students have joined, especially women and girls. Women's protests have included the symbolic removal of the 42-year-old compulsory headscarves. Some women have burned their headscarves, and some, in a symbolic act, have cut pieces of their hair in public protests. There has been growing mass support for the protests, including a growing number of solidarity labor strikes including in the oil and gas, petrochemical, and steel industries. The Islamic Republic has been losing support even among the religious sectors of society, as was in full display in the  October 13 security forces attack on Shahed High School in Ardabil, Azerbaijan. The school is part of the network run by the Shaheed (Martyr) Foundation. These schools are dedicated to the students who are typically children of those who died or were critically wounded in the Iran -Iraq war. Video recordings of the students' protest show them wearing the full black chador typical of practicing Muslim women. Officials had tried to force the students to sing in a pro-government show, "Salam Farmandeh," a pledge of allegiance to the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei. Instead, a group of students chanted, "Death to the Dictator!" Nineteen students were arrested, and ten were injured. One student was killed.

Energized by the protests in Iran, solidarity rallies and marches have been organized in many cities worldwide by expatriate Iranians. The protests in Iran have also won the solidarity of many non-Iranians worldwide, especially women. Very creative solidarity art and music developed in Iran and elsewhere have been posted and shared on social media.

The Islamic Republic does not seem to be able to stop the protests, and the young protesters promise not to return to passivity. It is a matter of time before broader layers of Iranians take to the streets. When millions mobilize in the streets, and a mass general strike happens, especially in critical industries like oil and gas, the days of the theocratic capitalist rule in Iran are numbered. The strategic question is: what will replace it? 

The current protests reject the Islamic Republic regime in its totality. Some commentators see the present demonstrations in continuity with earlier ones going back to the Green Movement in 2009. However, the Green Movement gave political support to two presidential candidates, Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, of the reformist wing of the Islamic Republic. 

Other commentators have called these protests a revolution. That is an overstatement. It is true that a fast-growing section of the population is being mobilized to support these young fighters, including an unfolding wave of solidarity labor strikes. However, there has not been any mass street protests to challenge the regime and a  nationwide general strike, not to mention publicly organized grassroots movements of the crucial sectors of the population. Street protests in Tehran have been limited to after-business hours as daily life seems to go on.  

The 1979 revolution

While every revolution is unique, it is helpful to consider the 1979 revolution when Iran had a population of 36 million (for a political summary of the lessons of the 1979 revolution, see Nayeri and Nassab 2006). A convenient way to mark the beginning of the revolution is the February 1978 demonstration of a few hundred thousand in Tabriz, Azerbaijan. It was then followed with some regularity mass demonstrations in other cities. By the summer of 1978, these were supported by a general strike of workers, including government office employees.  Workplace strike committees were formed. On December 10 and 11, 1978, under martial law conditions, as many as 17 million Iranians took to the streets in many cities, including the most populous, as the oil workers staged a general strike. In neighborhoods, local committees were formed to distribute heating and cooking fuel that oil workers made sure to get to the public but denied to the government.

In combination, these divided the conscript ranks of the Shah’s army and demoralized its officers rendering martial law ineffective. The Shah was forced to flee the country on January 16 after setting up a caretaker cabinet with Shahpour Bakhtiar, a nationalist, as its prime minister. The February 1979 insurrection was the final blow to the American-installed and supported dictatorship of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi regime as the youth and sections of the army resisted an attempted military coup by the high brass.  In three days, insurrections destroyed all repressive organs of the Shah’s regime across the country, beginning in Tehran on February 11.   

 

It is helpful to recall the fatal weaknesses of the 1979 revolution. The central slogan of "Death to the Shah" united Iranians of all political persuasions against the regime. However, there was little discussion among the revolutionary masses and even in the socialist and labor movement about what kind of society we wanted to build after the overthrow of the Shah’s regime. 

Although the 1979 revolution provided us with a surprisingly rich set of self-organization and self-mobilization of workers, oppressed nationalities, peasants, neighborhoods, and students, the idea of the bottom-up direct democracy as a form of government that would act on the immediate and long-term needs of the working people did not get much attention. 

Instead, the masses rallied around existing opposition forces. The charismatic Ayatollah Khomeini, with a history of opposition to the Shah's regime and the support of a network of clergy and mosques, became the acknowledged leader of the revolution. As the left was heavily influenced by the Stalinist ideology of the two-stage revolution, it did precious little to dispel the illusion in Khomeini and offer an alternative. Instead, the main Stalinist current, Tudeh Party, with the most experience and infrastructure, actually spread this illusion. Thus, most of the left identified Ayatollah Khomeini as the representative of the "national bourgeoisie," who they argued should lead the anti-imperialist bourgeois-democratic revolution. In the interest of "unity", even the non-Stalinist left ignored that Khomeini opposed the Shah from a reactionary position: his opposition to the extension of the right to vote to women and land reform.  His “anti-imperialism” was because of his pan-Shiism, not the international solidarity of the working people and anti-capitalism. Thus, the principle of self-organization and self-mobilization of the working people was undermined by the left as even the non-Stalinist currents still believed that the future of the revolution would depend on their vanguard party to lead the masses, ignoring the creative potential of self-organized and self-mobilized shoras movement (which undoubtedly had weaknesses). Even leftist currents that aimed to be independent of the Islamic Republic substituted themselves for the actual mass movement. Some turned to "armed struggle" against the regime despite mass illusion in Khomeini. Today, we must acknowledge these errors and make the lessons of 1979 a basis for our work to develop a politically independent and self-reliant mass movement of the youth and working people. 

There is also a key difference today compared to 1979.  In the past four decades, the world has become aware of existential ecological crises: catastrophic clime change, the Sixth Extinction, recurrent pandemics, and the nuclear holocaust. Regionally, there would be an unfolding crisis of freshwater scarcity as governments compete to make clouds rain in “their country” by seeding them, a questionable technology. Within 20 years, freshwater would be rationed in Iran. Dust storms, air pollution, and over-populated heated cities are now a norm in Iran. Much of the Middle East, including large sections of southern Iran, will become uninhabitable (Alaaldin, 2022). The future of the Iranian people depends on rapid response and effective responses to these ecological crises.  As we know from 50 years of no action by the capitalist world governments, especially in key polluting countries including Iran.

It is also imperative to critically review the history of the world revolution, beginning with the Russian revolution. (Nayeri, 2022)

Women, Life, Liberty

The slogan “Women, Life, Liberty” offers the political maturity of the current movement compared to the 1979 revolution. Not only it places the oppression of women in Iran front and center, but it also provides a framework to think about the kind of society we need to build after overcoming the current regime.  When Ayatollah Khomeini declared on March 7, 1979, less than a month after the overthrow of the Shah's regime and the day before International Women’s day on March 8, that women should wear hijab to enter government offices, it provoked thousands of women and many men to protest for three days. After a planned rally in front of Tehran University, a majority decided to march to Freedom Square. Some, mostly men, quickly created a defensive chain around the marchers as the newly organized Hezbollah goons attacked the marchers with sticks, chains, and knives.  Despite a heroic effort by the marchers to proceed to the end, the crowd was dispersed well before reaching Azadi Square. There were also protest rallies of a similar size, one at the prime minister's office. But the millions who overthrew the Shah’s regime did not join us in the street to protest the beginning of what came to be compulsory hijab in Iran.  What is worse, just three weeks later, on 30 and 31 March, 98.2% of eligible citizens, according to official results, voted for the Islamic Republic.  There was no mass protest against the undemocratic referendum, which posed an artificially polar choice: the Islamic Republic or monarchy.  Nobody knew what the Islamic Republic was supposed to look like, as its constitution was drafted by an Assembly of Experts in Islamic jurisprudence between August 3 and October 4 when it was approved. 

The central slogan of the current protest has its origin in the Kurdish women's movement in the Middle East in the 2000s as ژن، ژیان، ئازادی  (pronounced Jin, Jiyan, Azadî; Women, Life, Liberty). It was adopted in the Iranian Kurdistan in response to Mahsa Amini's death and was quickly adopted in its Farsi translation (زن زندگی ٱزادی, pronounced “Zan, Zendegi, Azadi”) nationwide.  It has been also translated into other languages and chanted worldwide. The theoretical framework is Abdullah Öcalan's concept of Jineology, a form of radical feminism, to achieve gender equality in a future independent democratic Kurdistan.  

Born in 1949, Öcalan is a founding member of Turkey's Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). He has been a political prisoner there since 1999. In prison, Öcalan shed his Stalinist ideology in prison after studying social theorists, including Murray Bookchin, Immanuel Wallerstein, and Hannah Arendt. By 2004, he advocated a "democratic con-federalism” for an independent Kurdistan based on a system of municipal assemblies fashioned after Bookchin's The Ecology of Freedom: the emergence and dissolution of hierarchy (1982). 

Critical of the Marxist mode of the production-centered theory of history, Bookchin proposed a more nuanced social analysis: 

"My use of the word hierarchy in the subtitle of this work is meant to be provocative. There is a strong theoretical need to contrast hierarchy with the more widespread use of the words class and State; careless use of these terms can produce a dangerous simplification of social reality. To use the words hierarchy, class, and State interchangeably, as many social theorists do, is insidious and obscurantist. This practice, in the name of a "classless" or "libertarian" society, could easily conceal the existence of hierarchical relationships and a hierarchical sensibility, both of which – even in the absence of economic exploitation or political coercion – would serve to perpetuate unfreedom." (Bookchin 1982, p. 3)

Jineology

Öcalan describes jineology as follows:

"The extent to which society can be thoroughly transformed is determined by the extent of the transformation attained by women. Similarly, the level of woman's freedom and equality determines the freedom and equality of all sections of society. . . . For a democratic nation, woman's freedom is of great importance too, as a liberated woman constitutes a liberated society. A liberated society, in turn, constitutes a democratic nation. Moreover, the need to reverse the role of man is of revolutionary importance." (cited in Düzgün, 2016)

During the Syrian civil war, The Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES), also known as Rojava, was established in 2012. Its supporters state that it is a secular polity organized with direct democracy relying on jineology, anarchism, and libertarian socialist ideology. Thus, the idea of the centrality of women's liberation in human emancipation has been welcome in the century-old Kurdish struggle for self-determination in the Middle East.  

The Russian socialist revolution

Historically, the Marxist class struggle view of politics has been compromised by class-collaborationist Social Democracy and Stalinism.  There are two exceptions, the Russian socialist revolution of 1917 and the Cuban revolution of 1959.  I will briefly discuss their contributions to the historical task of women's liberation. 

The February 1917 revolution that toppled the Tsarist autocracy and culminated in the October 1917 socialist revolution was initiated by women workers striking against the privations of World War I on International Working Women's Day. The provisional government that took power after February 1917 made Russia the first major country to give women the right to vote. The Bolshevik Party that helped lead the socialist revolution included prominent women leaders like Inessa Armand (1874-1920), Alexandra Kollontai (1872-1952), Nadezhda Krupskaya (1869-1939), and Aleksandra Artyukhina (1889–1969). Among the first decrees of the Bolshevik government were measures aimed at guaranteeing equality of the sexes and abolishing the centuries-old enslavement of women to their husbands and fathers. 

In October 1918, Soviet Russia liberalized divorce and abortion laws, decriminalized homosexuality, permitted cohabitation, and ushered in many reforms that made women more equal to men before the law (Goldman, 1993). In 1919, the Communist Party program included the following to advance women's rights, 

"The task of the party at the present moment is mainly to carry on ideological and educational work for the purpose of finally stamping out all traces of the former inequality and prejudices, especially among the backward strata of the proletariat and the peasantry. Not satisfied with the formal equality of women, the party strives to free women from the material burden of the obsolete domestic economy by replacing this with the house-communes, public dining halls, central laundries, nurseries, etc. (The Communist Party, 1919)

These and many other gains of the working people were lost as the revolution degenerated and the counter-revolutionary Stalinist bureaucratic caste came to power in the 1920s. 

The Russian revolution led by the Bolshevik Party was unique. Except for Cuba, all other revolutions whose leaders claimed to pursue socialism were led by Stalinist parties that did not support women's rights and even suppressed political, democratic, and personal freedoms.  

The Cuban revolution

The Cuban revolution of 1959 was led by the July 26 Movement, a revolutionary current seeking political independence for Cuba and supporting the Cuban working people based on Latin American revolutionary nationalist heritage (Castro Ruz, 1953).  Women played a significant role in it, at least 10% of the Rebel Army fighters were women, and some held leadership positions. (Klouzal, 2008, p. 97) Several women were involved in the assault on the Moncada Barracks on July 26, 1953, which initiated the uprising against the U.S.-backed Batista dictatorship. It also helped found the July 26 Movement. These women included Haydée Santamaría(1923 – 1980), Vilma Espín (1930– 2007), Melba Hernández (1921 – 2014), and Celia Sánchez (1920-1980), who were leaders of the revolution. In a speech in Havana after the revolution's victory, Fidel Castro proclaimed: "When a people have men who fight and women who can fight, that people are invincible." (Murray, 1979)

Before the 1959 revolution, women's social role in Cuba was defied by the patriarchal notions of domesticity, and they had minimal access to educational or professional opportunities. The 1959 revolution provided women with free access to education and professional career opportunities. Universal education, health care, access to child care centers, and the right to safe abortion on demand have worked in combination for Cuban women to live fuller lives. 

Unlike the Bolsheviks, however, the July 26 Movement was not trained in socialist theory and history. The Cuban leadership has not encouraged self-organization and self-mobilization of the working people, including women. The Federation of Cuban Women (FMC) was established in 1960 with Vilma Espín as its president and has been closely tied to the Communist Party established in 1965 and the government. Thus, the Cuban leadership has proved insensitive to some non-class forms of hierarchy and oppression. 

In the 1960s and 1970s, many homosexuals in Cuba were fired, imprisoned, or sent to "re-education camps" (Arguelles & Rich, 1984; Cuba-Solidarity.org.uk, no date). It took a fight by lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) Cubans and their supporters to correct this homophobic policy of the Cuban government rooted. In 2010, the eighty-four-year-old Fidel Castro took some responsibility for these policies (BBC News, 2010). Mariela Castro Espín (born 1962), the director of the Cuban National Center for Sex Education in Havana, the National Commission for Comprehensive Attention to Transsexual People, and an activist for LGBT rights in Cuba, played an important role in helping their mobilization and in public education. 

On September 25, 2022, in a referendum, Cubans overwhelmingly voted in favor of a family law legalizing same-sex marriage and same-sex adoption. The new law also promotes equal sharing of domestic rights and responsibilities between men and women. (Aljazeera, September 26, 2022)

The revolution to end all forms of oppression and exploitation

It is a common mistake among socialists that Marx's concept of socialism is to end the exploitation of the working class. Marx's lifetime commitment to the working class was because he viewed it as the universal class, the social agency to emancipate humanity as it liberates itself from the system of wage slavery. Marx's preoccupation has always been human emancipation, emancipation from alienation from nature, and social alienation. 

Historically and theoretically, alienation precedes exploitation because to exploit something or someone, it must be first alienated. In his The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State (1884), Engels explains how these three particular forms of alienation emerged in civilization. However, given the state of knowledge at the time, Engels did not and could not discuss the transition from hunter-gatherers to early farmers that replaced ecocentrism of the former with anthropocentrism of the latter as a manifestation of alienation from nature which laid the groundwork for the development of social differentiation and forms of social alienation, including private property, patriarchy, and the State. 

Bookchin’s broadening of the analytical attention from the Marxian focus on classes and modes of production to various forms of hierarchy brings into focus non-class forms of alienation, oppression, and exploitation.  

Nonetheless, both Marxian and anarchist theories remained anthropocentric in their design as they focused on pathological social relations. Invariably, they abstract from the natural world of which humanity is a part and, without it, cannot exist. Human emancipation, including women's liberation, cannot be attained unless alienation from nature is also overcome. Human emancipation, including women’s liberation, will require de-alienation from nature by a return to ecocentrism while shedding all traces of anthropocentrism (Nayeri, 2021; 2013). Instead of the Marxian and anarchist theories focusing on social relations, it is necessary to consider the matrix of ecological social relations historically and trans-historically. For 2.5 million years, our ancestors lived as hunter-gatherers with an ecocentric worldview. They saw themselves as inseparable from the rest of nature and considered other species as kin and persons. With the rise of farming about 10,000 years ago, which required systematic domestication of plants and animals and domination and control over nature, a new worldview, anthropocentrism, emerged and systematically replaced ecocentrism.  Social alienation, as reflected in social stratification, followed when early farmers turned a sustained economic surplus. The “Women, Life, Liberty” protests require ridding society of anthropocentrism. Thus, women’s liberation, which is correctly seen as vital for a good society in Öcalan’s account itself, will require transcending the anthropocentric industrial capitalist civilization in the direction of Ecocentric Socialism. 

Ecocentric Socialism is based on animistic ecological materialism (for comparison with Marx’s and Engels’s historical materialism, see Nayeri, 2021, Table 1). It views the question of agency as the interrelationship of animate and inanimate beings in an ecosystem. Everything in nature, including human society, has agency only in its interconnection and interaction with all others. Everything has an intrinsic value. This view rejects all hierarchies in nature and in society. If liberty and the pursuit of happiness are humanity’s rights, they must also be extended to all others in nature. Thus, human emancipation, women’s liberation, and animal liberation are co-equal and are necessary for each other. No human society will ever be free unless all forms of systematic domination, control, and management of nature are eradicated.  

Ecocentric Socialism proposes, among others (Nayeri, 2021, Section 4), four planks: unconditional love for nature and Mother Earth, dismantling all power relations in society and in its relationship with the rest of nature, voluntary simplicity, and a culture of being and loving.  "Women, Life, Liberty," if understood as in Shervin Hajipour's lyrics based on a random set of protesters’ tweets, suggests an ongoing consideration among the youthful protesters of the same themes. They oppose a society with an authoritarian government saddled with corruption, national chauvinism, poverty, ongoing social repression and stress, homophobia, feral and outcast dogs and cats, and species extinction. They celebrate sisterhood, love, individual and sexual freedom, human rights, and solidarity with Afghan immigrants. In this spirit, the movement should also repudiate all forms of brutality, including against those who have brutalized the people of Iran for 43 years. We must live and act with the values we want to see in the society we want to build as we try to overcome the theocratic anthropocentric capitalist Islamic Republic. 

In their power of imagination, courage, self-sacrifice, and defiance, I rest my trust and hope for a revolution to end all oppression and exploitation.

References:

Alaaldin, Ranj. “Climate change may devastate the Middle East. Here’s how governments should tackle it.” March 14,2022. 

Aljazeera. "Cuba Overwhelmingly Approves Same-Sex Marriage in Referendum." September 26, 2022. 

Arguelles, Lourdes, and B. Ruby Rich. "Homosexuality, Homophobia, and Revolution: Notes toward an understanding of the Cuban Lesbian and Gay Male Experience, Part I." 1984. 

BBC. "Fidel Castro Takes Blame for Persecution of Cuban Gays." August 31, 2010. 

Bookchin, Murray. The Ecology of Freedom: the emergence and dissolution of hierarchy. 1982.

Castro Ruz, Fidel. History Will Absolve Me. 1953. 

Cuba-Solidarity.org.uk. "Gay and Lesbian Rights in Cuba." No date. 

Düzgün, Mera L. "Jineology: The Kurdish Women's Movement." Journal of Middle East Women's Studies. July 2016. 

Engels, Frederick. The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State. 1884. 

Goldman, Wendy Z. Women, the State, and Revolution: Soviet Family Policy and Social Life, 1917-1936. Cambridge University Press. 1993.

Klouzal, Linda. Women and Rebel Communities in the Cuban Insurgent Movement, 1952–1959. 2008. p. 97.

Murray, Nicola. "Socialism and Feminism: Women and the Cuban Revolution, Part I". Feminist Review (2): 57–73. 1979. 

Ocalan, Abdullah. "Democratic Modernity: Era of Woman's Revolution." In Liberating Life: Woman's Revolution. Neuss: International Initiative Edition with Mesopotamian Publishers. 2013.

The Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Political Program, 1919. 

Murray, Nicola. "Socialism and Feminism: Women and the Cuban Revolution, Part I". Feminist Review (2): 57–73. 1979.

Klouzal, Linda. Women and Rebel Communities in the Cuban Insurgent Movement, 1952–1959. 2008. p. 97. 

Nayeri, Kamran, and Alireza Nassab. “The Rise and Fall of the 1979 Iranian Revolution: Its Lessons for Today.” 2006.

————————-. "Economics, Socialism, and Ecology: A Critical Outline, Part 2," 2013

-------------------."The Case for Ecocentric Socialism." 2021. 

————————-. “Socialism in the 21st Century: Why It Is Needed and Some of Its Salient Features." 2022. 

Peña, Susana. ""Obvious Gays" and the State Gaze: Cuban Gay Visibility and U.S. Immigration Policy during the 1980 Mariel Boatlift." Journal of the History of Sexuality, Volume 16, Number 3, July 2007, pp. 482–514.

3609. H. Chandler Davis Was a Lifelong Radical and a Moral Touchstone for the Left

By Alan Wald, Jacobin, October 6, 2022

Chandler Davis

Chan Davis, who died last month at the age of 96, faced down McCarthyite blacklists and imprisonment to pursue a brilliant academic career. Davis knew how to change and learn from political experience, but he always remained loyal to his socialist principles.C

Chandler Davis (born Horace Chandler Davis and called “Chan” by his friends) was an internationally esteemed mathematician, a minor science fiction writer of note, and among the most celebrated political prisoners in the United States during the years of the high Cold War.

Dismissed from the University of Michigan (U-M) in 1954 for refusing to cooperate with the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) on First Amendment grounds, he served six months in Danbury Federal Correctional Institution in Connecticut, then faced an academic blacklist that drove him to pursue a career in Canada.

The death of this endlessly resilient, lifelong radical at the age of ninety-six on September 24 in Toronto seems like the passing of an emissary from a world of the socialist Left that no longer exists. Despite errors of political judgment, which Chan was the first to acknowledge, he was for many of us a moral touchstone in our own decades of political upheaval and unpredictability.

A Red Diaper Baby

Chan came from a Communist family. His parents had joined the Party in the early 1930s and he happily enlisted in its youth group, Young Pioneers of America, while in elementary school. His father, Horace Bancroft Davis (always called “Hockey”), a descendant of Boston abolitionists and feminists, was a labor journalist and steelworker in the 1920s, completing a doctorate on the steel industry at Columbia University in 1934. His mother, born Marian Rubins, also did graduate work at Columbia.

Hockey Davis is best known today for his books published with Monthly Review — Nationalism and Socialism (1967), The National Question: Selected Writings by Rosa Luxemburg (1976), and Toward a Marxist Theory of Nationalism (1978) — but he taught at many colleges and universities from which he was regularly dismissed for his radical politics. Both he and Marian spent the last years of their careers teaching at historically black colleges in the South. After Marian’s death from breast cancer in 1960, the Davis-Putter Scholarship Fund was established for students working for social change. In 1971, autobiographical memoirs of Chan’s parents were published jointly as Liberalism is not Enough.

Chan, born in Ithaca, thus had a peripatetic childhood, including a year in Brazil. At the age of sixteen, in 1942, Chan was awarded the prestigious Harvard National Scholarship and entered Harvard College as an undergraduate. Throwing himself into a milieu of diverse radicals, he also began attending meetings of the Astounding Science-Fiction Fanclub. Immediately he gravitated toward a circle known as “the Futurians,” originally a Marxist tendency that evolved in the late 1930s in New York and included pro-Communists John Michel, Frederik Pohl, Isaac Asimov, and Donald Wollheim, and later the Trotskyist Judith Merril (born Judith Grossman).

In 1943, Chan joined the US Communist Party (CPUSA) but soon withdrew (in accordance with Party policy) to participate in a Navy officers’ training program. Nevertheless, he managed to graduate from Harvard in three years. In the spring of 1945, he received a commission at a Naval Reserve Midshipman’s School, and then served on a minesweeper in Florida.

In 1946, he entered the Harvard Graduate School Department of Mathematics and published his first story in the May issue of Astounding Science Fiction, “The Nightmare.” Featured on the cover, which depicted the Statue of Liberty being decimated by an atomic bomb, it was the first known fictional narrative to deal with the subject of nuclear terrorism. Two years later, another piece in Astounding Science Fiction, “Letter to Ellen,” addressed genetic engineering. This was followed by another ten stories and a number of essays.

Rejoining the CPUSA in 1946 as well, Chan found that he was under discipline to keep his membership secret as he was not seen as sufficiently orthodox to be a public representative. As a campus activist, Chan joined the Federation of American Scientists, founded by former members of the Manhattan Project who favored international control and peaceful use of atomic energy.

He also became active in the efforts of the Progressive Party, formed to support the 1948 presidential campaign of Henry Wallace. It was at a meeting of Young Progressives that he encountered a politically like-minded Smith College senior named Natalie Zemon, a student of early modern history. Within a few weeks, they decided to get married. The following year, she enrolled in graduate school at Radcliffe College, which enabled her to take courses at Harvard.

Going on the job market in 1950, Chan received an offer from University of California Los Angeles but drew back when he learned of the California Loyalty Oath requiring university employees to sign a pledge that they were not members of the CPUSA. With that in mind, he chose to accept a position as an instructor at U-M, a rank that could eventually lead to a tenured position. He and Natalie moved to Ann Arbor, where she continued her graduate studies. Chan remained a member of the CPUSA for the first years of his academic career.

Facing HUAC

By 1953, however, both he and his father had begun to have doubts about what was happening in the Soviet Union. They were aware of political repression under Joseph Stalin, although without knowing the actual extent of it, and felt they were not getting accurate reports from Party leaders. They also doubted the CPUSA’s political efficacy in the United States, and both quietly dropped their membership.

In Chan’s case, he separated from the CPUSA not by means of a formal resignation but by failing to resume contact with the Party after taking a leave. Some months later, in the fall of 1953, he received a subpoena to appear before HUAC.

The McCarthy-era events at U-M have by now received detailed study in books such as Ellen Schrecker’s No Ivory Tower: McCarthyism and the Universities (1986) and more recently in an excellent unpublished study by Steve Batterson at Emory University, “The Un-American Treatment of a Red Mathematician.” This makes for lengthy and convoluted reading because of the maneuvers of President Harlan Hatcher and several faculty administrators, not to mention the many legal issues raised by the various appeal processes. But the gist is that a year later, in 1954, Davis became one of three faculty members suspended from the U-M after refusing to cooperate with the HUAC hearings that were held in Lansing.

Originally some fifteen faculty had been targeted by HUAC, but an agreement was reached between the FBI and Hatcher to focus on five who had the clearest connection to the CPUSA. One of these, future Nobel Prize winner Lawrence Klein, became a cooperative witness, although he was eventually driven out of U-M by an antisemitic senior member of the economics department. Another, Nate Coburn, was excused from the hearings due to serious illness. That left Davis, biologist Clement Markert (who had fought for the Republican side in Spain), and pharmacologist Mark Nickerson (the only one who was already tenured).

As a result of their uncooperative behavior in Lansing, the three were required to answer questions about their personal political views before U-M faculty committees. In this instance, only Davis refused to respond to interrogations about his own political history, and afterward he and Nickerson (seen as an antiauthoritarian troublemaker by the leadership of his department) were summarily fired with Hatcher’s agreement and denied severance pay.

In Nickerson’s case, the U-M faculty Senate opposed the firings, but the Medical School would not back him. In the case of Davis, his department and the College of Liberal Arts supported his reinstatement, but the Faculty Senate opposed it. Markert, endorsed by everyone, was reinstated, but felt his chances for tenure had been compromised, so he accepted a new position at Johns Hopkins University.

Even worse for Davis was the fact that Davis alone had pleaded the First Amendment (freedom of speech) in the Lansing hearings, rather than the more common Fifth Amendment (the right not to incriminate oneself). He expected to be judged to be in contempt of Congress and then planned to fight the case all the way to the Supreme Court, where he hoped to win a victory ending the persecution of Communists.

Instead, he lost all appeals and was sentenced to a six-month prison sentence in 1960. While incarcerated in Danbury, Connecticut, Chan authored an academic paper that had an acknowledgement reading as follows: “Research supported in part by the Federal Prison System. Opinions expressed in this paper are the author’s and are not necessarily those of the Bureau of Prisons.”

In Exile

Blacklisted from teaching in the United States, in 1962 Chan and Natalie relocated to the University of Toronto where they launched highly successful careers. Chan specialized in the fields of algebra and operator theory (a branch of functional analysis). Three mathematical theorems are named in his honor, and he became vice president of the American Mathematical Society, distinguished editor of Linear Algebra and Its Applications, and editor-in-chief of the Mathematical Intelligencer.

Natalie became the author of numerous books, most famously The Return of Martin Guerre (1983). She taught for sixteen years at Princeton University, served as president of the American Historical Association, and received the Holberg International Memorial Prize and the National Humanities Medal.

Throughout his Canadian decades, Chan remained on the far left, although his illusions about the Soviet Union finally dissolved with the 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia. He was an ardent activist against the US war in Vietnam and traveled to North Vietnam in 1971 with other mathematicians such as the former Trotskyist Laurent Schwartz. In recent years, he was on the front lines in defense of Palestinian rights and against the apartheid of the Israeli state. From his hospital bed this past July, he spoke in support of Azat Miftakhov, a mathematician being held as a political prisoner in Russia.

In private conversation, Chan lamented his naiveté about the Communist movement but not his activism. He did, however, regret his military service due to his horror at what he learned afterward about the saturation bombings and use of nuclear weapons. In 1990, reflecting on his CPUSA years, he wrote me that “I decided some time in the 70s that what I really ought to have been is a Shachtmanite . . . .” Afterward, he no longer identified himself as a “Marxist-Leninist” but told biographer Batterson that he was a “red-green eco-socialist.”

Although his science fiction writing stopped after the 1950s, his stories continued to be reprinted. In 1986, he issued a volume of poetry, Having Come This Far, and, in 2010, a selection of prose edited by Josh Lukin, It Walks in Beauty. Several political essays of his have received wide notice, including “From an Exile” in The New Professors (1960), and “The Purge” in A Century of Mathematics in America (1989).

In 1990, following a revival of interest in the case of Davis and others who has been suspended (Markert and Nickerson were also still alive), the Senate Advisory Committee of U-M sought to convince the U-M Regents to make amends in some fashion. When this failed, an annual “Davis-Markert-Nickerson Lecture on Academic and Intellectual Freedom” was established and has been held every year since then. Even after he became the only survivor of the three, Chan continued to return to U-M for all the lectures, always participating in one fashion or another, going on stage and performing like a trooper.

Survived by Natalie and their three children, Chan was a person of great vitality and charm, large-hearted, affectionate, gifted with sharp political insight, and even a well-developed sense of the ridiculous. An even-tempered and relentless optimist, he spoke with unusual clarity and vigor, and unpretentious erudition. Moreover, he had mastered enormous aggregates of knowledge, had expansive horizons, a more retentive memory than a herd of elephants, and a wonderful imagination to boot.

Yes, he could be a bit contrarian: during the thirty years of our friendship, every time I sent him an essay that I had written he found something with which to disagree. Still, in his unfailing solidarity with social movements old and new, he established a new gold standard. Even as he sloughed off worn-out political skin over the years, he remained faithful to the bone of his convictions. To his last days he walked the walk. In the cause of social transformation, Chan Davis was one who had enlisted for the duration.

 

3608. The Revolutionary "Zhina/Mahsa" Movement in Iran

Editor's note: On 16 September 2022, a 22-year old Iranian Kurdish woman, Mahsa (Zhina) Amini, died while in custody of the Islamic Republic "morality police" for alleged wearing  "improper hijab."  Since then Iran has been rocked by ongoing protests in which the youth, especially young women, have played a central role. The central slogan of this movement is "Women, Life, Liberty."  This movement has won the support of of many, especially women, across the world. To my knowledge this the first time that a mass protest potentially leading to a revolutionary situation has centered on women liberation anywhere in the world. OPITW is republishing this article which is in Farsi from Naghd, a socialist online magazine in Iran.  If an English translation is made available, it will also get republished here.  KN

جنبش انقلابی ژینا/مهسا

خودسازمان‌دهی، رهبری از پایین و هم‌گرایی چندراستایی 

نسخه‌ی چاپی (پی دی اف)

نوشته‌ی: ناصر پیشرو 

جنبش انقلابی ژینا/مهسا که طی چند روز سراسر جامعه‌ی ایران را فراگرفته و جمهوری اسلامی را آماج قرار داده به سمت فرایند‌های یک انقلاب در حرکت است. اگرچه هنوز در فاز‌های نخستین این فرآیند هستیم و گذار به مراحل دیگری همانند اعتصاب عمومی و حضور جنبش طبقاتی کارگران در متن آن و ایجاد شکاف‌های عمیق در ساختار قدرت به صورتی که «حکومت‌کنندگان دیگر نتوانند» سرکوب کنند نیاز است. در این میانه همچنین سناریوهای دیگری همانند سازش و یا مصادره‌ی جنبش از بالا برای ایجاد بدیل ارتجاعی دیگری نیز امکان‌پذیر است. اما آن‌چه که از هم‌اکنون روشن است بازگشت به شرایط پیشین برای جمهوری اسلامی امکان‌پذیر نیست.

سوژه‌ی جنبش همانند همه‌ی جنبش‌های انقلابی مردم عادی و در مرکز آن نسل جوان و زنان پرشوری هستند که به خیابان‌ها آمده به جسورانه‌ترین اشکال ممکن ساختار حکومتی را آماج قرار داده‌اند. آتش زدن نمادهای حجاب اجباری که از مرزهای ایدئولوژیک نظام حاکم است، طرح شعارهای آزادی‌خواهانه، جسارت و ازخودگذشتگی در مقابل دستگاه نظم و سرکوب، نشانه‌های شرایطی است که به سمت زیر و رو شدن نظم حاکم حرکت می‌کند. هر فرآیند انقلابی اما باید در متن شرایط زمینه‌سازِ بروز آن واکاوی شود.

برآمد خیزش‌ها

بحران‌های درهم‌تنیده‌ی اقتصادی‌سیاسی، زیست‌محیطی، ژئوپولیتیک حکومت در کنار فساد و ناکارآمدی آن، زمینه‌ساز فقر، نابرابری، نومیدی از آینده و انبوهی از تضادها و نابرابری‌هایی بوده که بازتاب آن به خیزش‌هایی از دی‌ماه و آبان، تا «خروش تشنگان» منجر شده که فضای سیاسی ایران را تغییر داده است. سمت‌و‌سوی این‌ خیزش‌ها نیز سیر متناوب صعودی داشته است. پاسخ حکومت در مواجهه با این شرایط اما چیزی جز سرکوب و زندان نبوده است. جنبش‌ انقلابی ژینا/مهسا نیز بر زمینه‌ی تداوم این خیزش‌ها پدید آمده و در ابعادی فزاینده سراسر جامعه را فرا گرفته است.

جغرافیای سیاسی جنبش کنونی نیز فراخ‌تر شده و این بار در کنار شهرها و شهرستان‌ها به کلان‌شهرهایی بزرگ سرایت کرده است. ویژگی مهم دیگر فراخ‌تر شدن این خیزش و همبستگی فزاینده در متن آن بوده است. طرح شعارهایی نظیر «از کردستان تا تهران، ستم علیه زنان» که علیه تمرکزگرایی و شوونیسم است، نماد دیگری از همبستگی سراسری توده‌های مردم علیه حکومت است. این شعار نه‌تنها سیاست رژیم برای ایجاد تفرقه و دعاوی «تجزیه‌طلبی» را عملاً خنثی کرده بلکه ستم ملی را به چالش گرفته و نشانه‌ی بلوغ فکری جامعه است.

حضور جسورانه و توده‌ای زنان بر علیه آپارتاید زن‌ستیزانه و حجاب اجباری نیز دستاورد بزرگی است که نه‌تنها نقطه‌عطفی در جنبش زنان ایران است بلکه جایگاه مهمی در جنبش جهانی زنان دارد و باید به شکل مستقل واکاوی شود. حضور پرشور و توده‌ای زنان در این جنبش انقلابی دست‌آوردهای دیگری هم داشته است. سوژه‌ی اصلی جنبش زنان در این عرصه دیگر نخبگان نیستند، بلکه توده‌های عادی و نسل جوانی از زنان هستند که از کنترل و سلطه‌ی جنسیتی که حجاب نماد آشکار آن است به تنگ آمده‌اند و در خیابان‌ها جسورانه (برعلیه آن) مبارزه می‌کنند.

خودانگیختگی و سازمان‌یابی در جنبش‌ها

در خیزش‌های پسادی‌ماه و جنبش انقلابی ژینا/مهسا همانند همه‌‌ی خیزش‌ها و جنبش‌های انقلابی خودپویی و خودانگیختگی نقش برجسته‌ای داشته و موتور محرکه‌ی آن‌هاست. در هر پویش خودانگیخته نیز نوعی سازمان‌یابی وجود دارد که فرآیند شکل‌گیری و تداومِ آن را قوام بخشیده، ابتکارات و خلاقیت نوینی می‌آفریند که طی سال‌ها فعالیت سازمان‌یافته کشف نمی‌شود.

با این همه، نباید جایگاه خودسازمان‌دهی و اشکال ویژه‌ی آن را نادیده گرفت که از خیزش‌ دی‌ماه تا کنون همانند یک حلقه‌ی به‌هم‌پیوسته امتداد داشته است که همانا نقش پیشروهایی است که از دل همین خیزش‌ها شکل گرفته‌اند و نقشی بااهمیتی در تداوم و پیوستگی و خودسازمان‌دهی از پایین آن‌ها داشته‌اند. این نوع از خودسازمان‌یابی اما از نوع شناخته‌شده‌ی حزبی و سازمانی نیست.

از دوران پساخیزش دی‌ماه تا کنون بخش معینی از پیشروان و رهبران عملی در خیابان شکل گرفته که بسترساز تداوم خیزش‌ها بوده و هستند. آن‌ها فراخوان‌ها و محل اعتراضات در خیابان را تنظیم و چگونگی اشکال مواجهه با دستگاه سرکوب را تعیین می‌کنند، مراکز خبررسانی ایجاد کرده‌ و در تعیین شعارها نقش‌آفرینند. آن‌ها از ابتکارات توده‌های مردم می‌آموزند و آموزش می‌دهند.

این گروه از پیشروان یعنی رهبران عملی جنبش در خیابان هستند که می‌توانند در پویش‌ جنبش انقلابی و تداوم و پیوستگی  نقش مهمی ایفا کنند.

سازمان‌یابی: تداوم و به‌هم‌پیوستگی

راز پویش خیزش‌ها اما تداوم و به‌هم‌پیوستگی آن‌ها است و این چیزی نیست جز ضرورت خودسازمان‌دهی. روشن است که دیدگاه چپ درباره‌ی سازمان‌دهی از بیخ‌وبن با اپوزیسیون راست متفاوت است. سازمان‌دهی از نگاه اپوزیسیون راست در ساده‌ترین شکل بیان آن، سازمان‌دهی از بالا و مصادره‌ی جنبش‌ها‌ به‌واسطه‌ی کارکرد ابررسانه‌ها و قدرت‌های بزرگ سرمایه‌داری است. بررسی استراتژی اپوزیسیون راست و اشکال سازمان‌دهی و مصادره‌ی جنبش‌ها در شرایط متحول کنونی نیازمند نوشته‌ی دیگری است. گرچه درک چپ از مسئله‌ی سازمان‌دهی از ریشه با راست متفاوت است، اما به شرطی پوینده و تأثیرگذار است که از منشور نقد تجربه‌های گذشته و به‌ویژه احزاب مدعی کمونیست و سوسیالیست بگذرد.

به‌علاوه نیاز است که از تجربه‌ی‌ دیدگاه‌های اشتباهی که نافی خودسازمان‌دهی‌اند و پرستش «خودانگیختگی» ــ در جنبش‌های اوایل قرن کنونی همانند «جنبش 99 درصدی‌ها»، «فروم‌های اجتماعی»، و … ــ بیاموزیم و برای برطرف کردن کاستی‌های آن‌ها در جنبش‌های کنونی تلاش کنیم. (در این دوره دیدگاه مایکل هارت و آنتونی نگری که خودانگیختگی را مرکز تحرک جنبش‌ها می‌دانستند و سازمان‌دهی حزبی و سازمان‌دهی را نفی می‌کردند، بر این تحرکات اجتماعی مسلط شده بود. اما سال‌ها بعد خود آن‌ها به محدودیت‌های این نظریه اشاره کردند). متأسفانه روشن نیست که چرا بخشی از گرایشات چپ هنوز در ستایش از این نظریه اصرار دارند. تجربه‌ی جنبش‌های موسوم به «بهار عربی» به‌ویژه جنبش انقلابی در مصر هم نشان داد که با وجود نقش برجسته‌ی‌ خودپویی و فداکاری‌های نسل جوان انقلابی، به علت ناسازمان‌یافتگی، اخوان‌المسلمین که یک جریان ارتجاعی اما سازمان‌یافته بود، توانست بر فراز جنبش قرار بگیرد و آن را مصادره کند. در بازشناسی جنبش‌ها همواره باید وحدت خودانگیختگی و خودسازمان‌یابی در نظر گرفته شود. خودانگیختگی و خودپویی همواره زمینه‌ساز برآمدن جنبش‌ها است، خودسازمان‌دهی اما بستر تداوم، پیوستگی و هدف‌مند کردن ‌جنبش‌ها را ایجاد می‌کند.

مسئله‌ی رهبری

جنبش انقلابی ژینا مسئله‌ی رهبری و ضرورت آن را در فضای سیاسی گشوده است و این مسئله به یک پرسش‌واره مهم بدل شده است. از منظر اپوزیسیون راست، رهبری اغلب از بالا شکل می‌گیرد. برخی نظیر سلطنت‌طلبان به اشخاص مشهور سیاسی و نقش رضا پهلوی اتکا می‌کنند. در «شورای مدیریت دوران گذار» توافق بر سر «شخصیت‌های سیاسی و متخصصین» است. تکلیف مجاهدین هم که روشن است، نه‌تنها رهبری بلکه رئیس‌جمهورِ «جمهوری دموکراتیک اسلامی» را از قبل تعیین کرده‌اند. در طیف‌های دیگر اپوزیسیون راست وضعیت کم‌وبیش چنین است. در جایی که به علت اختناق سیاسی نقش احزاب و سازمان‌های سیاسی کم‌رنگ است، در اغلب طیف‌های اپوزیسیون راست مسئله‌ی سازمان‌دهی و رهبری با افراد، شخصیت‌ها، سلبریتی‌ها و… درهم‌آمیخته شده است و از منظر سیاسی در استراتژی «وحدت‌ملی» و «همه با هم» برجسته می‌شود. همان‌گونه که گفته شد، در این نوع از استراتژی استفاده از ابررسانه‌ها، برخی سلبریتی‌ها، مناسبات با دولت‌های امپریالیستی که تحت عنوان «جامعه‌ی جهانی» صورت‌بندی می‌شود، ابزارهای مهم «سازمان‌دهی» برای هژمونی و فرادستی برجنبش‌ها هستند.

خودسازمان‌دهی و رهبری از پایین

جنبش‌های انقلابی برای پیش‌روی نیازمند سازمان‌دهی و رهبری هستند. دیدگاه چپ سوسیالیست درباره‌ی مسئله‌ی رهبری اما از بنیاد با راست متفاوت است. هدف خودسازمان‌یابی سوسیالیستی فرمان‌روایی بر فراز جنبش‌ها نیست بلکه از درون آن‌ها و برای پیشروی آن‌ها فرا می‌روید. نیازی هم به «لیدر» و «دبیر کل» هم ندارد. رهبری یعنی توانایی و خلاقیت جمعی، دموکراتیک و از پائین برای هماهنگی فعالیت‌ها و عمل مشترک در راستای رسیدن به هدف. پراکسیس به مفهوم وحدت عمل و نظر است. رهبری به معنای تلاش برای ارتقای جنبش‌ها هم‌سو با اهداف رهایی‌بخش سوسیالیستی به‌واسطه‌ی عمل آگاهانه و هد‌ف‌مند است. با این برداشت کلی و عام از ضرورت سازمان‌دهی و رهبری به واکاوی آن‌ها در متن جنبش انقلابی کنونی می‌پردازیم.

مسئله‌ی سازمان‌یابی باید در متن شرایط مشخص در نظر گرفته شود. در جایی که استراتژی حاکمیت در چهل سال گذشته این بوده که اپوزیسیون متشکل نداشته باشد و با سرکوب‌های خونین مانع مهم و عامل بازدارنده‌ی هر نوع حرکت سازمان‌یافته بوده است. تأکید بر این نکته نافی کاستی‌ها و نقد گذشته‌ی چپ و ضرورت بازنگری مسئله‌ی سازمان‌یابی نیست. با این همه، نباید نادیده گرفته شود که چپ اجتماعی نیروی وسیعی در جامعه است و می‌تواند در تحولات جاری نقش برجسته‌ای داشته باشد. به‌شرطی که مسئله‌ی خودسازمان‌یابی را نه در احکام کلی بلکه در متن شرایط معین کنونی بررسی کنیم.

ایجاد هم صدایی و هم‌گرایی خیزش‌های سیاسی و جنبش‌های اجتماعی

از دی‌ماه تا کنون شاهد حضور خیزش‌های سیاسی در پریودهای زمانی متفاوت بوده‌ایم. روند این خیزش‌ها نه‌تنها قطع نشده بلکه پیوسته ادامه داشته و گستره‌ی‌ آن‌ها در فضای سیاسی نیز مدام ژرف‌تر شده است. در سوی دیگر جنبش‌های اجتماعی‌ای هستند که پیشینه‌ی طولانی در جامعه ما داشته و با وجود نوسان‌ها، همواره تداوم و پیوستگیْ شاخص‌ مهم آن‌هاست: جنبش کارگری که دست‌کم از یک قرن پیش حضور پیوسته داشته و در اوج سرکوب سال‌های اخیر بیش از 4000 اعتصاب ثبت شده داشته است؛ جنبش زنان که با پیشینه‌ی تاریخی طولانی، علیه آپارتاید جنسی حاکمیت موجود در اشکال متفاوت خودپو، علنی و نیمه‌علنی ایستاده است؛ جنبش دانشجویی که متکی بر یک سنت مبارزاتی ماندگار است و نمادی از حضور نسل جوان پیشرو و آگاه در تحولات سیاسی است؛ جنبش آزادی‌خواهانه برای تحقق آزادی‌های سیاسی و اجتماعی و مبارزه علیه استبداد (که در شرایط کنونی تشکل‌هایی همانند «کانون نویسندگان ایران» نمود برجسته‌ی آن است)؛ جنبش علیه ستم ملی و قومی که همواره در جامعه‌ی ایران حضور پررنگی داشته است؛ جنبش علیه تخریب محیط زیست که اگرچه در ایران نوپا است اما با توجه به تخریب‌های زیست‌محیطی و پیامد آن، ضرورت درک همه‌جانبه از پیامد‌های آن را در واکنش «قیام تشنگان» می‌توان مشاهده کرد. پیشروان این جنبش‌ها می‌توانند بین خواسته‌های ‌جنبش‌های اجتماعی و خیزش‌ها و جنبش‌های سیاسی رابطه‌ی معین و هم‌صدایی ایجاد کنند و این درست بستر اصلی هرگونه سازمان‌دهی از پایین است.

خودسازمان‌دهی و هم‌گرایی چندراستایی

ایجاد هم‌صدایی و هم‌گرایی بین خیزش‌های سیاسی و جنبش‌های اجتماعی گام مهمی در سازمان‌یابی و پیش‌روی جنبش‌های انقلابی است. ایجاد هم‌صدایی در معنای طرح خواسته‌ها و شعارهای جنبش‌های اجتماعی در فضای خیزش‌های سیاسی و سمت‌وسو دادن به آن‌ها نیازمند هم‌گرایی پیشروان جنبش‌های اجتماعی و نیز پیشروان عملی خیزش‌ها و جنبش انقلابی اخیر است.

تجربه‌ی خیزش‌های سال‌های اخیر نیز اهمیت این نوع از هم‌گرایی وتأثیرات آن را نشان می‌دهد. برای نمونه شعار «اصلاح‌طلب، اصول‌گرا دیگه تموم شد ماجرا» که توسط فعالان پیشروِ دانشجویی طرح و در فضای سیاسی خیزش دی‌ماه حک شد، نمونه‌ی کوچکی از «پراکسیس» خیزش سیاسی و جنبش اجتماعی است که پیامد آن سنگ گوری بر پروژه‌ی اصلاح‌طلبی رژیم بود. نمونه‌ی دیگرْ طرح خواسته‌ی کارگری و نقش پیشروان جنبش کارگری هفت‌تپه در شعار «نان، کار، آزادی، اداره شورایی» بود که در آستانه‌ی خیزش دی‌ماه در فضای سیاسی برجسته شد. کنش مشخص «دختران خیابان انقلاب» در کنار زدن حجاب اجباری که نمادی از خواست دائمی جنبش زنان علیه آپارتاید جنسیتی است نیز در متن خیزش دی‌ماه صورت گرفت. همان‌گونه که پیش‌تر گفته شد از خیزش‌های پسادی‌ماه تا جنبش انقلابی ژینا/مهسا بخش معینی از پیشروان و رهبران عملی در خیابان شکل گرفته است. ‌آن‌ها بسترسازِ تداوم و پیوستگی خیزش‌ها بوده و هستند. هم‌گرایی این حلقه از پیشروان جنبش‌های اجتماعی و خیزش‌های سیاسی و در مرکز آن پیشروان عملی در خیابان محور و برسازنده‌ی خودسازماندهی و رهبری از پایین در جنبش‌انقلابی کنونی است.

پیشروان جنبش‌های اجتماعی و خیزش‌های سیاسی می‌توانند مداری از خواسته‌های خیزش‌ها و جنبش‌های اجتماعی از دی‌ماه تا کنون همانند  «کار، نان، آزادی» و یا «زن، زندگی و آزادی» و دیگر خواسته‌های پیشرو را محور سازمان‌یابی خود و جنبش قرار داده و با ایجاد شبکه‌هایی از همکاری زمینه‌ی خودسازمان‌یابی در جنبش را گسترش دهد. نوعی از شبکه‌های همکاری که متناسب با فرآیند رشد جنبش رابطه‌‌ی آنها منسجم‌تر شده و به سطح بالاتری فرا بروید.

چپ اجتماعی و سوسیالیستی در جامعه‌ی ما اگرچه پراکنده اما نیروی وسیعی در عرصه‌های مختلف اجتماعی است و در اشکال متنوعی نظیر پیشروان جنبش‌کارگری و دانشجویی، محافل و نهادهای گوناگون چپ، گردانندگان پلاتفرم‌ها و تارنماهای سیاسی، نظری، حلقه‌های بزرگی از چپ که در عرصه‌های آزادی‌ بیان، فرهنگ و هنر فعالیت می‌کنند، چپ سازمان‌یافته، که اغلب بازمانده‌ی سازمان‌های سرکوب‌شده در دهه‌ شصت هستند، همه و همه می‌توانند در این نوع از هم‌گرایی چندراستایی مشارکت داشته باشند.

چپ انقلابی و سوسیالیست که جنبش طبقاتی کارگران را محور هر نوع تحول برای رهایی از استثمار و ستم قرار می‌دهد، دموکراسی مستقیم و شورایی را به عنوان ساخت سیاسی بدیل دنبال می‌کند، می‌تواند در برساختن این نوع از خودسازمان‌دهی و رهبری نقش مؤثری داشته باشد.

 

لینک کوتاه شده در سایت «نقد»: https://wp.me/p9vUft-3bg 

3607. Cuba Overwhelmingly Approves Same-Sex Marriage in Referendum

By Aljazeera, September 26, 2022 

More than 3.9 million voters, or 66.9 percent, voted to ratify the new 'family law' code, the National Electoral Council said [Alexandre Meneghini/Reuters]

Cubans have overwhelmingly approved a sweeping “family law” that would allow same-sex couples to marry and adopt, the electoral commission said, in a move that will also redefine rights for children and grandparents.

More than 3.9 million voters – 66.9 percent – voted to ratify the new code while 1.95 million or 33 percent were opposed, National Electoral Council President Alina Balseiro Gutierrez said on state-run television on Monday.

The 100-page “family code” legalises same-sex marriage and civil unions, allows same-sex couples to adopt children, and promotes equal sharing of domestic rights and responsibilities between men and women.

Preliminary results from the electoral commission showed 74 percent of 8.4 million Cubans eligible to vote participated in the Sunday referendum.

“Love is now the law,” President Miguel Diaz-Canel wrote on Twitter on Monday morning.

“It is paying off a debt with several generations of Cuban men and women, whose family projects have been waiting for this law for years,” he said. “As of today, we will be a better nation.”

The reforms had met unusually strong open resistance from a growing evangelical movement in Cuba — and many other Cubans — despite an extensive government campaign in favour of the measure.

That push included thousands of informative meetings across the country and extensive media coverage backing it.

Cuban elections, in which no party other than the Communist is allowed, routinely produce victory margins of more than 90 percent — as did a referendum on a major constitutional reform in 2019.

The “family law” measure had been approved by Cuba’s parliament, the National Assembly, after years of debate about such reforms.

It would allow surrogate pregnancies, broader rights for grandparents in regard to grandchildren, protection of the elderly and measures against gender violence.

Diaz-Canel, who has promoted the law, acknowledged questions about the measure as he voted on Sunday. “Most of our people will vote in favour of the code, but it still has issues that our society as a whole does not understand,” he said.

A major supporter of the measure was Mariela Castro, director of the National Center for Sex Education and a promoter of rights for same-sex couples. She is the daughter of former President Raul Castro and the niece of his brother, Cuban leader Fidel Castro.

But there is a strong strain of social conservatism in Cuba and several religious leaders have expressed concern or opposition to the law, worrying it could weaken nuclear families.

While Cuba was officially atheist for decades after the 1959 revolution led by Fidel Castro, it has become more tolerant of religions over the past quarter century.

That has meant a greater opening not only to the once-dominant Roman Catholic Church, but also to Afro-Cuban religions, protestants and Muslims.

Some of those churches took advantage of the opening in 2018 and 2019 to campaign against another plebiscite that would have rewritten the constitution in a way to allow gay marriage.