Showing posts with label Human evolution. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Human evolution. Show all posts

Thursday, October 15, 2026

3729. What Came First in Human Evolution: Intelligence or Culture?

By Peter Turchin, ClioDynamica, October 15, 2026

                   Yuval Noah Harari: 

Photo credit: londonspeakerbureau.com.tr 



I read Yuval Noah Harari’s Sapiens soon after it was published. Despite the hype, I found it quite boring. I didn’t learn anything new from the book (and what I did see as new was mostly wrong, as others have commented). Sapiens's intellectual infrastructure was very much 20th-century, failing to profit from the insights brought by the new discipline of Cultural Evolution. So, I didn’t bother analyzing Harari’s argument further.

But yesterday, thanks to a repost by Joe Henrich, I found such an analysis by the Canadian philosopher Joseph Heath on his Substack, Harari vs. Henrich.
Heath’s post deals with four distinctive characteristics of humans. Here’s how he defines them.

Human beings have four distinct qualities (traits, capabilities, behaviours, etc.) that make us quite different from other animals. These are fairly obvious, but there is unfortunately an entire subgenre of academic pedantry that involves challenging items on the list, saying “other animals do that too!” because there are of course similar capabilities to be found elsewhere.* So in the list below I have added the qualifications needed to disarm these objections and pick out what is absolutely distinctive about humans.

1. Intelligence. Humans possess superior intelligence, not just with respect to instrumental tasks, but also in the ability to engage in mathematical, hypothetical/counterfactual, and logical reasoning.

2. Language. Humans employ complex grammatical speech, with propositional differentiation providing context-independent representation of states of affairs.

3. Cooperation. Humans exhibit a distinctive form of ultrasociality, involving complex cooperation among large groups of genetically unrelated individuals.

4. Culture. Humans engage in domain-general transmission of learned behaviours, producing a large body of cultural artifacts and knowledge that exhibits cumulative improvement over time.

Harari’s argument in Sapiens, according to Heath, is that intelligence evolved first (with the Cognitive Revolution c. 70,000 years ago), followed by language, cooperation, and culture. Thus, the sequence is 1—2—3—4. This is the exact opposite of the account of human evolution developed by cultural evolutionists, such as Rob Boyd and Pete Richerson. The best popular book, which explains the sequence, 4—3—2—1, is Henrich’s book The Secret of Our Success: How Culture Is Driving Human Evolution, Domesticating Our Species, and Making Us Smarter (it’s a great read, heartily recommended).

Pointing out that the two explanations, Harari vs. Henrich, are mirror-opposites of each other, is a great insight (and shows why we need philosophers). I strongly recommend that you read Heath’s deconstruction of the Harari argument before you continue with my post. In particular, why our evolutionary sequence couldn't start with our superior intelligence? (Hint: the oversized human brain is so energetically and developmentally expensive — human females face very high risks during childbirth — that it’s not clear selection for what could overcome these costs.)

In my post I will expand a bit on the sequence proposed by cultural evolutionists (including myself, as I am a member of this field). As Heath correctly says, we argue that culture was the primary, original adaptation that provided the basis for the evolution of the other three traits (cooperation, language, and intelligence). Culture is socially transmitted information. Other animals also have culture, but humans are unique in that our stocks of socially transmitted information have been massively cumulative.

The key basis for the possibility of cumulative culture, as Heath writes, “was the emergence of imitativeness. Human infants got really good, not just at copying what other people do, but at mindlessly copying others – repeating the exact behaviours that they observe.”

But Heath doesn’t explain what were the selection forces that drove the evolution of human capacity for “mindless” imitation that enabled cumulative culture. This explanation was developed by Pete Richerson and Rob Boyd some years ago, which they continue on refining. Two weeks ago I participated in a workshop, organized by Russ Genet and Pete Richerson, Major Evolutionary Transitions: Biological, Human, and Planetary (UC Davis, September 15-17, 2026). In his talk, titled External Influences on the Evolution of Human Culture, Richerson gave an update on this work. Here’s the key slide, which shows how global climate fluctuated over the past 100,000 years:

Millennial and sub-millennial scale variation from Greenland GRIP core (slide by Peter Richerson, based on data in Ditlevsen et al. 1993).

The most recent period (on the left of the chart), the Holocene (last 11,700 years), has had remarkably stable (and warm) climate. By contrast the preceding geological epoch, Pleistocene, was the time of violent climatic chaos, with recurrent ice ages separated by relatively warm (but brief) interglacial periods. The argument of Richerson and Boyd is that adapting to such violently changing conditions by means of genetic evolution couldn’t work for humans with our relatively long generation times. Genetic evolution, simply, is not fast enough to track rapidly changing environment.

Cultural evolution, on the other hand, while not instantaneous, was fast enough to enable humans to evolve culturally transmitted behaviors that enabled them to survive during the Pleistocene. Although just barely — several times our species was on the brink of extinction. A recent article, A structured coalescent model reveals deep ancestral structure shared by all modern humans, estimates that the numbers of all humans on Earth during the Pleistocene could fall as low as a few thousand, or even less.

Early in his post, Heath throws down the gauntlet, challenging theorists to translate their verbal theories into mathematical models (a methodological challenge with which cliodynamicists heartily agree):

What makes the field of human evolutionary theory so interesting right now is that, deep down, we really don’t know how any of these capabilities evolved. At some level they must have been adaptive, but nobody really understands specifically why or how any of it was adaptive. On the other hand, we know a great deal about how it could not have evolved, because so many bad theories have been proposed over the years, which have not stood up to careful scrutiny. Typically they start out as speculative theories, until someone comes along and says “show me a model of how that could have evolved,” and someone takes the bait, starts building a model... and then realizes that it couldn’t have evolved that way. Indeed, it has turned out to be so difficult to produce an evolutionary model that could plausibly explain any the items on the above list that formal modeling has been where the most interesting action has occurred over the past several decades of research.

Well, as it happens the explanation linking Pleistocene climatic chaos to the evolution of human culture has been translated into a formal mathematical model by Boyd and Richerson:

Source: Boyd, R, and P J Richerson. 1985. Culture and the Evolutionary Process. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.

In other words, Boyd and Richerson built the model… and realized that “it” could have evolved this way.

Note that cumulative culture doesn’t require language, because social information can be transmitted simply by observing and imitating behaviors of other people. In fact, the next adaptation, which cumulative culture made possible, was not language but cooperation.

The long story is in my book Ultrasociety, so here’s the TL;DR version. Cooperation produces collective benefits, but is privately costly. It’s difficult for it to evolve because “agents” are tempted to free-ride on the efforts of others. The general mechanism by which cooperation evolves is multi-level selection. What many non-specialists don’t realize is the key importance of variation. For cooperation to evolve, variation within groups should be minimized, while variation between groups needs to be maximized. And that’s precisely what “mindless” imitation of other group members does. OK, this is probably still a bit cryptic, so if you are interested in a fully developed explanation I refer you to my book.

The causal chain that cultural evolutionists argue for, thus, starts with the Pleistocene climatic chaos that drove the evolution of culture. Culture enabled the evolution of cooperation by concentrating variation at the between-group level, while minimizing it within groups. Next, as cooperation deepens and becomes more complex, it needs much more sophisticated means of communication, which is a strong selection force for language. Finally, massively cumulative culture, cooperation among increasingly large groups, and capacity for sophisticated communication drove the evolution of intelligence — this trait comes last, not first as Harari (and twentieth century thinkers thought).

To elaborate on the connection between cooperation in large groups and intelligence, consider that cooperation is hard to sustain because of the temptation by people to free-ride. A huge chunk of our cognitive capacities is devoted to keeping track of who is a good cooperator, and who is not, as well as remembering all the gossip (language!) about what Anne did to Sam, and how Karen imposed (or not) sanctions on defectors. (This explanation often goes by the name Machiavellian intelligence hypothesis).

We humans are smart not because we excel in individual cognitive ability, but due to our social intelligence. This is the secret of our success as Henrich’s book explains.

And once human acquired culture, cooperation, language, and intelligence, the Pleistocene ended and we experienced the Great Holocene Transformation. But I don’t need to repeat this story here, as I’ve written about it extensively on this Substack before. 


3728. What Science Actually Says About Human Evolution: Harari vs. Henrich

By Joseph Heath, In Due Course, October 15, 2026



Every so often, some ordinary person, just trying to live his life, winds up getting stuck in the unfortunate position of having to make small talk with me. Even though “What do you do for work?” is usually a reliable conversation-starter, in my case the response (“I’m a philosophy professor”) tends to have a deadening effect. Once in a while, though, someone comes along who’s willing to play ball. Blue-collar guys will sometimes get excited: “Philosophy, cool, I’ve got my own philosophy. We should get some beers someday, and I’ll tell you about it.” On the other hand, tech bros who are willing to play ball often come back with something more bookish, like “What do you think of RenĂ© Girard?” or “What do you think of Yuval Harari?” 

In fact, just the other day I was talking to a guy who went with the Harari gambit. So I told him that I didn’t like Sapiens. He looked a bit crestfallen and asked me why I didn’t like it. I told him I didn’t like it because the theory of human evolution that Harari presented was totally unscientific and wrong. The guy then went to the natural follow-up, which was to ask me what was wrong with it. At that point, I had to exercise considerable self-restraint. Because frankly, I would have loved nothing better than to explain to him everything that was wrong with Harari’s account of human evolution. The problem is that it would have turned into a 20-minute monologue, which is incompatible with the rules of small talk. It would have led me to exhibit the personality flaw that professors develop over time (i.e. lecturing people). So I just mumbled something about it being complicated and moved on. 

And yet the answer to his question remained, fully formed in my mind, itching to be released. Since Substack seems as good a place as any to unburden myself, here we go: Not only did Harari’s book annoy me, but all of the critical commentary that I see online is just quibbling (like, “he simplifies this a bit” or “he overstates his claim here”), rather than pointing out the glaring errors in his account.

 Furthermore, a lot of people who have read Harari’s book have also read Joseph Henrich’s work and yet don’t seem to realize that the theory Harari is defending is the exact opposite of Henrich’s. Part of the problem is that readers have trouble picking out the structure of these theories, because they don’t understand precisely what the theories are trying to explain. They treat them more like stories than scientific hypotheses. So it’s helpful to start out with some understanding of what the explanatory goals of a theory of human evolution are. 

Human beings have four distinct qualities (traits, capabilities, behaviours, etc.) that make us quite different from other animals. These are fairly obvious, but there is unfortunately an entire subgenre of academic pedantry that involves challenging items on the list, saying “other animals do that too!” because there are of course similar capabilities to be found elsewhere.* So in the list below I have added the qualifications needed to disarm these objections and pick out what is absolutely distinctive about humans. 
1. Intelligence. Humans possess superior intelligence, not just for instrumental tasks, but also in their ability to engage in mathematical, hypothetical/counterfactual, and logical reasoning. 

2. Language. Humans employ complex grammatical speech, with propositional differentiation providing context-independent representation of states of affairs. 

3. Cooperation. Humans exhibit a distinctive form of ultrasociality, involving complex cooperation among large groups of genetically unrelated individuals. 

4. Culture. Humans engage in domain-general transmission of learned behaviors, producing a large body of cultural artifacts and knowledge that improves cumulatively over time. 

What makes the field of human evolutionary theory so interesting right now is that, deep down, we really don’t know how any of these capabilities evolved. At some level they must have been adaptive, but nobody really understands specifically why or how any of it was adaptive. On the other hand, we know a great deal about how it could not have evolved, because so many bad theories have been proposed over the years, which have not stood up to careful scrutiny. Typically they start out as speculative theories, until someone comes along and says “show me a model of how that could have evolved,” and someone takes the bait, starts building a model... and then realizes that it couldn’t have evolved that way. Indeed, it has turned out to be so difficult to produce an evolutionary model that could plausibly explain any of the items on the above list that formal modeling has been where the most interesting action has occurred over the past several decades of research. 

Compounding the mystery is that the evolutionary timeline for all of this is extremely short. (Homo erectus only shows up 2 million years ago, etc.) Evolution is very slow. A species like ants, which have been around for 150 million years, have had time to evolve all sorts of fancy adaptations. The entire homo lineage, on the other hand, has simply not been around for very long. This makes it extremely improbable that all four of those items on the list above evolved independently. Furthermore, these complex abilities are highly unlikely to have evolved “from scratch,” as self-standing cognitive modules. Again, due to shortage of time, they are more likely to have emerged through some relatively small “tweak” or modification to a pre-existing system that can already be found in primates. 

To pick just one example, humans share with other primates two innate heuristics for making judgements about numbers: a subitization system, which allows us to ‘count’ to three, and a guesstimation system, which allows us distinguish “many” from “few” when eyeballing sets of objects. Testing on human infants shows essentially no difference in the way that these systems work in humans, chimpanzees, orangutans, etc. And yet we are invited to believe that somehow, in the last million years or so, some other evolutionary force came along that, without improving either of these two existing systems, endowed humans with a third “mathematics” module, that gave us the ability, not just to count past three, but to do algebra, geometry, calculus, real analysis, linear algebra, etc. This is not believable. As a result, the most widely held view is that our mathematical abilities must be a byproduct of some other ability, most likely language. 

For the past 40 years or so, the big prize in human evolutionary theory has been promised to the theorist able to identify a single, relatively small modification of primate behaviour (ability, capacity, cognition, etc.) that could have produced all four of these distinctive human qualities. Because the most plausible theory would posit only a single adaptation, this means that every contending theory in this space must posit an order of explanation among the four traits listed above. Such a theory would start by picking one of the four items as having arisen first, then show how the other three could have developed as a consequence of this initial modification (probably in sequence). 

So every theory is going to have a similar structure: it will posit an initial modification, show how it was adaptive, then explain how it gave rise to a second major trait, then the third, and then finally the fourth. For example, Harari posits the following sequence: 1. intelligence, 2. language, 3. cooperation, 4. culture. (This is in fact why I presented them in that order. What Harari is adopting here is the traditional order of explanation, which was assumed to be correct for the better part of the 20th century.) Henrich, by contrast, posits the following sequence: 4. culture, 3. cooperation, 2. language, 1. intelligence. This is the exciting hypothesis that has been generating interest and attention over the past few decades. 

You see now why I said that Henrich’s view is the exact opposite of Harari’s – it literally reverses the order of explanation. So let me say a bit about Harari’s sequence and why scientists have cooled off on that view, before moving on to a quick account of Henrich’s. The intelligence-first position is obviously a scientific version of the familiar idea, dating back to Plato and Aristotle, that human rationality is the major quality that elevates us above the brutes. It also points to a prominent physiological feature of human beings, clearly present in the fossil record, of encephalization. We have big brains, housed in big skulls. This leads many people to assume that the first stage of human evolution must have been that we became smarter, presumably in direct response to some environmental challenge that made it adaptive (e.g. allowed us to make better tools, to become better hunters, etc.). 

The problem with taking intelligence as the starting point, which, strangely enough, Harari acknowledges, is the enormous costs that our big brains impose upon us, both physiologically (they use a lot of energy) and reproductively (they create high levels of mortality in childbirth). It is simply not clear what sort of compensating benefits would have been available in the African savannah to make these tradeoffs worthwhile. If the goal was just to survive and reproduce, by controlling fire and making a few stone tools, the human brain seems strangely overengineered for the task, not to mention massively costly and inefficient. Nevertheless, this is the story that Harari goes with. 

Next up is language. Here Harari engages in straight-up handwaving. Language was just a fluke: “The most commonly believed theory argues that accidental genetic mutations changed the inner wiring of the brains of Sapiens, enabling them to think in unprecedented ways and to communicate using an altogether new type of language. We might call it the Tree of Knowledge mutation.” 

 
There are a couple of things wrong with this, beyond the obvious. First, the explanation suffers from a start-up problem. In order for this amazing mutation that made complex language possible to have been adaptive, it would have had to confer some benefit on the first individual to possess that mutation. Being the first person born with the ability to communicate in some “unprecedented way” is not that useful, because who are you going to talk to? The communicative competence would have to have been a byproduct of something else, which spread because it was directly adaptive. Only once it became widespread in the population could language have developed. The alternative would be a gradualist account of how language arose out of a more primitive signaling system that permitted communication with those who did not have the mutation – but then one does not need the mutation to explain it. 

This gets us to the second problem with the explanation, which is that lots of animals make noises and engage in signaling, the reason that it doesn’t evolve into anything more complex is that without cooperation language is uninformative. If you take a bunch of antisocial primates, endow them with the ability to speak, the things that they are going to say will be just an expression of their interests. Nothing will be believable, above and beyond what you can infer from watching their behaviour. This is why the signaling systems that we do see in nature are so often costly – this is necessary in order to make the signal credible. Human language, by contrast, is all just cheap talk, and yet somehow manages to be informative. This seems to be possible only because of a prior disposition to engage in cooperative behavior. So the order of explanation seems wrong – you need to have cooperation in place before you are going to see the evolution of language. 

Harari, however, claims that things are the other way around – that cooperation is a consequence of language. This idea, which used to be fairly common, has suffered enormously from the development of evolutionary game theory. Back in the 19th and early 20th century, it was often assumed that superior intelligence would give people the rational insight that they should cooperate with one another. Greater attention to the prisoner’s dilemma, however, made it clear that the baseline tendency of superior intelligence would be to entrench uncooperative behaviour, by making people better free-riders. 

Harari is aware that the old Kropotkin story about mutual aid cannot be right, and also that group selection is not plausible as a biological account of cooperativeness among humans. So instead he pulls out two theories about how linguistic ability might have made humans more cooperative. The first is derived from an indirect reciprocity model, which suggests that humans cooperate in order to maintain good standing in the community, which is enforced through the circulation of gossip, which tells people who is trustworthy. The second is a variant on the so-called Big God theory, which suggests that people used language to construct mythic systems, which provided them with a credible commitment device that allowed them to cooperate. 

The problem with both of these explanations is that they are either regressive or question-begging. Think of the basic problem of human sociality as a collective action problem. The structure of the interaction gives people no incentive to cooperate with one another. The solution cannot be that they cooperate because, if they don’t, people will warn others about them, and they will have fewer opportunities to cooperate in the future. Why would people bother to warn others? As some sort of public service? That’s just another collective action problem. Same thing with big gods. Where does the mythology come from? Why do people believe it, rather than just pretend to believe it? All of these ‘solutions’ to the free rider problem are themselves undermined by free rider problems. 

Finally, the most self-evidently false component of Harari’s story is his account of complex culture. This is last in his order of explanation. Technically, he doesn’t believe in culture; his account rather is sociobiological, because he does not treat culture as an inheritance system subject to evolutionary dynamics. Instead, he argues that the development of cooperation allows more people to work together on things like tools, which gives rise to the production of more complex artifacts. This is, quite simply, not an accurate account of technological progress. If one looks at the development of plough agriculture, for example, what one sees is not a group of contemporaries getting together to create more advanced machinery, but rather a process of very gradual, piecemeal improvement over time. 

Surveying the landscape, one can see that the traditional order of explanation, despite retaining a certain common-sense appeal, has become hobbled by objections at every step. This is why it was exciting when theorists began to make a serious case for genuinely “outside the box” approaches, such as the one defended by Henrich. Most of this theory, I should note, was pioneered by Peter Richerson and Robert Boyd (here, here, and here). Henrich was Boyd’s student, which is where he got most of it from. Also, I should note that while Henrich has been the most effective at communicating with a broader audience, his own enthusiasm for story-telling sometimes gets in the way of a clear presentation of the view. People always remember the examples that he gives to illustrate the theory, but often fail to grasp the point that the examples were intended to illustrate. 

The biggest departure in Henrich’s view is the claim that culture is the primary, original adaptation. The claim is a bit more specific than this. Human culture is made possible by a particular style of social learning, and so the original adaptation – the “tweak” to the basic primate capacities – was the emergence of imitativeness. Human infants got really good, not just at copying what other people do, but at mindlessly copying others – repeating the exact behaviours that they observe. This created the possibility for more complex culture to evolve, somewhat ironically, by freeing it from the bottleneck imposed by individual intelligence. Chimpanzees learn from observing others, but they tend to view the behaviour as a source of inspiration, then use their own intelligence to reproduce the performance. They observe the wheel and then, in a sense, reinvent it for themselves. Human infants, by contrast, are disposed to copy others even when they don’t understand what they are seeing. This means that over time, something like a tool-making procedure can become more and more complex, as people make little improvements to it, yet the next generation of humans is still able to reproduce it, precisely because they do not need to figure out how it works in order to copy it. (Making the evolutionary case for all this, by the way, is a complex modeling challenge. Nothing that I described above is straightforwardly adaptive, which is presumably why one does not see this style of social learning elsewhere in the animal kingdom.) 

Readers who have been overexposed to the humanities may be inclined to think that once you bring in culture, suddenly we become free to do whatever we like, and so the rest of the story should be easy. This is clearly wrong. If culture develops through imitation of others, and you start out with an uncooperative species, then the culturally transmitted behaviours are going to be uncooperative as well. If culture somehow gave rise to cooperation, something other than imitation will be needed to explain this. Indeed, the most clever part of the Boyd-Richerson-Henrich story is the way that they account for the transition from culture (4) to cooperation (3). 

The first point to grasp is that if human infants learned only from their parents, then no behaviour pattern could emerge culturally that could not also have evolved biologically. This would rule out the cultural evolution of cooperation. Yet as we all know, children learn from sources other than their parents. The two most important additional sources of social learning are role models and peer groups. Each is governed by a powerful heuristic: “imitate the successful” in the case of role models and “imitate the majority” in the case of peers (the latter bias being known to us all as conformism). The big idea – which I’m not going to be able to do justice here – is that conformist social learning increases homogeneity within social groups, thereby potentiating group selection as a force in human cultural evolution. The mechanism of between-group conflict, which is a weak force supporting cooperativeness in biological evolution, becomes a strong force favoring cooperativeness in cultural evolution. Groups with more prosocial behavioural norms are more likely to establish cultural dominance over others. Because of this, human cultures became more cooperative over time. 

But that’s not the end of the story. Cultural expectations might have become more cooperative, but human beings were still aggressive, antisocial, individualistic primates. The second component of the theory is the claim that, as cultural expectations diverged from our biological dispositions, cultural conformity began to act as a force for social selection, which set off a process of self-domestication in the human species. (Richard Wrangham has written most entertainingly on this.) The claim, roughly, is that in this new more cooperative cultural context, excessively aggressive and dominant males wound up having their reproductive opportunities curtailed, which led to a series of biological changes that made humans more prosocial by disposition. (This is why Henrich is so interested in gene-culture coevolutionary processes, such as how cultural innovations, like cooking, gave rise to biological changes, like modification of our digestive system.) Cooperativeness, according to this view, started out as just a cultural pattern, but then became partially embedded in our nature through a process of gene-culture coevolution. 

Once these two steps in the explanation are in place, the other two are not so difficult. Humans are obviously going to be more interesting to talk to once there is some possibility that they will tell you the truth (or follow rules). There are lots of different versions of how a simple signalling system could have expanded once speakers began to act cooperatively (e.g. here). As far as intelligence is concerned, there is fairly widespread agreement that the direct fitness cost of our brains is so extreme that it must have arisen through some runaway process internal to the species (like the antlers of the Irish elk) and not in response to some fixed environmental challenge. Henrich’s view is that encephalization was driven by the explosive growth of culture. Particularly as cultural adaptations allowed humans to move into environments where we were biologically ill-equipped for survival, the ability to grasp as much of the ambient culture as quickly as possible conferred survival benefits. So the returns to improved cognition and memory became large, as culture provided us with more things worth knowing. My own inclination, as a philosopher, is to put more emphasis on the role that language played in the development of rationality (I am particularly partial to Andy Clark’s account of the “language upgrade” that our biological brains received). This suggests that step 3 must largely have preceded 4, whereas Henrich thinks they could have gone on simultaneously. 

So there’s my brief summary of the view. One could go back over this, by the way, and put large question marks beside each of the major claims. None of this is settled science; my subtitle is an exaggeration. I am merely describing where the cutting edge of evolutionary thinking has been over the past several decades. I feel that the theory is worth explaining because, apart from being just monumentally clever, it is also one of the most exciting developments in the human sciences to have occurred during my lifetime. The fact that it is not more widely understood is a pity. One cannot blame the scientists involved for this – most of the major players in the development of the theory have spent a lot of time trying to communicate it to broader audiences in non-technical terms. The problem, I think, lies in how deeply taken-for-granted the traditional order of explanation has become, which results in many readers failing to appreciate how completely this new approach inverts that explanation. But it is also a problem when people like Harari come along and make things more difficult, by taking the old, obsolete view and presenting it as though it were compatible with recent scientific thinking. ____________________ 

 * Many people do this because they think they are scoring points against religion by demonstrating continuity between the behaviour of humans and other animals. This is fine, except that it can cause problems when it comes to explaining the distinctive accomplishments of human beings. This is the major weakness in Frans de Waal’s work. He was so focused on showing that chimpanzees are just like us that he wound up making it harder to explain how human beings manage to accomplish anything different. Most obviously, if chimpanzee politics is just like human politics, then why don’t they have states, or laws, or armies?

Sunday, February 2, 2020

3315. Neanderthal Genes Hint at Much Earlier Human Migration From Africa


By Carl Zimmer, The New York Times, January 31, 2020
Credit...The Natural History Museum/Alamy

In recent years, millions of people have been astonished, even thrilled, to learn from those popular genetic tests that their DNA is laced with Neanderthal genes.

Those genes were first discovered in 2010, in a study of Neanderthal fossils. From DNA recovered from the bones, researchers deduced that modern humans interbred with Neanderthals some 60,000 years ago, after leaving Africa.

As a result, the genes of non-Africans today are 1 percent to 2 percent Neanderthal. People of African ancestry, it was thought, have little to no Neanderthal DNA.

Using a new method to analyze DNA, however, a team of scientists has found evidence that significantly reshapes that narrative.

Their study, published on Thursday in the journal Cell, concludes that a wave of modern humans departed Africa far earlier than had been known: some 200,000 years ago.

These people interbred with Neanderthals, the new study suggests. As a result, Neanderthals were already carrying genes from modern humans when the next big migration from Africa occurred, about 140,000 years later.
The scientists also found evidence that people living somewhere in western Eurasia moved back to Africa and interbred with people whose ancestors never left. The new study suggests that all Africans have a substantially greater amount of Neanderthal DNA than earlier estimates.

“The legacy of gene flow with Neanderthals likely exists in all modern humans, highlighting our shared history,” the authors concluded.

“Overall, I find this a fantastic study,” said Omer Gokcumen, a geneticist at the University at Buffalo, who was not involved in the research. The research offers a view of human history “almost as a spider web of interactions, rather than a tree with distinct branches.”

But while evidence has been building that modern humans left Africa in waves, and that those migrations began much earlier than once thought, some scientists disputed the evidence that people of African descent may be carrying Neanderthal genes.

David Reich, a geneticist at Harvard Medical School, praised much of the study but said he had doubts about how extensive the flow of DNA back to Africa could have been. “It looks like this is a really weak signal,” he said of the data.

The ancestors of humans and Neanderthals lived about 600,000 years ago in Africa. The Neanderthal lineage left the continent; the fossils of what we describe as Neanderthals range from 200,000 years to 40,000 years in age, and are found in Europe, the Near East and Siberia.

Despite their reputation as brutes, Neanderthals showed signs of remarkable mental sophistication. They were adept hunters, and appear to have made ornaments as a form of self-expression.

Ten years ago, Dr. Reich and his colleagues gathered enough bits of DNA from fossils to create the first rough draft of the Neanderthal genome.

When the researchers compared it to the genomes of eight living people, they found that the Neanderthal was a little more similar to the people of Asian and European descent than to those of African heritage.

Roughly 60,000 years ago, the researchers argued, modern humans must have expanded from Africa and interbred with Neanderthals. The hybrid descendants passed their genes to later generations, who spread around the globe.

That hypothesis has held up well over the past decade, as paleoanthropologists have extracted more complete Neanderthal genomes from other fossils.

But Joshua Akey, a geneticist at Princeton University who carried out some of these studies, grew dissatisfied with the methods used to look for Neanderthal DNA in living people. The standard method was built on the assumption that most Africans had no Neanderthal DNA at all.

Dr. Akey and his colleagues figured out a new method, which they call IBDMix, that takes advantage of the fact that relatives share stretches of matching DNA.

Siblings, for example, share many long, identical stretches of DNA. But their children will have fewer identical segments, which will also be shorter. Distantly related cousins will have tinier matching segments that require sophisticated methods to uncover.

Dr. Akey and his colleagues figured out how to search the DNA of living humans and remains of Neanderthals for these minuscule matching segments. Then they pinpointed the segments that came from a relatively recent ancestor — and therefore were a sign of interbreeding.

The scientists searched 2,504 genomes of living humans for segments that matched those in a Neanderthal genome. When the scientists tallied up the results, the results took Dr. Akey by surprise.

The human genome is detailed in units called base pairs, about 3 billion such pairs in total. The scientists found that Europeans on average had 51 million base pairs that matched Neanderthal DNA, and East Asians had 55 million.

Dr. Akey’s previous research had indicated that East Asians carried far more Neanderthal ancestry than did Europeans.

Africans on average had 17 million base pairs that matched Neanderthal DNA — far higher than predicted by the original models describing how humans and Neanderthals interbred.

“That was just so completely opposite to my expectations,” said Dr. Akey. “It took a while to convince ourselves that what we are finding with this new approach was actually true.”

Looking at the size of these shared segments and how common they were around the world, Dr. Akey and his colleagues realized that some were the result of interbreeding very early in human history.

They concluded that a group of modern humans expanded out of Africa perhaps 200,000 years ago and interbred with Neanderthals. Those modern humans then disappeared. But Neanderthals who lived after that disappearance inherited some modern human DNA.

Other experts said the new study offered compelling support for earlier hints for this ancient expansion. Last year, for example, a team of scientists reported finding a modern human skull in Greece dating back over 210,000 years.

Other researchers discovered small fragments of DNA in Neanderthal fossils that showed a striking similarity to modern human genes.

Despite his hesitation over the analysis of African DNA, Dr. Reich said the new findings do make a strong case that modern humans departed Africa much earlier than thought.

“I was on the fence about that, but this paper makes me think it’s right,” he said.
It’s possible that humans and Neanderthals interbred at other times, and not just 200,000 years ago and again 60,000 years ago. But Dr. Akey said that these two migrations accounted for the vast majority of mixed DNA in the genomes of living humans and Neanderthal fossils.

In recent years, Dr. Reich and other researchers have found evidence that ancient people from the Near East moved back into Africa in the past few thousand years and spread their DNA to many African populations.

Dr. Akey and his colleagues confirmed this migration, although their study suggests that it may have taken place over a much longer period of time and introduced much more DNA into populations across the continent.
Janet Kelso of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, Germany, who was not involved in the study, found this conclusion “quite convincing.”

The findings may allow researchers to begin pinpointing segments of Neanderthal DNA in living Africans.

Sarah Tishkoff, a geneticist at the University of Pennsylvania, is doing just that, using the new methods to look for Neanderthal DNA in more Africans to test Dr. Akey’s hypothesis.

Still, she wonders how Neanderthal DNA could have spread between populations scattered across the entire continent.

“I’m still trying to wrap my head around that,” she said.

Thursday, December 12, 2019

3295. Mythical Beings May Be Earliest Imaginative Cave Art by Humans


By Becky Ferrira, The New York Times, December 11, 2019
Credit...Ratno Sardi
In December 2017, Hamrullah, an archaeologist on an Indonesian government survey, was exploring a cave system in Sulawesi, a large island in central Indonesia. He noticed a tantalizing opening in the ceiling above him. A skilled spelunker, Hamrullah (who only uses one name, like many Indonesians) climbed through the gap into an uncharted chamber. There, he laid eyes on a painting that is upending our understanding of prehistoric humans.

The dramatic panel of art, dating back at least 43,900 years, is “the oldest pictorial record of storytelling and the earliest figurative artwork in the world,” a group of scientists said in a paper published Wednesday in Nature, although additional research will be needed to confirm the age of every character in the painting.

In the story told in the scene, eight figures approach wild pigs and anoas (dwarf buffaloes native to Sulawesi). For whoever painted these figures, they represented much more than ordinary human hunters. One appears to have a large beak while another has an appendage resembling a tail. In the language of archaeology, these are therianthropes, or characters that embody a mix of human and animal characteristics.


Given that these extraordinary characters are wielding thin objects that might represent ropes or spears, the painting may be an artistic demonstration of a game drive, a hunting strategy that involves guiding animals toward an ambush.


The otherworldly nature of the therianthropes also raises the possibility that they are mythical beings, or manifestations of “animal spirit helpers” that are common in shamanic beliefs, according to the study.

“This scene may not be a depiction of an actual hunting scene but could be about animistic beliefs and the relationship between people and animals, or even a shamanic ritual,” said Sue O’Connor, an archaeologist at Australian National University who was not involved in the study.

These interpretations are speculative, however, and the original inspiration for the painting, as well as its significance to the humans who created it, is likely to remain a mystery.

The rock art predates the next oldest representation of a character with a mix of human and animal figures, found in a cave in Germany, by about 4,000 years. It is also more than 20,000 years older than a hunting scene on the walls of France’s Lascaux Cave.

Adam Brumm, an archaeologist at Griffith University in Australia and one of the study’s authors, said his team was “completely blown away” by the painting.
“We had never seen anything even remotely like this before in the hundreds of cave art sites we’d documented” on this Indonesian island, Dr. Brumm said.

“I immediately knew it was special and that it would be a very important site to understand the cognitive evolution of our species,” said Maxime Aubert, a co-author also at Griffith.

The scene is inside the Maros-Pangkep limestone cave system on the island’s southwestern end, which has been a hot spot for archaeologists since the 1950s. Local people in the region were likely aware of the paintings long before that time, however. A modern custom of marking wooden posts with a handprint may even have “some connection with local observations of prehistoric hand stencils in nearby caves,” Dr. Brumm said.

The scientists determined the painting’s age by performing uranium-series dating on “cave popcorn,” or mineral deposits that hang over three of the animal motifs in the scene. That gave it an age of at least 43,900 years old, and possibly older.

“This finding is very significant because it was previously thought that figurative painting dated to a time shortly after modern humans arrived in Europe, perhaps circa 40,000 years ago, but this result shows it has an origin outside Europe,” said Alistair Pike, an archaeologist at the University of Southampton in England, who was not involved in the study.

However, Dr. Pike considered it “very premature” to claim that the scene represents the earliest example of such storytelling, because only the animals in the scene have been definitively dated. It’s possible that the therianthropes, a vital part of the narrative, were added later.

Dr. Aubert said his team thinks the therianthropes were likely painted at the same time as the animal motifs because “they are of the same tone of red and are in a similar state of preservation.”

Very little is known about the people who originally decorated the walls of Maros-Pangkep in red pigment, in part because none of their skeletal remains have been found in the caves. They may have been related to a group of modern humans that migrated to Australia more than 50,000 years ago.

Despite these unresolved mysteries, it is now abundantly clear that these humans were storytellers whose abstract paintings shed light into the origins of human cognition and spirituality.

“Images of therianthropes often have complex meanings in modern religions and folklore,” said Dr. Brumm, who gave the examples of werewolves and the animal-headed deities of ancient Egypt.

“While we can’t know if this was the case in Sulawesi at least 44,000 years ago, we can point to these enigmatic images of therianthropes as the world’s earliest known evidence for our ability to conceive of the existence of supernatural beings,” he said, which is “a cornerstone of religious belief and experience.”

Shigeru Miyagawa, a linguist at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology who was not involved in the study, suggested that the painting could have implications for understanding humanity’s “unique capacity to communicate using intricate language.”

“It also hints at high order cognitive processes such as language and elaborate artwork emerging fairly recently in evolution,” Dr. Miyagawa said.

The painting has galvanized archaeologists to continue mapping the vast, unexplored reaches of the Maros-Pangkep caves, where the art is fading, “at an alarming rate” for unknown reasons, Dr. Aubert said.

These imaginative landscapes adorned Sulawesi’s caves for 44 millenniums, but they could vanish soon after they were rediscovered. At this point, they are the only link to this early culture that dreamed up fantastic beings and visualized the thrill of the chase — two activities that still preoccupy humans today.

“We also need to understand why it is deteriorating so rapidly and maybe we will find ways to save it,” Dr. Aubert said.