Subsidies for global warming gas |
RANJIT NAGAR, India
— When the United Nations wanted to help slow climate change, it established what seemed a
sensible system.
Greenhouse gases
were rated based on their power to warm the atmosphere. The more dangerous the
gas, the more that manufacturers in developing nations would be compensated as
they reduced their emissions.
But where the
United Nations envisioned environmental reform, some manufacturers of gases
used in air-conditioning and refrigeration saw a lucrative business
opportunity.
They quickly
figured out that they could earn one carbon credit by eliminating one ton of carbon
dioxide, but could earn more than 11,000 credits by simply destroying a ton of
an obscure waste gas normally released in the manufacturing of a widely used
coolant gas. That is because that byproduct has a huge global warming effect.
The credits could be sold on international markets, earning tens of millions of
dollars a year.
That incentive has
driven plants in the developing world not only to increase production of the
coolant gas but also to keep it high — a huge problem because the coolant
itself contributes to global warming and depletes the ozone layer. That coolant
gas is being phased out under a global treaty, but the effort has been a
struggle.
So since 2005 the
19 plants receiving the waste gas payments have profited handsomely from an
unlikely business: churning out more harmful coolant gas so they can be paid to
destroy its waste byproduct. The high output keeps the prices of the coolant
gas irresistibly low, discouraging air-conditioning companies from switching to
less-damaging alternative gases. That means, critics say, that United Nations
subsidies intended to improve the environment are instead creating their own
damage.
The United Nations
and the European Union, through new rules and an
outright ban, are trying to undo this unintended bonanza. But the lucrative
incentive has become so entrenched that efforts to roll it back are proving
tricky, even risky.
China and India,
where most of the 19 factories are, have been resisting mightily. The
manufacturers have grown accustomed to an income stream that in some years
accounted for half their profits. The windfall has enhanced their power and
influence. As a result, many environmental experts fear that if manufacturers
are not paid to destroy the waste gas, they will simply resume releasing it
into the atmosphere.
A battle is
brewing.
Disgusted with the
payments, the European Union has announced that as of next year it will no longer accept the so-called waste
gas credits from companies in its carbon trading system — by far the largest in
the world — essentially declaring them counterfeit currency. That is expected
to erode their value, but no one is sure by how much.
“Consumers in
Europe want to know that if they’re paying for carbon credits, they will have
good environmental effects — and these don’t,” Connie Hedegaard, the European
commissioner for climate action, said in an interview.
Likewise, the
United Nations is reducing the number of credits the coolant
companies can collect in future contracts. But critics say the revised payment
schedule is still excessive and will have little immediate effect, since the
subsidy is governed by long-term contracts, many of which do not expire for
years.
Even raising the
possibility of trimming future payments “was politically hard,” said Martin
Hession, the immediate past chairman of the United Nations Clean Development
Mechanism’s executive board, which awards the credits. China and
India both have representatives on the panel, and the new chairman, Maosheng
Duan, is Chinese.
Carbon trading has
become so essential to companies like Gujarat Fluorochemicals Limited, which owns a
coolant plant in this remote corner of Gujarat State in northwest India, that
carbon credits are listed as a business on the company Web site. Each plant has
probably earned, on average, $20 million to $40 million a year from simply
destroying waste gas, says David Hanrahan, the technical director of IDEAcarbon, a leading carbon market consulting
firm. He says the income is “largely pure profit.”
And each plant
expects to be paid. Some Chinese producers have said that if the payments were
to end, they would vent gas skyward. Such releases are illegal in most
developed countries, but still permissible in China and India.
As the United
Nations became involved in efforts to curb climate change in the last 20 years,
it relied on a scientific formula: Carbon dioxide, the most prevalent warming
gas, released by smokestacks and vehicles, is given a value of 1. Other
industrial gases are assigned values relative to that, based on their warming effect
and how long they linger. Methane is valued at 21, nitrous oxide at 310.
HFC-23, the waste gas produced making the world’s most common coolant — which
is known as HFC-22 — is near the top of the list, at 11,700.
The United Nations
used the values to calibrate exchange rates when it began issuing carbon
credits in 2005 under the Clean Development Mechanism. That system grants
companies that reduce emissions in the developing world carbon credits, which
they are then free to sell on global trading markets. Buyers of the credits
include power plants that need to offset emissions that exceed European limits,
countries buying offsets to comply with the Kyoto Protocol — an international
environmental treaty — and some environmentally conscious companies that voluntarily
offset their carbon footprint.
Since the United
Nations program began, 46 percent of all credits have been awarded to the 19
coolant factories, in Argentina, China, India, Mexico and South Korea. Two
Russian plants receive carbon credits for destroying HFC-23 under a related
United Nations program.
“I was a climate
negotiator, and no one had this in mind,” said David Doniger of the Natural
Resources Defense Council. “It turns out you get nearly 100 times more from
credits than it costs to do it. It turned the economics of the business on its
head.”
Destroying the
waste gas is cheap and simple, but it is hard to know exactly how much any one
company has earned from doing so, since the market price for carbon credits has
varied considerably with demand — from about $9 to nearly $40 per credit — and
they can be sold at a discount through futures contracts.
The production of
coolants was so driven by the lure of carbon credits for waste gas that in the
first few years more than half of the plants operated only until they had
produced the maximum amount of gas eligible for the carbon credit subsidy, then
shut down until the next year, United Nations reports said. The plants also
used inefficient manufacturing processes to generate as much waste gas as
possible, said Samuel LaBudde of the Environmental Investigation Agency, an
organization based in Washington that has long spearheaded a campaign against
what he called “an incredibly perverse subsidy.”
Michael Wara, a law
professor at Stanford University, has calculated that in years when carbon
credits were trading at high prices and coolant was dirt-cheap because of the
oversupply, companies were earning nearly twice as much
from the credits as from producing the coolant itself.
The United Nations,
recognizing the temptation for companies to jump into the lucrative business,
has refused since 2007 to award carbon credits to any new factories destroying
the waste gas. And last November, it announced that in contract renewals, factories
could claim credits for waste gas equivalent only to 1 percent of their coolant
production, down from 3 percent. The United Nations believes that eliminates
the incentive to overproduce, said Mr. Hession, the former Clean Development
Mechanism board chairman.
Even with these
adjustments, credits for destroying waste gas this year remain the most common type in the United Nations system,
which rewards companies for reducing all types of warming emissions. Eighteen
percent of credits in 2012 will go to the 19 coolant plants, compared with 12
percent to 2,372 wind power plants and 0.2 percent for 312 solar projects for
the carbon dioxide emissions avoided by the clean energy they produce.
In India, coolant
plants received about half of the United Nations carbon credits awarded to
companies in that country, for destroying their waste gas, during the system’s
first five years. They accrued the power and money to fight efforts to roll
back the subsidy.
Compared with
Indian representatives, Chinese diplomats have shown greater willingness at
international meetings to consider altering the subsidy for waste gas credits,
said Stephen O. Andersen, a former United States Environmental Protection
Agency official who is now with the Institute for Governance and Sustainable Development
in Washington. That is because China has a more centrally controlled economy
and because it is developing an industry based on newer coolants. “It’s easier
for them to put the national interest before the interest of one manufacturing
sector,” he said.
A bigger question
is just how much the European Union’s decision to disallow, as of next year,
the waste gas credits in its immense carbon trading system will decrease their
value.
Banks and companies
holding such credits have been rushing to cash them in or sell them. And the
potential devaluation of the carbon credits has an impact in other
industrialized nations, since the carbon credit projects involve foreign
sponsors and investors, who sometimes received carbon credits in exchange for
services or financing.
A coolant factory
in Monterrey, Mexico, that receives carbon credits is 49 percent owned by
Honeywell. Goldman Sachs bought many of its carbon credits.
Such credits are
likely to have some continued value, because they can be used in other
environmental programs that allow their use, like voluntary ones through which
companies offset the emissions generated by having a conference or travelers
opt to pay a fee to offset the emissions from an airplane flight.
Mr. LaBudde, of the
Environmental Investigation Agency, who has long campaigned against the
subsidy, said he hoped that no one would buy these “toxic” credits that “have
no place in carbon markets” and that they would quickly disappear. In its
latest annual report, Gujarat Fluorochemicals acknowledged that its carbon
credits “may not have a significant market” starting next year because European
companies have previously been their primary buyers.
Mr. Hanrahan, of
IDEAcarbon, said that the credits could, at the very least, be sold at a low
price to traders who see the possibility for marginal profit in a way similar
to the market for junk bonds. Even if all the proposals to make the carbon
trade far less valuable succeeded, the 19 factories certified to generate
carbon credits by destroying the waste gas could earn $1 billion from that business
over the next eight years, according to projections by IDEAcarbon.
And even as the
economics shift, one big environmental question remains: Without some form of
inducement, will companies like Gujarat Fluorochemicals continue to destroy the
waste gas HFC-23? Already, a small number of coolant factories in China that
did not qualify for the United Nations carbon credits freely vent this
dangerous chemical. And atmospheric levels are rapidly rising.
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