3719. Wilder Peréz Varona: El Problema Es Quién Gobierna el Mercado

By Wilder Pérez Varona, La Joven Cuba, July 22, 2026

Wilder Pérez Varona. Foto: La Joven Cuba.

A pesar del consenso sobre la necesidad de hacer cambios en la economía cubana, las medidas anunciadas el 25 de junio de 2026 han abierto más preguntas que certezas. Llegan en medio de una crisis que combina contracción productiva, colapso energético y éxodo migratorio, agravada por el recrudecimiento del cerco estadounidense. Y bajo estas circunstancias es imposible no preguntarse quiénes podrán acumular riqueza, qué ocurrirá con los trabajadores de los sectores menos rentables, cómo se evitará que privilegios burocráticos muten hacia formas oligárquicas, y qué papel jugará el mercado. ¿Alcanza con leer este paquete como un ajuste técnico para salir de la angustiosa crisis? Para aportar a este debate converso con el investigador cubano Wilder Pérez Varona, doctor en filosofía, ensayista e investigador cubano, quien ha dedicado tiempo a analizar la recomposición del imaginario político en Cuba, sobre todo en el ecosistema digital. En estos momentos, investigador posdoctoral del CONICET por la Universidad Nacional de Quilmes (Argentina). En el diálogo Wilder examina qué relaciones de poder redefine la reforma, qué estructura social empieza a consolidarse detrás del lenguaje del «perfeccionamiento del socialismo» y si es posible sostenerla sin transformar, también, el ordenamiento político que la administra. Estamos frente al paquete de reformas más abarcador en los últimos 30 años. ¿Son solo medidas técnico/económicas? No. El paquete aprobado de 176 medidas tiene un contenido profusamente técnico —tipos de cambio, sociedades por acciones, procedimientos de quiebra—, pero su naturaleza es decididamente política. Estas medidas no solo cambian la economía; cambian quién tendrá poder sobre la riqueza del país durante las próximas décadas. Es cierto que nacen de una emergencia. Cuba enfrenta una crisis productiva, energética y demográfica a la que es difícil hallar precedentes, agravada por el endurecimiento del asedio estadounidense. Hoy Washington restringe el comercio, intenta impedir el acceso al financiamiento, desalienta la inversión extranjera y obstaculiza el suministro de combustible, mostrando que existe una estrategia deliberada para cerrar cualquier margen de recuperación económica. Pero reconocer el peso del bloqueo no significa asumir que las reformas son políticamente neutras. Toda reforma económica redistribuye poder. El problema no es únicamente cómo producir más, sino quién decidirá sobre esa riqueza y quién se beneficiará de ella. El cambio más importante de este paquete no es que exista más mercado, sino que se redefine la relación entre propiedad y poder. Una empresa puede seguir llamándose socialista mientras los trabajadores y la ciudadanía no tengan ninguna capacidad real para decidir sobre ella, con lo cual la propiedad social se vuelve una ficción jurídica. GAESA es el ejemplo más claro de ese mecanismo. Más allá de las noticias recientes sobre liberación de activos, podría conservar su capacidad de gestión con estas reformas, y convertirla en participación accionaria sobre las mismas empresas que ya dirigía. La propiedad sigue siendo, en el papel, del pueblo; quien decide sobre ella sigue siendo, en los hechos, quien ya decidía antes de la reforma. Hay consenso en que el modelo de estatismo burocrático agotó sus posibilidades. Cuba necesita empresas más dinámicas, mayor autonomía de gestión y nuevos espacios para la iniciativa económica, pero ¿autonomía para quién y bajo qué controles? Las medidas proponen fortalecer a las empresas y a los nuevos actores económicos, pero apenas hablan de democratizar las decisiones sobre la riqueza que producen. Estamos descentralizando empresas, pero no necesariamente poder. Eso también modifica la lógica del proyecto socialista. Durante décadas, con muchas contradicciones, la igualdad fue el punto de partida del modelo. Como afirmó el propio Díaz-Canel, hoy la secuencia parece invertirse: primero acumular, después redistribuir. El crecimiento deja de estar subordinado a la justicia social; la justicia social pasa a depender del crecimiento. Esto es un cambio de filosofía económica. El mercado puede ser un instrumento útil para desarrollar una economía socialista. Lo que no puede hacer es sustituir la política. Si las nuevas oportunidades de acumulación no van acompañadas de transparencia, regulación democrática y control social, el riesgo es que terminemos sustituyendo una burocracia poco eficiente por una nueva élite económica estrechamente vinculada al poder estatal. El Programa Nacional de Valoración de Activos, sin un sistema judicial independiente ni transparencia sobre quién compra qué, puede convertir a gerentes y cuadros militares en accionistas legales de las mismas empresas que hoy administran a nombre del Estado. Esto es, con matices, lo que ocurrió en buena parte de la transición postsoviética. Por eso el debate no debería reducirse a Estado o mercado. La discusión de fondo es si estas reformas ampliarán la socialización del poder económico o si abrirán el camino a una nueva estructura de privilegios. ¿Qué impactos se avizoran a la estructura socioclasista que se viene configurando en los últimos años? Estas reformas, en caso de implementarse, cambiarán toda la sociedad. Y, sobre todo, cambiarán las relaciones de clase. Durante décadas, el socialismo cubano consiguió construir una sociedad mucho más igualitaria que la existente antes de 1959. Esa igualdad relativa comenzó a erosionarse desde los años noventa con las remesas, el turismo y la expansión del sector privado. Lo nuevo es que ahora la diferenciación social deja de ser una consecuencia de la crisis para convertirse en un componente estable del modelo. Habrá más empresarios, empresas más grandes y mayor concentración de riqueza. Claro que toda economía necesita actores capaces de invertir, innovar y asumir riesgos. La cuestión es quiénes serán esos empresarios, si emergen del trabajo productivo y de la innovación, o bien de la conversión de privilegios burocráticos en propiedad privada. Ese riesgo existe porque la frontera entre administrar recursos públicos y apropiarse de las oportunidades que genera la reforma puede volverse cada vez más difusa. La eliminación del tope de cien trabajadores para las mipymes y la posibilidad de que una misma persona sea titular de varias empresas sientan las bases para una acumulación de capital. La conversión de empresas estatales en sociedades por acciones, con particulares comprando participaciones, es el mecanismo concreto de esa concentración. Todavía no sabemos si esas acciones las comprará el emprendedor que arriesgó capital propio o el directivo que ya administraba la empresa antes de que se convirtiera en sociedad. Al mismo tiempo, también cambiará el mundo del trabajo. El universo, hasta hace algunos años relativamente homogéneo, del empleo estatal dará paso a trabajadores con condiciones muy distintas según el sector, el acceso a divisas, las remesas o el vínculo con empresas privadas y extranjeras. El llamado «muro de la divisa» puede consolidarse, esta vez por diseño, como la principal línea de fractura de la sociedad cubana. Esa desigualdad tendrá además color, territorio y apellido, porque quienes dispongan de capital inicial, familiares en el exterior o mejores redes económicas partirán con ventajas evidentes frente a quienes dependan exclusivamente de un salario en pesos. En el territorio se ve con mayor crudeza, ya que descentralizar hacia municipios sin base industrial ni atractivo turístico distribuirá más déficit que autonomía. Las diferencias sociales tenderán a reproducirse de generación en generación si el Estado renuncia a intervenir sobre ellas. Otro cambio igual de importante es el tránsito de políticas universales hacia subsidios focalizados, tantas veces anunciada, que modifica la relación entre ciudadanía y Estado. Ahora se propone una plataforma que clasifica a las personas como «vulnerables» para decidir quién recibe ayuda y quién no. Los trabajadores de las empresas rentables se integrarán, de algún modo, al nuevo circuito de la economía; los de las llamadas empresas «zombis» quedarán expuestos a la quiebra o la liquidación. La igualdad deja de entenderse como un derecho y la «vulnerabilidad» —es decir, la pobreza— pasa a administrarse como una condición permanente. El riesgo es que el Estado deje de prevenir la desigualdad para limitarse a gestionar sus consecuencias. El problema no es solo cuánto crecerá la desigualdad, sino qué tipo de poder producirá. Como es sabido, cuando la riqueza se concentra, también tiende a concentrarse la capacidad de influir sobre las decisiones públicas. Por eso no basta con preguntarse si se consolidará una nueva burguesía. La pregunta decisiva es si Cuba contará con instituciones suficientemente democráticas para impedir que el poder económico termine capturando también el poder político. Las reformas redistribuyen mucho más que ingresos; redistribuyen poder. Y será esa nueva distribución del poder, más que las propias medidas económicas, la que terminará definiendo la Cuba que viene. ¿Por qué dices que modelo propuesto hace suponer la desigualdad como parte de su estructura y condición para su funcionamiento? No es porque el Gobierno haya decidido que la desigualdad sea un objetivo, sino porque el nuevo modelo termina convirtiéndola en una condición para dinamizar la economía. Ese es, probablemente, el cambio más profundo que introducen estas reformas y que, digan lo que digan, se aparta de los documentos rectores aprobados anteriormente. Se puede seguir, medida por medida, cómo la inversión de la lógica que organizaba la producción según principios de distribución igualitaria queda incorporada al diseño técnico. La fijación salarial, ahora descentralizada y supeditada a la «capacidad económico-financiera» de cada empresa, condena a los trabajadores de los sectores menos rentables a la precariedad mientras habilita salarios liberados en el sector dinámico. Los procedimientos de quiebra, con indemnizaciones de apenas tres a seis meses, convierten la inseguridad laboral en un mecanismo más de disciplina de mercado, incluso dentro del propio sector estatal. Y la dolarización parcial estratifica el consumo hasta en servicios que antes eran gratuitos, se cobra a quien tiene, y se sostiene apenas una protección precaria para el resto. Estos mecanismos son piezas de un mismo diseño que necesita la desigualdad para funcionar, porque es ella la que genera el incentivo de mercado que el Estado ya no puede generar por sí mismo. Ahora bien, el riesgo de que la riqueza provenga del acceso privilegiado a información, a relaciones políticas o al control de recursos públicos existe en Cuba porque la reforma amplía las oportunidades de acumulación sin proponer mecanismos de transparencia y control social. Esta apertura puede terminar consolidando una oligarquía nacida desde el propio Estado. Y ese riesgo, una vez materializado, es muy difícil de revertir, en cuanto esa nueva burguesía consolida activos —vía el Programa Nacional de Valoración de Activos, vía la compra de acciones—, deshacer esa concentración exige un costo político que ningún actor con poder de veto va a estar dispuesto a asumir. La desigualdad, dicho de otro modo, no se disuelve con el crecimiento, tiende a fijarse. Por eso me preocupa que el debate se reduzca a cuánto crecerá el PIB o cuánta inversión llegará al país. Una economía puede crecer y, al mismo tiempo, perder cohesión social. Puede aumentar la productividad y reducir la capacidad de la sociedad para controlar democráticamente la riqueza que produce. La cuestión decisiva no es cuánto mercado admite una economía, sino quién gobierna ese mercado. Si la riqueza termina concentrando también el poder político, el problema ya no será únicamente la desigualdad; será la formación de un nuevo bloque dominante. Si dentro de diez años Cuba es un país más próspero, pero también más oligárquico, habremos cambiado el modelo económico sin resolver el problema histórico de nuestro maltrecho socialismo. ¿Serán viables estas reformas económicas sin ajustes al ordenamiento político? Tengo muchas dudas. No porque toda reforma económica exija automáticamente un cambio del sistema político, sino porque ninguna transformación de esta magnitud puede sostenerse sin democratizar el ejercicio del poder. Y cuando hablo de democratización me refiero a quién controla las decisiones económicas fundamentales y mediante qué instituciones la sociedad puede supervisarlas. Las reformas proyectan enormes cuotas de poder hacia empresas, bancos, inversionistas y nuevos actores privados. Eso puede ser necesario para reactivar la economía. Lo que resulta difícil de comprender es por qué esa descentralización no viene acompañada de una ampliación equivalente del control ciudadano. Estamos creando empresas más autónomas, pero no necesariamente más democráticas. Ese ha sido, precisamente, uno de los grandes problemas del socialismo cubano. Durante demasiado tiempo confundimos propiedad estatal con propiedad social. Pero una empresa no pertenece realmente a la sociedad porque aparezca así en un documento. Pertenece a la sociedad cuando quienes producen su riqueza y quienes dependen de ella pueden conocer cómo funciona, participar en sus decisiones y exigir cuentas a quienes la administran. La democratización económica no es un lujo para tiempos mejores; es una condición para que la reforma siga siendo socialista. Eso supone, más que hacer eficientes las empresas, transparencia sobre el uso de los recursos públicos, rendición de cuentas, instituciones capaces de prevenir conflictos de interés y espacios reales donde trabajadores y ciudadanos puedan intervenir en las grandes decisiones económicas. De lo contrario, la autonomía empresarial puede convertirse simplemente en autonomía frente a la sociedad. Hay otro aspecto igualmente importante. Si las reformas crean nuevos empresarios, nuevas relaciones laborales y nuevas formas de propiedad, también deberían fortalecer la capacidad de organización de los trabajadores. Un país que transforma profundamente su economía sin ampliar la participación del trabajo corre el riesgo de desequilibrar aún más la relación entre capital y sociedad. Todo esto resulta todavía más importante bajo las condiciones excepcionales que impone el bloqueo estadounidense. Precisamente porque Cuba enfrenta una presión externa extraordinaria necesita fortalecer su cohesión interna. La Sherritt, después de más de tres décadas operando en Moa, se retiró por sanciones que amenazaron cortarle el acceso al sistema bancario internacional, y terminó en una venta forzada, en condiciones de liquidación, a un fondo vinculado a un exasesor de la administración Trump. Conviene no perder de vista que, si bien Cuba necesita divisas para que la banca privada y el mercado cambiario funcionen, quien controla ese flujo de capital condiciona cualquier alivio a una transformación política que el Gobierno ha declarado fuera de la mesa. Solo en el discurso se puede desacoplar al mercado del sistema. Pero esa cohesión interna, que solía descansar en la legitimidad histórica de nuestro proyecto social, necesita construirse ahora sobre nuevas formas de participación, transparencia y confianza pública, porque el margen para el error se ha vuelto muy estrecho. Si al desmontar los subsidios universales no existe un Fondo de Protección Social ya capitalizado y operativo, la brecha entre el ajuste y la ayuda directa puede alimentar el mismo malestar social que estalló en julio de 2021. Las reformas solo tendrán estabilidad si la mayoría siente que participa de sus beneficios, pero también de sus decisiones. Otra vez, el desafío consiste en impedir que la modernización de la economía desemboque en una nueva concentración del poder, ahora bajo formas de mercado. Si el horizonte sigue siendo el socialismo —virtualmente ausente de las medidas anunciadas—, entonces la democratización política y económica no puede llegar después de la reforma. Tiene que ser parte de la reforma desde el primer día. ¿Qué modelos, fórmulas o concepciones consideras debieron ser tenidas en cuenta? Creo que la discusión ha estado mal planteada desde el principio. Se nos ha hecho creer que solo existen dos caminos, o conservar un estatismo burocrático fracasado o avanzar hacia una economía cada vez más gobernada por el mercado. Pero el problema nunca ha sido elegir entre Estado y mercado; es decidir quién ejerce el poder sobre la economía. Si algo ha demostrado la experiencia cubana es que la propiedad estatal, por sí sola, no garantiza el socialismo. Una empresa puede ser formalmente pública y funcionar de espaldas a la sociedad. Del mismo modo, admitir espacios de mercado no implica necesariamente abandonar un horizonte socialista. Lo decisivo es si la riqueza es sometida al control democrático o termina convirtiéndose en patrimonio de una minoría, sea burocrática o privada. Por ejemplo, si las empresas estatales van a ganar autonomía, también deberían ganar participación de los trabajadores y mecanismos efectivos de rendición de cuentas. Si el sector privado va a crecer, el Estado debe impedir que el éxito económico se convierta en poder político mediante impuestos progresivos, regulaciones antimonopólicas y reglas estrictas contra los conflictos de interés. Si la inversión extranjera será más importante, la sociedad tiene derecho a conocer cuáles son las prioridades nacionales que esa inversión debe servir. En otras palabras, sin contrapesos democráticos, el mercado deja de ser un instrumento para desarrollar el país y se convierte en un mecanismo para concentrar riqueza e influencia. También habría apostado mucho más por las formas de propiedad verdaderamente sociales, como cooperativas, empresas cogestionadas por sus trabajadores, iniciativas de desarrollo local y espacios donde las comunidades participen en las decisiones sobre la riqueza que producen. Pienso, en concreto, en redes de bancos cooperativos y fondos municipales de desarrollo, gestionados localmente, capaces de captar remesas y reinvertirlas en la propia comunidad en lugar de canalizarlas hacia la acumulación privada de unos pocos actores. No porque estas experiencias vayan a sustituir al Estado o al mercado, sino porque distribuyen poder. Y, al final, de eso trata el socialismo, de impedir que el poder económico quede concentrado en pocas manos. Hay además una lección que Cuba no debería perder de vista. Todas las transiciones económicas producen nuevas clases sociales. Aunque esto no pueda evitarse, sí se debería impedir que una nueva élite económica capture gradualmente al Estado. Ese riesgo es aún mayor en un país donde una parte importante de la economía ha estado históricamente administrada por estructuras estatales y empresariales muy concentradas. La transparencia, el control de las instituciones de gobierno a todos los niveles, la prensa pública y la participación ciudadana se vuelven entonces mecanismos para proteger el carácter público de la riqueza nacional. Por supuesto, ninguna de estas discusiones puede hacerse ignorando el bloqueo estadounidense. Cuba necesita crecer bajo condiciones extraordinariamente adversas y tiene derecho a buscar los instrumentos económicos que le permitan sobrevivir. Pero precisamente porque enfrenta esa presión externa, es aún más importante preservar aquello que históricamente distinguió al proyecto socialista, la idea de que el desarrollo debía estar al servicio de la mayoría y no de una nueva minoría privilegiada. En definitiva, creo que el verdadero debate no es si Cuba debe parecerse más a China, a Vietnam o a cualquier otro modelo. Cómo construir una economía capaz de generar riqueza sin renunciar a democratizar el poder sigue siendo, a mi juicio, la tarea pendiente. Porque el futuro del socialismo cubano no dependerá únicamente de cuánto crezca la economía. Dependerá de si quienes producen la riqueza participan también en las decisiones sobre su destino. Si las reformas solo modernizan los mecanismos de acumulación, pero dejan intactas o incluso profundizan las relaciones de poder existentes, habrán cambiado la economía sin transformar aquello que, desde una perspectiva socialista, realmente importa: quién gobierna la riqueza colectiva y en nombre de quién se gobierna.

 

3696. Cuba: Council of Ministers Outlines Roadmap for Implementing Approved Economic and social Reforms

By  Leticia Martínez Hernández, Granma International, July 1, 2026

Photo: Estudios Revolución

"It's about, above all, saving the Revolution," emphasized the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba and President of the Republic, Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez, speaking at the most recent Council of Ministers meeting, which outlined the roadmap for implementing the approved economic and social reforms in the country."

"We must face this challenge," he clarified, "without surrendering, with intelligence, ideological firmness, responsibility, unity, courage, and audacity."

"That is what we, the generations defending the Revolution, must do," he emphasized.

The president asserted that the transformations are aimed at saving the Revolution, regardless of what the enemies say. "Today, no country in the world is more attacked than Cuba, with a multidimensional war, and we have the responsibility, under these conditions, not only to save it, but also to continue perfecting our process of socialist construction," he said.

In the session—led by Political Bureau member and Prime Minister Manuel Marrero Cruz—the President stated that "the primary goal is to unleash productive forces so that we can build wealth and distribute it with social justice."

He indicated that everything that unleashes productive forces must be implemented immediately because the first response we must seek with these transformations is for all economic actors to begin working with a different dynamic, one that cannot be the one reflected in the Economic Plan report.

Díaz-Canel emphasized the priority of approving everything that levels the playing field for economic actors. On this point, he warned, "We are talking about the economic actors of socialist construction, of our Economic and Social Model. Therefore, they are the ones who will contribute to the National Economic and Social Development Plan until 2030, the Government's Economic and Social Program for 2026, and the territorial and local development strategies."

The Head of State considered legal certainty a fundamental element. “The rules for everything we are going to do must be clear; there must be transparency so that we can monitor, from both a popular and institutional perspective, everything we do.”

The President reiterated the urgency of "explaining how each transformation defends the construction of socialism; how it will contribute to economic growth and social development; how it will allow us to increase the wealth that we will distribute with social justice and improve the situation of those who are most vulnerable; and how each transformation will further strengthen respect for the rights of all Cubans in our society."

"We won’t be able to implement these transformations effectively if the population doesn’t participate," he warned. "We haven’t exhausted any existing discussions; perhaps someone will propose something even better than what we’ve achieved so far, and where there’s a misunderstanding, we need to explain why and listen."

The country needs much more debate, he asserted, but to debate effectively, we must listen and build consensus, because we are entering an extremely complex process in an extremely complex situation.

"This is what truly contributes, and this is what it means to rise to the occasion, to live in this historical moment," he said, referring to the approved transformations.

He called for applying "all the categories of Fidel’s concept of Revolution to the attitude we must adopt. They are all present in what we must do to defend these transformations. And when I speak of defense, I don’t just mean implementing them, but implementing them well so that they yield results," he concluded.

THE IMPLEMENTATION ROADMAP

In this working session, the members of the highest governing body approved the proposal presented by Prime Minister Manuel Marrero Cruz for the implementation of the economic and social transformations that the country will undertake immediately for its recovery.

He explained that, following the plenary sessions of the Central Committee of the Communist Party and the National Assembly of People's Power, as well as meetings with members of the National Association of Economists and Accountants of Cuba and other experts, the initial document outlining the economic and social transformations was updated based on 673 proposals received, 79% of which were accepted. He specified that the majority of these proposals were aimed at enriching the implementation process that is now beginning.

Marrero Cruz indicated that in the coming days, actions will be implemented to grant new powers to state-owned socialist enterprises; decentralize the power to approve wholesale and retail prices to the business sector; and restructure the Higher Organizations of Business Management. Empower provincial governments and administrative councils to create, merge, extinguish, and liquidate local state-owned enterprises; make the approval and allocation of after-tax profits more flexible; decentralize the power to approve the salary scale to the state-owned enterprise system, among other important steps.

Regarding the non-state sector, he specified that among the priorities in implementing the transformations are: the approval of pending non-agricultural micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs) and cooperatives; the reduction of procedures, terms, and requirements for the creation of new economic actors; allowing the hiring of more than one hundred workers and permitting an individual to own more than one private company; expanding the types of business structures under which they can organize; and reducing the list of prohibited activities in this sector.

Concerning agricultural recovery, he addressed as a priority the modification of land management and use for all economic actors, as well as making marketing more flexible.

Marrero Cruz clarified that the economic and social transformations, contained in 23 key areas that encompass a wide range of urgent issues, are relevant to all organizations and require updating work systems to dedicate the necessary time and analysis to them.

In this, she said, the role that we, as leaders, must play is crucial; "the greatest transformation must be in our way of thinking."

The document outlining the 176 approved economic and social reforms is available on the government platform (www.sovereignty.gob.cu) and on the website of the Presidency of the Republic (www.presidency.gob.cu).

During the discussion of this matter, the Minister of Justice, Rosabel Gamón Verde, explained that the approved reforms have an impact on the legal framework, requiring modifications to some existing regulations and the drafting of new ones. She assured that the process will be swift, but will require full-time work.

She clarified that efficiency and speed cannot come at the expense of achievements made in the regulatory process, including legality, democratization, popular participation whenever possible, and the quality of our legal norms.

In this regard, the President of the National Assembly of People's Power, Esteban Lazo Hernández, noted that the usual time required for drafting legal norms will be significantly reduced. A series of steps currently involved will be eliminated, while always maintaining respect for the Constitution, necessary consultations, and public participation. However, the process will be more expeditious, he reiterated.

TOPICS ON THE AGENDA

At this meeting of the Council of Ministers, an analysis of the performance of the Cuban economy in the first half of the year was presented. The economy has been profoundly impacted by the U.S. government's blockade policy and the continued oil embargo, which affects all sectors of the nation's life.

The reports on the execution of the State Budget as of the end of May and the estimate for the first half of the year were also reviewed, and the report on the settlement of the 2025 Budget was approved. This latter report will be presented at the next session of the National Assembly of People's Power.

Likewise, the proposal for the early placement of graduates from higher education and mid-level technical programs, who will complete their studies in 2027, was approved.

In addition, a report was presented detailing the results of the detection, prevention, and care provided to minors under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of the Interior for committing acts classified as crimes and exhibiting harmful behaviors. This work is being intensified nationwide through collaboration between operational bodies and agencies of the Central State Administration, as well as social, mass, and political organizations.

3694. Cuba's President Miguel Mario Díaz-Canel on Free Market Reforms: "Reality Demands Urgent and Necessary Changes"

By Miguel Mario Díaz-Canel Bermúdez, Granma International, June 18, 2026

Speech delivered by Miguel Mario Díaz-Canel Bermúdez, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba and President of the Republic, at the closing of the Extraordinary Plenary Session of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, at the Palace of the Revolution, on June 17, 2026, "Year of the Centennial of Commander-in-Chief Fidel Castro Ruz."

Comrades, members of the Party’s Central Committee;

Distinguished guests;

Compatriots:

This extraordinary plenary session is taking place at a decisive moment for Cuba. As proud heirs to the legacy of the Commander-in-Chief, we Cuban revolutionaries today face challenges of enormous magnitude that demand unity, ideological steadfastness, courage, boldness, and creative resilience.

We are guided by our leader, a prominent member of the vanguard of the Centennial Generation and a zealous guardian of the continuity of the socialist Revolution—which he played a decisive role in building from its foundations to the present day—Army General Raúl Castro Ruz, Hero of the Republic of Cuba, who has taught us every day the sacred value of unity.

The context is extraordinarily complex and challenging due to the relentless aggression of the intensified economic, commercial, and financial blockade imposed by the United States government and the criminal intent behind the hostile actions of the current administration: first, the inclusion of Cuba on the infamous and spurious list of countries that allegedly sponsor terrorism, and other equally false accusations that seek to discredit the government’s authority and administration, while depriving the country of any source of foreign exchange.

This blockade has been further intensified by the Executive Orders of January 29 and May 1st, which reinforce the genocidal energy blockade and, through secondary sanctions, internationalize the blockade, taking financial, energy, and investment persecution to extremes of maximum pressure.

At the same time, political and ideological subversion is intensifying through media disinformation on social media to undermine the Revolution’s credibility—among both Cubans and foreigners—fostering social disorientation in a national and international context marked by profound transformations in the socioeconomic structure and global geopolitics, as a consequence of the unlimited powers of a hegemonic imperialist policy that seeks to shatter multilateralism, fuels neo-fascist movements, and exacerbates global tensions, constantly threatening international peace and security and attempting to break the indispensable unity of leftist forces.

The silent genocide being waged against Cuba is causing immeasurable damage and terrible hardships in our daily lives as a people, while its perpetrators brazenly lie to the world by denying the energy blockade and claiming that we are blocking the entry of million-dollar donations—donations they tout extensively but have delivered hardly anything of what was promised.

Cuba is resisting heroically and creatively, but for far too long it has suffered a barbaric, undeserved, and unbearable punishment, to which is now added the threat of military aggression as a new weapon against our collective resistance.

Cuba faces a cruel blockade and real, daily financial persecution that drives up the cost of every drop of fuel, every medicine, every food item, every part, and every piece of technology the country needs.

Reality demands urgent and necessary changes. And when life for the people becomes so difficult, the primary duty of the Communist Party and the revolutionary government is not to explain the crisis better, but to change whatever needs to be changed to overcome it.

What is required is a comprehensive and agile economic agenda, executable in the short term, that combines macroeconomic stabilization, incentives to stimulate and promote productive openness, legal certainty, the attraction of investment, intensive use of technology, and targeted and effective social protection.

Let us recall that at the closing of the 11th Plenary Session, we stated that the postponement of the Congress did not preclude the possibility of making the necessary changes, modifications, and adjustments, taking into account the powers of Party and government structures—such as the Plenary Sessions of the Central Committee when it comes to resolutions adopted by Party congresses.

To this end, intensive work has been carried out, based on the informative report and debate from the ANEC Congress, the public consultation on the Economic and Social Program for 2026, the opinions of economists and experts, the debates and contributions made by the Economic Commission of the Party’s Central Committee, the Economic and Social Policy Guidelines approved and updated at the 6th, 7th, and 8th Party Congresses, the proposals of the 11th Plenary Session of the Central Committee, and the work carried out by the commissions that have been preparing the documents for the postponed 9th Party Congress—for reasons that are well known—regarding the update of the Conceptualization of the Economic and Social Model, the Guidelines, and the National Plan for Economic and Social Development through 2030.

In addition, a study has been conducted on the experiences of socialist construction in other countries, such as China and Vietnam, and artificial intelligence has also been utilized to further the search for references and evaluate the proposals in relation to our current laws and regulations.

We are facing the enormous challenge of continuing to advance the process of socialist construction, defending the Revolution and its achievements, and perfecting our society, under the conditions of a country subjected to the cruelest, most genocidal, and longest-lasting economic, financial, energy, and commercial blockade imposed by the world’s most powerful nation. And to overcome this, the legacy we have is that of our Commander-in-Chief, Fidel Castro Ruz (Applause).

No one in the history of humanity has ever faced the challenge of socialism under the conditions that this country, this nation, and this people are currently facing! We will undoubtedly overcome this challenge through unity, courage, popular participation, and full conviction in our ability to achieve victory.

The transformations we are proposing are intended to advance the defense of socialism, to support and expand social justice, and to create economic wealth and distribute it equitably. Without wealth, there is nothing to distribute; we would be speaking of social justice in the abstract. Social justice as conceived by the Revolution—with its humanistic mission to help the most disadvantaged, generally through free welfare programs and projects—does not cost the people anything, but it does cost the State. And to carry it out, to deepen it, to sustain it, and to maintain it, the State needs wealth—and we must produce that wealth ourselves. If there is no wealth, there is no social justice, and everything else is a fairy tale—everything else is a fairy tale! Either we produce under these conditions, create wealth, and then distribute it with social justice and equity—not egalitarianism. That is the challenge!

We need to unleash the productive forces, to have more production rather than more restrictions, because it has been proven that control without supply merely drives operations into the informal market.

Equality and integration among economic actors are necessary in accordance with the National Plan for Economic and Social Development through 2030 and the territorial and local development strategies involving state-owned enterprises, MSMEs, cooperatives, agricultural producers, foreign and Cuban investors, residents and non-residents alike: all must act and contribute to the country’s socioeconomic development under clear rules.

We must export and produce to attract and bring in foreign currency and make productive use of it. Every unit of foreign currency that enters the country must be channeled to finance production, imports, investment, wages, and infrastructure.

Legal certainty must be guaranteed: contracts, usufruct rights, leases, concessions, surface rights, and licenses must offer temporal stability and protection against arbitrary changes. Without legal certainty, no one will invest, and no one will take risks.

We must promote digitalization with traceability: electronic invoicing, digital payments, public registries, and interoperable data as a foundation for reducing tax evasion and corruption.

Social protection must be prioritized: replacing inefficient blanket subsidies with direct support for vulnerable people. We must always ensure that each action does not increase social inequalities; on the contrary, they should be gradually reduced until they disappear.

We must act with selective and intelligent openness: attracting technology, financing, markets, and external knowledge, while protecting strategic sectors through regulation, not through stagnation.

A gradual and experimental approach is necessary: reform should be implemented in phases and through verifiable pilot programs, maintaining government leadership and adjusting course based on evidence to address and minimize potential economic and social costs.

Also essential are political unity to ensure the consistency and credibility of the measures; clear and precise communication of the decisions to be implemented, to gain support for the transformations; and the adoption of compensatory mechanisms to mitigate economic and social impacts.

We must work with agility, consistency, and quality—and above all, with control. What has been approved must be implemented properly.

In this scenario, it is necessary to make progress on at least five fronts simultaneously:

Macroeconomic stabilization and the recovery of foreign revenue.

The transformation of the Economic and Social Model.

The stimulation and recovery of the agricultural sector.

The strengthening of accounting and cost management.

Anticipating and mitigating the social costs associated with the necessary transformations of the Economic and Social Model.

And these five aspects are very well developed in the report presented by ANEC at its last congress.

The Commander-in-Chief taught us that in times of crisis we could not give up on either development or critical thinking, that no obstacle is insurmountable, and that there is always an opportunity to grow. And along that path, the Army General showed us that it is possible, that it was possible, and that it will always be possible.

The people understand the causes of many of the difficulties we face, but they also need concrete answers, timely decisions, and results that are felt in their daily lives.

There are obstacles that do not come from outside or from blockades. There is sluggishness, bureaucracy, regulations that hold back those who want to produce, and decisions we have put off. What depends on us, we must change ourselves—and we must change it now.

We owe our homeland to the resistance, but today resistance alone is not enough. This time demands that we transform, produce more, remove more barriers, listen more, make better decisions, and be accountable.

What we intend to set in motion is an emergency economic and social agenda, comprising measures that are part of our Government Program and policies approved by the Party, along with decisions that can no longer wait. Some will not enjoy unanimous consensus, but they cannot be postponed. And each will have a specific person in charge, a defined deadline, a metric to measure its implementation, and public accountability to the nation.

What works will be expanded. What does not work will be corrected without delay. Anyone with a responsibility will have to be held accountable for it, and when someone cannot meet the demands of this moment, they must responsibly make way for someone who can do it better.

We will face this process as the challenge of the generations that today share the defense of the Homeland, the Revolution, and Socialism.

Regarding the Economic Management System, I want to emphasize that the most important point is that, if we adopt these transformations, central planning would not serve to manage the economy, but rather to create an appropriate institutional and regulatory environment so that enterprises and workers are encouraged to produce goods and provide quality services efficiently, as well as to introduce innovations into their management for these purposes.

And we must definitely ensure that the Plan is built from the ground up with the participation of workers.

We will continue restructuring the government apparatus, the state, the Party, and our institutions. We will integrate structures where necessary, review duplicated functions, reduce unnecessary steps, and continuously optimize the way the country is governed and served. These structures must be more dynamic, more proactive, and less bureaucratic.

One of the most important and urgent tasks is to boost the country’s development from the ground up, starting with the municipalities.

We cannot delay any further in empowering municipal governments and ensuring they have and exercise all possible authority to develop.

No economic change will be sufficient if socialist state-owned enterprises—which will remain the fundamental pillar of the economy—do not have the genuine capacity to manage, innovate, and be accountable for their results.

It is necessary to reform the management of state-owned enterprises based on real autonomy, economic and financial evaluation, the separation of state and business functions, and the application of the "comply or explain" principle to prevent regulations from becoming an obstacle when a more beneficial and demonstrable solution exists.

To that end, we will move forward in two directions: greater real autonomy for enterprises and more professional management of state assets through the National Institute of Business Assets, which is tasked with representing the owner of the means of production, evaluating results, demanding efficiency, and better separating the business function from the regulatory function of the ministries.

Autonomy does not mean a lack of control; it implies a framework of accountability. It means being able to make timely decisions, form better partnerships, invest more effectively, pay better wages, and be accountable for results to the people and to the State.

We need to strengthen state-owned enterprises, not replace them with administrative mechanisms that paralyze them. To this end, we must complete the separation between state and business functions, evaluate performance using economic and financial tools, and grant real autonomy to manage material, financial, and human resources—with subsequent oversight, transparency, and accountability.

There is no sovereignty with empty plates. The Cuban people’s food will be treated for what it is: a matter of national security.

And idle land in Cuba must be eliminated. Every piece of land that is currently overgrown with marabou—when it should be producing food—will require a clear solution: either it is put to productive use or it is handed over to those willing to do so.

We will expand the granting of land in usufruct to those who are willing and able to produce: producers, cooperatives, micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs), and other forms of association—without ever renouncing national sovereignty or regressing to the dependent country we left behind with the Revolution.

We will recognize the right of those who work the land to invest in what they need to make it productive, and we will allow those who commit to real results to import seeds, fertilizer, parts, and equipment directly. But one principle must be clear: that land will continue to belong to the people; and if it does not produce, if it does not serve the country, if it does not fulfill its social function, it will have to pass into the hands of those who can indeed make it productive.

We cannot continue to demand that Cuban farmers produce more food with fewer tools and at prices below their costs; they must have effective mechanisms for direct access to foreign currency, such as selling to exporters—as is the case with tourism—or on the foreign exchange market.

We must make the land an opportunity rather than a burden; ensure that those who sow see the fruits of their labor; enable those who produce to live better lives; and provide those who invest in the countryside with security, support, and a future.

Cuba needs its farmers, their work, and their trust. When the Cuban countryside becomes a path to prosperity for those who work it, the country will be stronger, more just, and more sovereign.

With regard to foreign trade, exports, logistics, and value chains, we must authorize direct imports and exports for state-owned and non-state-owned enterprises—whether they are productive, export-oriented, or import-substituting—while maintaining technical and fiscal requirements but eliminating mandatory intermediation.

Regarding debt renegotiation, we must carry out a debt-for-assets swap process, focused primarily on exchanging national assets for debt, without permanently relinquishing ownership of those assets. Through this mechanism, we can secure financing and other benefits without losing ownership rights over the assets.

We must also explore other mechanisms, such as "debt-for-nature" or "debt-for-social-development" swaps, the issuance of bonds tied to the Sustainable Development Goals, and others.

We will comprehensively review the list of activities prohibited to the private sector, guided by a clear principle: to replace, whenever possible, prohibitions with responsible regulation. The country needs to establish legal pathways for these activities, with clear rules and appropriate controls.

We will also make the scope of the corporate purpose of MSMEs and other economic actors more flexible and significantly alleviate the bureaucratic burden currently faced by many entrepreneurs; furthermore, we must streamline the creation of economic partnerships between state and non-state management models.

Foreign investment is also trapped in a web of obstacles that hinder its necessary growth. We must not only tell foreign investors where to invest, but also allow them to take the initiative to invest in the economic sector of their choice, as well as to directly hire their workers without state intermediaries at all times.

We must authorize foreign direct investment in the national private sector, including MSMEs, with clear rules on ownership, repatriation, reinvestment, and dispute resolution.

We must facilitate investment models with different modalities and involving all stakeholders on the part of Cubans living in Cuba. And to Cubans living abroad who wish to invest, donate, import technology, open a market, or launch a project in their homeland, we will offer a clear, stable, and respectful framework, without them being viewed with suspicion for wanting to help their own people or contribute to the development of the land where they were born. To anyone who wants to build a future with Cuba, without seeking to impose anything on it, we say with our hearts on our sleeves: this is your home, and our door is open to you, because at this moment, this homeland cannot afford to lose a single good Cuban (Applause).

A power outage isn’t just a matter of megawatts or a generation shortfall. A power outage is the child who couldn’t study for a test, the food that went bad in the refrigerator, the elderly person who spends the night awake, restless, and sweltering. It’s the hospital operating at full capacity, the doctor’s office that can’t store medication, the worker who loses a day’s pay, and the business that has to close. That is why energy is not a technical issue; it is a human, economic, and national issue.

We will accelerate the integration of solar energy into the national economy, as we have been doing. To achieve this, we will facilitate the direct entry of foreign companies that supply panels, batteries, inverters, and related solutions, reducing the number of intermediaries that drive up costs for the population and for the country.

Import tariffs on solar technologies, storage systems, and energy-saving equipment have already been eliminated. Now we will also move forward with eliminating taxes on their sale and on services related to their installation and maintenance.

In addition, we will create credit and financing mechanisms so that these solutions are not accessible only to a few, but can gradually reach households, micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs), medical clinics, educational centers, nursing homes, and other essential services for the population. And in this effort, our Cuban companies and technicians—both state-owned and private—will be at the center, installing, maintaining, repairing, integrating, and creating jobs. Cuban companies can specialize in the installation, integration, operation, and support of these technologies.

We will promote electric transportation powered by renewable energy sources. Any electric vehicle intended for public, private, or light-duty freight transport that demonstrates it operates entirely or primarily on solar energy will be eligible for special incentives, tariff exemptions, elimination of sales taxes, and facilitation of imports of chargers, batteries, parts, and related solutions.

We will also promote the installation of solar panels throughout the country with foreign, private, cooperative, and state investment, prioritizing urban routes, tourist hubs, productive zones, and essential services. Along with this, we will establish an expedited process for granting licenses for transportation operators, electric taxis, or associated mobility services, under clear rules, technical oversight, road safety standards, and transparent pricing.

The top priority, above all else, is the people who cannot wait for the economy to improve, because there are hardships that know no deadlines. True social justice is not built on artificial prices that eventually lead to shortages, long lines, low wages, and an illegal market.

Social justice is built on real foundations: incomes with purchasing power, direct protection for those who need it most, and a national economy capable of producing more. There are no shortcuts; these are not new ideas, but decisions that the country discussed and approved years ago. The mistake was not in proposing them, but in postponing them—and that period of delay must come to an end.

The basic food basket will be guaranteed to retirees, families with chronically ill children, and vulnerable populations. Targeted programs will be developed to promote social transformation in the poorest neighborhoods. The state-owned and private business sectors must be given a greater role and incentives to get involved in solving prioritized local problems, such as soup kitchens, sanitation, and shelters for children without family support, among others. These decisions will entail new, concrete tasks: delivering pension payments to retirees near their homes so they do not have to wait in line for hours under the sun; sponsoring soup kitchens, nursing homes, senior centers, and children’s centers; creating solidarity quotas and cost-based pricing for those who truly need it; and digitizing everything so that it is clear who contributes, who receives, and what results are achieved.

For years, we operated under a system of wage controls, price regulations, and a government that subsidized a huge portion of the country’s economic life. That formula had its rationale, its context, its results, and its time; but it no longer addresses the complex reality we face today. The prices families face have become far too disconnected from the income of workers and retirees, and we cannot continue to act as if that gap did not exist.

We will also open new avenues for secure access to medications.

Regarding fiscal, tax, monetary, and financial restructuring policies, we propose that the primary objective for reducing the fiscal deficit lies in increasing production—which is the basis for tax revenue—and cutting unnecessary budget expenditures. That is why we will also correct a policy that failed to deliver the expected results.

Price caps, in practice, failed to curb inflation. They often led to product shortages, a shift toward the black market, higher prices, lower tax revenue, and an impossible race between actual prices and administrative decisions that were always late or remained rigid in the face of changing economic realities, thereby limiting all those who wish to conduct their economic activities legally and transparently. For this reason, we will not continue to impose blanket price caps, as the Prime Minister explained. We must correct distortions in the tax system that currently drive up the costs of production chains and ultimately get passed on to the final price.

We will move toward a creditable value-added tax (VAT) progressively supported by electronic invoicing to avoid cascading taxation. But these decisions can only be implemented alongside more direct and effective social protection, with a shift from subsidizing products to subsidizing people, and with efforts to restore the purchasing power of wages and pensions. It is not a matter of leaving anyone to fend for themselves in the market; it is a matter of providing better protection, increasing production, regulating intelligently, and managing with realism.

We need a financial system that supports the economy, serves the needs of the various economic actors, reduces lines, facilitates payments, ensures transparency in transactions, and turns savings, credit, and investment into concrete tools for development.

We must thoroughly modernize the country’s banking and financial system. To do so, Cuba needs banks that are more agile, more digital, closer to the people, and more useful to those who produce, export, import, invest, or start businesses.

We will open up opportunities—under strict regulation—for private and foreign financial institutions; new mechanisms for credit, productive financing, the development of financial markets, and payment services, in which state, cooperative, and private actors can participate. The goal is to ensure that collecting a pension, receiving a remittance from abroad, paying for a service, applying for a loan, financing a harvest, purchasing equipment, or moving money to support production is not an obstacle course.

We will allow offshore accounts, foreign-currency payments between companies, and auditable international transactions for entities that import, export, or provide global services.

This is not about weakening the role of the state, but rather about expanding and modernizing the country’s capacity to finance production, support those who generate goods and services, regulate the flow of money, and provide better service to our people.

We will turn digital transformation, software, and artificial intelligence into cross-cutting tools to develop agriculture, the energy sector, healthcare, education, foreign trade, banking, e-commerce, logistics, tourism, and tax enforcement.

Specific proposals related to software, artificial intelligence, the knowledge economy, and the digital economy must be presented as cross-cutting infrastructure to boost national productivity. This is not merely about exporting software, but about digitizing payments, taxes, foreign trade, agriculture, healthcare, energy, logistics, government, and statistics.

With regard to tourism and the real estate sector, new business models must be implemented, with the participation of all economic actors. We must develop a productive, regulated real estate market that includes: leasing of idle state-owned properties; rental of buildings, commercial spaces, warehouses, offices, tourist facilities, workshops, and industrial spaces; concessions; rights of use for real estate; and transparent bidding processes open to state, private, cooperative, or mixed-ownership entities.

We have discussed fuel imports and all the opportunities that have been opened up to the private sector, but now the goal is to achieve this with reasonable, transparent, and non-exploitative profit margins.

As for vehicle imports, we must eliminate all import barriers, prioritize the import of electric vehicles, and, of course, develop solar panel manufacturing facilities.

I know there is concern—and rightly so—about the partial dollarization of the economy, inflation, and the lack of many products priced in local currency. We are not going to ignore this problem. The business models we are authorizing in foreign currency must directly and verifiably contribute to an increase in foreign exchange revenue that allows for the sustainability of offerings in local currency.

We must impose stricter requirements on the use of digital payment platforms. We must expand approvals for wholesale and retail trade, eliminating intermediaries, and, without a doubt, we must implement electronic invoicing.

We must eliminate wage barriers that prevent the retention of talent and a highly skilled workforce in the productive, export, technology, energy, and agro-industrial sectors, and allow for variable compensation in CUP and foreign currency linked to verifiable results in exports, import savings, increased productivity, innovation, energy availability, or foreign sales.

With regard to digital government, public data, and smart monitoring, we must implement mandatory and phased electronic invoicing for medium and large taxpayers; then move on to micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs) and self-employed workers, using simple tools adapted to actual connectivity.

We must modernize the National Statistical System and the ONEI through digital data collection from companies and entities, publication via public service applications using artificial intelligence, and the protection of sensitive data.

We must use artificial intelligence to simplify procedures, process scanned documents, detect errors, validate files, authenticate documents, and reduce administrative burdens.

We must improve the quality of services provided to the public by designing new approaches to each issue.

And we must seriously address a problem that affects the daily lives of millions of Cubans: solid waste collection. We will launch local projects to improve the collection, treatment, and disposal of solid waste, in which—responsibly—those who place the greatest burden on the system must also contribute more to sustaining it.

But this solution will not be solely state-led; it will incorporate foreign investment into the non-state sector, the business system, communities, and creative initiatives that help restore cleanliness, order, and health to our cities and communities.

Comrades:

Cuba does not need further delays; it needs solutions. It is not a matter of creating more offices or holding more meetings, but of achieving concrete results.

To govern is to solve problems, remove obstacles, provide support, and ensure that decisions translate into real improvements; because creating in Cuba, investing in Cuba, working in Cuba, and staying in Cuba also depend on the country’s ability to blaze new trails, organize intelligently, and support those who want to contribute.

Alongside economic opportunities, we will also promote concrete spaces where young people can take action within their communities.

The Community Youth Network must be a pathway for young people to find places to receive training, find employment, serve their community, and turn an idea into a real project. This network must coordinate useful initiatives in neighborhoods: revitalizing public spaces, supporting vulnerable people, cultural and sports activities, training in trades and technologies, community communication, productive projects, local employment, and support for at-risk youth.

This is not about creating yet another structure or bringing young people together merely to receive guidance; it is about giving them skills, tools, knowledge, responsibilities, and real opportunities to transform the places where they live—because staying in Cuba must also mean having a place where they can be useful, grow, learn, lead, and build a future starting from their neighborhood, school, workplace, and municipality.

We know our country; we know where the obstacles lie, where corruption lurks, where there is excessive red tape, and where a sense of shame and dignity is lacking.

Every measure we announce will have designated leaders, deadlines, and performance indicators. We will report on what is progressing, what is not being met, and what needs to be corrected.

There will be matters that, to protect them from those who wish to sabotage them, we will have to handle with discretion. Martí has already taught us that some things must remain hidden in order to be achieved; but discretion will never be an excuse to hide anything from the people.

As a people, we are not going to come together merely to resist; we are going to come together to create, to produce, to decide, to hold others accountable, to prosper, and to transform, because what we are starting today is not something a government does— this is something we all do together—or it won’t be done at all: with the farmer who returns to the fields to plant, with the small and medium-sized business that dares to take risks, with the technician who installs the first solar panel, with the teacher, with the doctor, with the young person who decides to stay and invest in their homeland, with the Cuban living abroad who reaches out, with you, with me, with everyone.

We will not deny the problems; we will not defend bureaucracy; we will not close the door on talent; we will not abandon the vulnerable; and we will never allow the suffering of this people—caused by the perverse imperialist blockade—to be used against the sovereignty of our homeland (Applause).

Nothing will be impossible if we embrace the challenge as an opportunity and history as inspiration!

Céspedes, Agramonte, Maceo, Gómez, Martí, Mella, Villena, Guiteras, Che, Camilo, Almeida, Fidel, and Raúl—all our heroes—faced moments that were just as difficult, or even more so, for their time, than those faced today by the new revolutionary generation, and all emerged from those challenges with honor and glory—even those who fell in combat without living to see victory—because they bequeathed to us lessons in courage that endure to this day, as was demonstrated on January 3 of this year when 32 Cuban combatants fell while confronting elite troops vastly superior in numbers and resources.

No revolution has had it easy, and ours has had the audacity to survive six decades of a blockade, genocidal laws, hybrid warfare, and a series of unilateral coercive measures that no other nation has endured—nor could it endure—for so long.

On the centennial of Commander-in-Chief Fidel Castro’s birth and the 95th birthday of Army General Raúl Castro Ruz, the best tribute we can pay to the admirable work of our two historic leaders is to defend it and preserve its essence of social justice, amid the storm of predatory wars, threats of invasion, and processes of neocolonization that, like the Seven-League Giant, are sweeping across the sky, devouring worlds in these times.

We are all called to action, and together we will prevail.

Long live Free Cuba! (Shouts of: "Long live!")

Long live the heroic Cuban people! (Shouts of: "Long live!")

Long live the sovereignty of the Cuban nation! (Shouts of: "Long live!")

Socialism or Death!

Fatherland or Death!

We will prevail! (Shouts of: "We will prevail!")

(Applause.)

3693. “In Cuba, There’s No Food Shortage; It’s a Wage Shortage. People Can’t Afford to Get Food.”

By Claire Boobbyer, Adventure.com, June 24, 2026

Photo credit: Reuters.com

Editor's note: There is a paucity of sources on how everyday life is for the Cuban people. The state-owned and run Cuban mass media do not report on it. Socialist media supportive of the Cuban revolution do not report on it. Reports from corporate media in the West, particularly the United States, are biased against the 1959 revolution and socialism. In this context, I am publishing the following report, shared by a Canadian socialist living in Cuba. It throws light on a misreporting of "food shortages" in Cuba.  I have not edited the article.

*     *     *

The US oil blockade has created huge geopolitical and economic pressures for Cubans, leading to government advisories warning against travel to Cuba. But while the island remains open for visitors, what is everyday life like for local people and businesses reliant on tourism? Cuba expert and frequent traveler Claire Boobbyer reports.

The last monthly pay cheque of 6,000 CUP (US$10; )[CUP is convertible peso to dollars at a fixed rate—ed.]  Tania Rodríguez received for work at a foreign-managed hotel was in February. Speaking from her home in central Cuba, the university graduate says the government offered her replacement work as a hospital cleaner for 3,000 pesos a month (US$5). She declined.

Later, cleaning work at a beach hotel emerged, but it meant sleeping on-site—not possible with elderly parents and a young child. Rodríguez cooks on her patio with charcoal—a 20-liter bottle of gas on the black market is unaffordable at 60,000 pesos (US$90). She’s emotional as she relates how she sells clothes, shoes, sheets of wood lying around the house; she’s contemplating selling a fridge and water tank to buy food. “We are going downhill without any brakes,” she says. She credits her family’s survival to a friend, a Canadian tourist she met years ago, who tops up her bank card.

An oil blockade imposed on January 29th by the Trump administration has almost paralyzed Cuba. Blackouts hit islanders for 22-23 hours a day, fuel prices have shot up, and cross-country transport is withering. Water supply is increasingly unavailable to many homes as water pumps need a power supply, hospitals are struggling to function, and many medicines are only available on the black market. The energy choke triggered airlines to begin pulling out, and countries including the UK, Ireland, Switzerland, and Australia banned non-essential travel to Cuba. In a shock move, Canada, historically the source of most of the island’s visitors for decades, repatriated its tourists in February.

In 2017, Cuba’s tourism sector generated USD$3.3billion, 10 percent of the country’s GDP, writes Paolo Spadoni, Associate Professor at Augusta University and co-author of a recent book, The Cuban Tourism Industry. Tourism is a big player; it’s said that up to 500,000 Cubans are directly and indirectly linked to the industry, relying on wages, revenue, and tips.

It feels like a different place today. At a poetry reading last month at the Ojo del Ciclón cultural spot in Havana’s old quarter, Urszula Abolik, a Polish American who’s been visiting Cuba for 12 years, was one of just two tourists. “I’ve never seen Havana that quiet. These artists and dancers … they still show up for their art, but it’s very hard for them right now. You cry that Havana is like that.”

During Abolik’s two-week stay, she danced tango, stayed in a B&B where the power never failed, moved around in local fixed-route taxis and bicycle rickshaws, and saw small groups of tourists from China, France, and Argentina. At a packed solar-powered club listening to the charanga-style (Cuban dance music) Aragón Orchestra, Abolik was the only foreigner, and the only diner at the superb Buena Vista Social Curry Club during a set by acclaimed Cuban pianist José Portillo.

The unfolding crisis in 2026 has deeper roots. The US Embargo against Cuba, imposed in 1962, has been tightened over the years. In 2021, President Trump placed Cuba on a State Sponsors of Terrorism List, crippling its ability to receive foreign aid and process financial transactions. The move nullified the ESTA visa-waiver scheme for entry into the US too, for travelers who visited Cuba on or after January 12th 2021. Over 67 years of the Castro family rule, internal mismanagement of its centrally planned economy has prevailed, COVID-19 further devastated tourism, from which it never fully recovered, while over-investment in tourist hotels post-pandemic squeezed out services in greater need.

This dismal picture is borne out by the figures. Between January and April this year, the island recorded 328,608 visitors, a 56 percent drop against the same months last year. At Cuba’s tourism height, in 2017-18, a few years after President Obama normalized relations with the US and eased travel restrictions, almost five million people visited for the rich culture, nature, and beach resorts. With all this in mind, who is still advocating for travel to Cuba?

In typical circumstances, UK-based Cuba specialist tour operator Love Cuba sends 5,000-6,000 travelers to the island each year. But despite the UK’s Foreign Commonwealth Development Office (FCDO) advising “against all but essential travel to Cuba”, its CEO Damien O’Brien says about 20 people a month are heading there with Air Europa, the only airline flying from mainland Europe, with specialist insurance.

Love Cuba offers transfers to Havana hotels and the all-inclusive beach resorts of Varadero, Cuba’s premier 13 miles of sand, two hours east of Havana. Cuba’s state-owned hotels, a major source of revenue, have historically been ringfenced, powered by generators, and with reliable sources of food. As the electricity supply has been on the blink since COVID-19, Cuba’s private entrepreneurs and new Micro, Small, and Medium-Sized Businesses (Mipymes) have imported power storage systems such as EcoFlow—tapping power from sockets or solar panels—to run businesses and homes.

3687. End the U.S. Blockade of Cuba and Threats of Military Intervention NOW!

 

By Kamran Nayeri, May 30, 2026

In recent days, the U.S. government has been making threats of military attack against Cuba. Two weeks ago, the Justice Department filed an indictment against Raul Castro, the historic leader of the Cuban Revolution, and five others in the U.S. Court for the Southern District of Florida. The main charge in this indictment is the decision to shoot down three airplanes belonging to Brothers to the Rescue on February 23, 1996. This group had been flying over Cuba to drop leaflets encouraging Cubans to revolt against the government.

Cubans' demand for U.S. immigration has always outstripped the supply of immigrant visas granted by the U.S. embassy. As a result, one of the problems the Cuban government has faced has been illegal immigration through the Florida Strait by often self-made boats, putting them in danger of dehydration and drowning in treacherous waters.

Brothers for the Rescue was formed in May 1991 by a group of Cuban pilots who immigrated to the United States. Its initial goal was to help Cubans who were sailing from Cuba to Florida. However, its founder, Jose Basulto, had a history of working for the CIA. This group increasingly worked to help overthrow the Cuban government, including by propaganda through dropping leaflets in Cuba (Robles, May 20, 2026).  Prior to the targeting of the "Brothers for the Rescue" planes, the Cuban government had repeatedly complained to the US government about the activities of this group based in Florida, which was made up of U.S. nationals or legal residents. Several negotiation meetings were held between the diplomats of the two countries, but the U.S. government took no action to stop these illegal flights that contributed to a counter-revolution in Cuba.

Trump's anti-Cuba policies escalated after his success in the imperialist campaign against the government of Nicolás Maduro in Venezuela, which led to the kidnapping of him and his wife, Celia Flores, on January 3 of this year, and replacing him with Vice President Delcy Rodríguez. Rodriguez and the leadership of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela abandoned the socialist language used by the Maduro government, replacing senior officials, mainly from the military, in 13 of the 32 ministries.

From the first day after Maduro's abduction, Trump declared his main goal of controlling Venezuela's resources and oil industry.  With 303 billion barrels of oil estimated in 2023, Venezuela has the largest known oil reserves in the world. Oil was discovered in Venezuela in the late 19th century, but its extraction began in 1922 by American and European companies. In 1976, Venezuela nationalized the oil industry.

On January 29, Rodríguez, with the cooperation of parliament, where the United Socialist Party holds a majority, enacted a law to privatize oil production and sales.  At the same time, the United States lifted sanctions on Venezuela's oil industry and issued licenses to American oil companies to enter the Venezuelan oil industry. According to U.S. Energy Secretary Chris Wright, who visited Venezuela in February, Venezuela's oil sales had reached $1 billion after Maduro's abduction, and another $5 billion is expected in the coming months.

U.S. action against Cuba after Maduro's abductionThe day after Maduro was kidnapped from Venezuela, Trump turned his attention to Cuba as a “trouble spot” and threatened it to "make a deal" with him before it was too late. Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel responded by saying that those who turn everything, even human lives, into business, lack the moral credibility to criticize Cuba. 

By declaring a state of emergency, Trump used his executive power to warn that any country that sells or gives oil to Cuba will be subject to tariffs (Robles, January 30, 2026).  On February 27, the day before the start of the war against Iran, Trump said in his speech that he would take Cuba in a “friendly way."

The crisis caused by the ban on oil exports to Cuba

The blocking of oil imports to Cuba quickly turned into a full-blown crisis. The New York  Times compared it to the blockade of Cuba during the 1962 Missile Crisis.

According to the UN Human Rights Office, the oil blockade of Cuba has caused severe fuel shortages, threatened the country's food supply and water system, and affected hospitals. According to the UN World Food Program, along with Hurricane Melissa, fuel shortages have hurt crops in agriculture. The Cuban government has been forced to close down schools, universities and some transportation services. Due to the lack of fuel for vehicles, garbage has accumulated in Havana neighborhoods, posing a risk of disease spread. Electricity is rationed in all cities, and in some cases there is only two to four hours of electricity per day.

On March 13, 2026, Dias Canel announced that Cuba was in negotiations with the United States (Duran, March 13, 2026). Of course, the people of Cuba and the rest of the world knew nothing about these negotiations. At the end of March, reports emerged about these secret negotiations, suggesting that Trump's goal was to replace Díaz-Canel (Cotto, March 24, 2026). Canel was elected president on April 19, 2018, at the suggestion of Raúl Castro, and by his proposal at the party Congress on April 16, 2021, he was elected First Secretary of the Communist Party.  Before him, Raúl Castro held both positions.

On April 9, Canel said he would not resign in a rally.

Before formal negotiations between the two countries began, Trump's representatives secretly met with Raúl Castro's grandson, Rodrigo Castro. During these talks, Trump apparently called for the release of "political prisoners."

In  an interview on April 23, Cuba's ambassador to the United Nations, Ernesto Sobron Guzmán, said Cuba's internal affairs, including those in detention, would not be negotiated with the United States.

On April 28, Republican senators holding a majority blocked a bill introduced by Democratic senators to end oil blockade of Cuba.

While negotiating, Trump threatened Cuba with military intervention. At the same time, Secretary of State Marco Rubio offered $ 100 million in “humanitarian aid” to the Cuban people, along with two years of free Starlink service!

In the past, the same kind of offers have been made to Cuba by the U.S. government. On the one hand, they have tried to harm the Cuban economy and people's daily lives with sanctions and a blockade, and on the other hand, they have offered "humanitarian aid" on the condition that they directly distribute it to “the Cuban people,” bypassing the Cuban government!  Of course, the Cuban government has never accepted such "aid."

On May 14, CIA Director John Ratcliffe traveled to Cuba to deliver a "message" to the Cuban government while U.S. spy planes reportedly increased their flights around Cuba.  According  to "anonymous" CIA officials quoted in the US press, the Trump administration will only "seriously engage in dialogue" if Havana makes "fundamental changes."

The United States has increased the possibility of military action. On May 17, Axios published a report claiming that  Cuba had received about 300 military drones from Iran and Russia  and intends to  use them to attack "the U.S. base at Guantanamo, U.S. military ships, and possibly Key West, Florida."

Cuban Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez responded, "Without any legitimate excuse, the U.S.  government is building a fabricated dossier day in  and day out to justify its brutal economic war against the Cuban people and ultimately military aggression." He added, "Certain media outlets write in their favor and promote slanders."

The Cuban government issued a statement after meeting with Ratcliffe, saying Cuba "does not pose a threat to the national security of the United States, and there is no valid reason to put it on the list of countries that allegedly support terrorism."

The Cuban government reiterated that Cuba "does not host, support or finance terrorist or extremist organizations, and does  not allow any foreign military or intelligence bases to exist on its territory" and that it "has never supported and  will not allow any hostile action against the United States.”

The need for solidarity with Cuba

As I have emphasized earlier,

“Today's crisis-ridden Cuba has no resemblance to a society in transition to socialism; rather, Cuba seems more like a peripheral country under economic sanctions and threats from imperialism. Of course, working people must oppose these imperialist actions and threats. However, the one-party system dominated by Stalinist ideology has made it impossible for any form of socialist democracy to develop and for a much-needed democratic public discussion in Cuba on how to get out of the crisis. Instead, the Communist Party (PCC) leadership has for six decades tried to avert the systemic crisis rooted in the lack of socialist motivation of the working people by using administrative measures and market incentives (Nayeri, 2024).”

Still, Trump administration's filing of a case against Raul Castro is an attempt to create a political atmosphere for the purpose of toppling the Cuban government. The aim of this invasion is to crush all the achievements of the Cuban national democratic revolution of 1959, which ended half a century of U.S. imperialist domination of the country, and paved the way for a better society for all Cubans, especially workers, peasants, women and blacks, by adopting a measure of of social justice. 

U.S. Hands off Cuba!

References:

Coto, Danicia. Associated Press. “As US pressure grows for leadership change in Cuba, a Castro could be the next president.” March 24, 2026.

Duran, Milexy, Danica Coto, Matthew Lee, and Aamer Mahani. “Cuban President Confirms US Talks as Island’s Energy and Economic Crises Intensify.” Associated Press. March 13, 2026.

Kelley, Laura. “Trump Floats ‘Friendly Takeover’ of Cuba.” The Hill, February 27, 2026.

Nayeri, Kamran. “The Cuban Revolution and Other Socialist Revolutions of the Twentieth Century: A Reassessment.” Our Place in the World: A Journal of Ecosocialism. October 16, 2024.

Robles, Frances. “Trump Moves to Cut Off All Oil to Cuba as U.S. Takes Aim at Its Government.” The New York Times, January 30, 2026.