Thursday, November 2, 2017

2741. Cuba Will Persevere: Cuba's Foreign Minister's Speech at the United Nations

By Bruno Rodríguez Parrilla, Granma, November 2, 2017
Cuba's Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez Parrilla speaking at the United Nations
Editorial note: Full text of speech by Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez Parrilla, on the "Necessity of ending the economic, commercial, and financial blockade imposed by the United States against Cuba," in United Nations headquarters, New York, November 1, 2017
*     *     *
Mr. President;
Your Excellencies permanent representatives;
Distinguished delegates;
U.S. citizens and Cubans resident in the United States who are present in this hall:
I would like to express to the people and government of the United States; Mayor Bill De Blasio; Governor Andrew Cuomo; and other authorities in New York; as well as its citizens and especially families of the victims, our most heartfelt condolences, in the name of the Cuban people and government, for the terrorist attack which occurred yesterday afternoon.
I also express our sincere condolences to the peoples and government of Argentina and Belgium.
Mr. President:
I express the most energetic condemnation of the disrespectful, offensive, and interventionist statements made by the United States Ambassador to the United Nations against Cuba and against the Cuban government, a few minutes ago.
I recall that the United States, where flagrant violations of human rights are committed, of deep concern to the international community, does not have the slightest moral authority to criticize Cuba, a small, solidary country, with an extensive, recognized international record; an honorable, hard-working, and friendly people.
She spoke in the name of the head of an empire that is responsible for most of the wars in progress on the planet today, and which murders innocent people, and is the decisive factor in instability worldwide and the very serious threats to peace and international security, trampling international law and the United Nations Charter, which she has just cynically evoked.
It has not been 55 years, Madam Ambassador, you erred in your first sentence; it has been 26 of these sessions, and more than half a century since the events being discussed today originated.
She lies, uses the same style that predominates in U.S. politics today. This all began before the Cuban nation even existed. When the Cuban people, for the first time rose up in arms in 1868, the appetite for annexation and domination, of what was and is today U.S. imperialism, had already been unleashed.
In 1898, using a pretext - as is characteristic of the modern history of the United States: the explosion of the ship, the Maine, in a Cuban port, they entered as allies of Cuban independence forces and then occupied the country as invaders, and imposed the Platt Amendment, cutting short the independence and sovereignty of Cuba; they conducted three military occupations, imposed 60 years of total domination that ended January 1, 1859, with the entry of the Rebel Army to Havana and the triumph of the Cuban Revolution, that continues to this day carrying on the same struggles that have inspired our people for over 100 years. (Applause)
She lies, she used a phrase, attributing a statement on the so-called October or Missile Crisis to a supposedly Cuban source. I invite her to state the source, to state its author, to present evidence. It sounds like one of the tweets proliferating in this country, in these times of hate, division, and dirty politics. (Applause)
When the Cuban Revolution triumphed, the United States set regime change as its objective. The policy announced by President Trump on June 16 is not new; it is the same policy, it is an old policy anchored in the past.
She mentioned the illustrious U.S. Ambassador Adlai Stevenson. She forgot to say that he was the person who, deceived by his own government, had the unfortunate duty during a session of the Security Council, to show photos of supposed Cuban aircraft, actually of U.S. origin, bearing the emblem of the Cuban Air Force, that on April 15 bombed the city of Havana, caused numerous casualties, and was the prelude to the attack, the invasion, at Playa Girón or the Bay of Pigs.
These bombings and the involuntary lie of Ambassador Stevenson, who had been deceived by his government, occurred even before the declaration of the socialist character of the Cuban Revolution. These bombings took place prior to the declaration of the socialist character of our Revolution.
She has spoken of the October Crisis.
She has spoken of the days of President Kennedy's assassination, and the declassification of documents. They have really been hidden from the U.S. people too long. Declassify them all.
But if she wants to talk about these issues, I suggest she read the book
Trained to Kill: The Inside Story of CIA Plots against Castro, Kennedy, and Che, by CIA agent Veciana, in which he recounts his meeting with CIA agent David Phillips and with Lee Harvey Oswald, in Dallas, during the third week of September, 1963.
It has been a history of lies and aggression: Operation Northwoods, Operation Mongoose. Information was just declassified showing that at that time the United States had prepared 261,000 soldiers, ready for a direct invasion of Cuba. Functioning in Florida was the CIA's largest base in history, until that time, with more than 700 agents, until the creation of the even bigger CIA base in Saigon.
She uses a style reminiscent of the trial of Alice in Wonderland: sentence first, trial later.
I speak for my people, and I also speak for those who cannot call President Trump or the U.S. Ambassador by their name, but feel and think like me.
At least she has recognized the total isolation of the United States in this hall and in the world. You are alone on the issue of the blockade of Cuba! (Applause) She ignores the power of the truth, underestimates the strength of an idea at the bottom of a cave, which is more powerful than an army, as José Martí said, who wrote, carrying it on his chest, in an unfinished letter with the following phrase: "Everyday I am in danger of giving my life for my country, for my duty… to prevent in time, with the independence of Cuba, that the United States extends itself into the Antilles and falls, with this added strength, upon the lands of our America."
Ambassador, everything began much more than 26 years ago, much more than 55 years ago. Along with the military aggression, the fabrication of pretexts, plans for a direct invasion, measures taken to strangle our economy, state terrorism, destabilization, and subversion, they proposed - and I quote the infamous letter by Undersecretary of State Lester Mallory, signed April 6, 1960
- promoting "… disenchantment and disaffection based on economic dissatisfaction and hardship… all possible means should be undertaken promptly to weaken the economic life of Cuba … denying money and supplies to Cuba, to decrease monetary and real wages…"
The blockade of Cuba was created "to bring about hunger, desperation and overthrow of government.”
Nonetheless, when President Raúl Castro Ruz and President Barack Obama made those surprising, hopeful announcements, December 17, 2014, President Obama described the blockade as failed and obsolete, ineffective in achieving its objectives, causing harm to the Cuban people and the isolation of the U.S. government. Later he described it as useless in advancing U.S. interests, failed, senseless, not viable, and a burden for citizens.
But the blockade was never recognized as a flagrant, massive, and systematic violation of the human rights of Cubans, which the United States Ambassador cynically omitted a few hours ago, nor was it recognized as inconsistent with international law or as an act of genocide, as defined by the Geneva Convention, nor was its goal of subjugating our people renounced.
Nonetheless, the President of the United States at that time repeatedly stated his intention to use his executive powers, and work with Congress, to lift the blockade.
A concrete reflection of this intention was the U.S abstention, in 2016, during the vote on this resolution, which the United States Ambassador has just mocked.
During this period, substantive progress was made in terms of diplomatic relations, dialogue, and cooperation in areas of mutual interest and benefit; but during these last two years, the blockade was maintained, in all fundamental aspects, although some executive decisions were made to modify its implementation in a very limited fashion, but moving in a positive direction. The way in which the use of travel licenses was expanded was significant, given the legislative prohibition on travel to Cuba, that constitutes a violation of the rights and civil liberties of U.S. citizens, which she also failed to mention. Tangible results were also achieved in bilateral cooperation, to our mutual benefit, in such important arenas as confronting terrorism, drug trafficking, and digital crime.
Mr. President:
This past June16, President Donald Trump proclaimed the blockade the fundamental axis of his anti-Cuban policy, and announced a series of measures meant to reinforce it.
In an antiquated, hostile anti-Cuban speech, reminiscent of the Cold War, and before an auditorium composed, among others, of rancid Batista henchmen, annexationists, and terrorists, the U.S. government returned to worn-out allegations of supposed human rights violations in Cuba to justify the tightening of the blockade. From this podium, heard this morning was his echo, his echo chamber.
President Trump does not have the slightest moral authority to question Cuba.
He leads a government of millionaires who intend to implement brutal measures against the poor and low income families of this country, minorities and immigrants. He follows a program which encourages hate and division, and promotes a dangerous idea of exceptionalism and supremacy disguised as patriotism, and which will lead to more violence. He ignores the will of voters: two thirds of U.S. citizens and Cuban residents in the United States, as well, support an end to the blockade.
Current U.S. policies harm citizens; corruption reigns in politics which have been hijacked by so-called special interests, that is, by the interests and the money of corporations: no support for education, health, or social security; restrictions on union organizing; and terrible gender-based discrimination.
Deserving of condemnation are the use of torture; police murders of African-Americans; civilian deaths caused by its troops; the indiscriminate, racially motivated death penalty; the murders, repression, and police surveillance of immigrants; the separation of families; the detention and deportation of minors; and the brutal measures threatening the children of undocumented immigrants who grew up and were educated in the United States.
This is the government that lost the popular vote.
The United States Ambassador has expressed her dream. I prefer to repeat that of Martin Luther King, when he said, "I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal." Let freedom ring. (Applause)
She has come to tell us that she recognizes that the future of the island rests in the hands of the Cuban people. She is telling an absolute lie. It was never this way, throughout history. It has been a history of domination and hegemony over Cuba.
The announced policy proposes turning back relations to a past of confrontation, to satisfy the spurious interests of extremist circles within the U.S. right and a frustrated, aging, minority of Cuban origin in Florida.The Presidential Memorandum establishing the policy toward Cuba includes, among other measures, new prohibitions on economic, commercial, and financial relations between U.S. companies and Cuban enterprises.
It additionally restricts the freedom to travel of U.S. citizens with the elimination of individual trips under the so-called category of “people-to-people” exchanges, and increased surveillance for the rest of visitors from that country.
In recent weeks, President Donald Trump has reiterated on four separate occasions, (including before this Assembly this past September), that his government will not lift the blockade on Cuba unless it makes changes to its internal order.
Today I reiterate that Cuba will never accept preconditions or impositions and we remind the President and his Ambassador that this approach, applied by a dozen of his predecessors, has never and will never work. It will be just one more example of a policy anchored in the past.
More recently, under the pretext of the health conditions of some diplomats in Havana, without the slightest evidence of their cause and origin - because they lie when they speak of attacks or incidents - or the results of ongoing investigations, the government of the United States adopted new measures of a political nature against Cuba, which intensify the blockade and affect bilateral relations in their entirety.
Among them, it suspended the issue of visas for Cuban travelers and emigrants at its consulate in Havana, which undermines the right of citizens to travel freely and visit that country for short periods, as more than 163,000 Cubans have done this year, and seriously hinders the family reunification of others, under the bilateral agreement to grant no less than 20,000 immigrant visas per year. The requirement of an in-person interview with Cuban travelers in U.S. consulates in third countries, and with emigrants in the U.S. consular section in Bogotá, will greatly increase the cost of the procedure and make them unfeasible for a large number of them. Where are their rights in the United States’ discourse?
There is no way to justify harming people and families to try to achieve political objectives against the constitutional order in Cuba.
The U.S. government, with the political purpose of limiting travel and damaging international tourism to Cuba, also issued an unfounded and utterly dishonest warning to U.S. citizens to avoid visiting our country.
Through the unjustified expulsion of personnel at our Consulate General in Washington, the only one in the United States, the capacity to provide services to U.S. travelers and especially to Cuban residents here, who have the absolute right to visit and interact normally with their nation, has been severely limited.
Equally, the U.S. arbitrarily and groundlessly reduced the personnel of our Embassy, which has caused, among other consequences, the dismantling of its Economic-Commercial Office, with the malicious political aim of eliminating dialogue with the U.S. business sector, genuinely interested in exploring existing business opportunities, even within the restrictive framework of blockade regulations.
Nor is it surprising, considering what the Ambassador has said here, or her leaders previously, that the President of the United States ignores the unanimous international support for the progress that he is now reversing, or the similar demand for an immediate, total, and unconditional end to the blockade.
Mr. President:
As President Raúl Castro Ruz expressed, on July 14, “We reaffirm that any attempt to destroy the Revolution, whether through coercion and pressure, or the use of more subtle methods, will fail… Cuba is willing to continue discussing pending bilateral issues with the United States, on the basis of equality and respect for the sovereignty and independence of our country, and to continue respectful dialogue and cooperation in issues of common interest with the U.S. government.
“Cuba and the United States can cooperate and coexist, respecting our differences and promoting everything that benefits both countries and peoples, but it should not be expected that, in order to do so, Cuba will make concessions essential to its sovereignty and independence… nor will it negotiate its principles or accept conditions of any kind, just as we have never done throughout the history of the Revolution.” End of quote. (Applause).
Mr. President:
Cuba presents today, for the 26th consecutive time before the United Nations General Assembly, the draft resolution (entitled) “Necessity of ending the economic, commercial and financial blockade imposed by the United States of America against Cuba.”
In the current situation, this text acquires special relevance in the face of the setback that the actions of the new government of the United States against Cuba signal.
The blockade constitutes the greatest obstacle to the country’s economic and social development and the implementation of the National Plan, in line with the United Nations 2030 Agenda. It is the main obstacle to the development of economic, commercial. and financial relations between Cuba and the United States and the rest of the world.
According to calculations rigorously conducted by Cuban institutions, the blockade caused, in the year from April 2016 to April 2017, losses to the Cuban economy on the order of 4.305 billion dollars.
This figure is about double what would be needed as annual direct foreign investment for the Cuban economy to advance substantially toward development.
The accumulated damages reached the enormous figure of 822.280 billion dollars, calculated considering the devaluation of the U.S. dollar vis-à-vis the price of gold. At current prices, this is the equivalent of 130.178 billion dollars.
Dozens of banks in third countries have been affected in the last period by the extreme and tenacious persecution of Cuban financial transactions.
The blockade is contrary to International Law and its aggressively extraterritorial application damages the sovereignty of all states. It also harms economic and business interests in all latitudes.
Mr. President:
The Ambassador of the United States failed to mention that the blockade is a flagrant, massive, and systematic violation of the human rights of Cubans, and constitutes an act of genocide under the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. It is also an obstacle to the international cooperation that Cuba provides in humanitarian areas to 81 countries of the South.
The human damages caused by the application of this policy are incalculable. There is not a Cuban family or social service in Cuba that does not suffer the deprivations and consequences of the blockade. Cuban émigrés also suffer discrimination and prejudices.
Over the last year, the Cuban importer and exporter of medical products,
Medicuba S.A., made requests to purchase supplies from 18 U.S. companies that refused or never responded.
Others, such as the U.S. corporation Promega, recognized for the production of diagnostic kits to determine viral load in patients with HIV-AIDS, hepatitis C, or kidney diseases, refused in June 2017 to sell its products to Medicuba S.A., alleging that the Treasury Department maintains commercial sanctions that prohibit the sale of its products to the island.
On that same date, and with the same argument, the refusal to supply to Cuba was received from the company New England Biolabs Inc., which markets a wide range of enzymes, such as Proteinase K, which is a reagent that permits diagnosis of viral diseases such as dengue, zika, and chikungunya, as well as other enzymes with multiple uses for the diagnosis of congenital malformations of fetuses. and to determine compatibility between organ donors and patients who are to undergo kidney, bone marrow, or liver transplants, among others.
Using the same argument, this company refused to provide supplies of a totally humanitarian nature to Cuba.
In April 2017, the German supplier Eckert & Ziegler Radiopharma Gmbh, refused to supply to the same Cuban medical enterprise the Ge-68/Ga-68 Generator, or its components, which is a device used to diagnose prostate cancer. According to the company, it was not possible to directly supply the product to Cuba, or through a third country, because the blockade prevented it from doing so.
The cardiology service of the Hermanos Ameijeiras Clinical and Surgical Hospital urgently requires a circulatory assist device to treat cardiogenic shock, for interventional cardiology and electrophysiology, allowing for the recovery of patients suffering from heart failure and prolonging their lives.
The U.S. company Abiomed, global leader in this market, supplies the Impella system, ideal for treating these conditions. In September 2016 and February 2017, Medicuba S.A. contacted the company in order to study the possibility of incorporating the product into the Cuban health system, which to date has refused to respond.
Mr. President:
We are deeply grateful to all the governments and peoples, parliaments, political forces and social movements, civil society representatives, international and regional organizations that have contributed with their voice and their vote, year after year, to support the justice and urgency of the abolition of the blockade.
We also extend our gratitude to the vast majority of the American people for their support of this commendable goal.
It offends humanity’s conscience that the Ambassador of the United States has referred to the Bolivarian government of Venezuela in an unacceptable and interventionist way. She offends the heroic Venezuelan people, their civic-military union, and the Bolivarian Chavista government, led by President Nicolás Maduro Moros.
The government of the United States lies when it declares Venezuela a threat to its national security, which has, curiously, the largest certified hydrocarbon reserves on the planet.
As the Liberator Simón Bolívar wrote, “… the United States appear destined by Providence to plague America with misery in the name of liberty.” I respond to the Ambassador with Bolívar’s words.
We are in the midst of a clean, constitutional electoral process in Cuba, where seats are not bought, nor do special interests prevail, where there are no deceptive campaigns where money rules; elections in which the will of voters is not manipulated; elections in which division and hatred are not incited.
Mr. President:
We especially commend all those who have expressed concern and their rejection of the coercive measures announced by the current U.S. government.
The Cuban people will never give up building a sovereign, independent, socialist, democratic, prosperous and sustainable nation. (Applause).
We will persevere, with the consensus of our people and especially the patriotic commitment of the youngest Cubans, in the anti-imperialist struggle and in defense of our independence, for which tens of thousands of Cubans have already fallen and we have run the greatest risks, as we demonstrated in Playa Girón and in the face of all threats.
We will maintain eternal loyalty to the legacy of José Martí and Fidel Castro Ruz. (Applause).
Mr. President:
Distinguished permanent representatives;
Esteemed delegates:
Our people are following this debate with hope. On their behalf, I request that you vote in favor of draft resolution A/72/L.30, “Necessity of ending the economic, commercial and financial blockade imposed by the United States of America against Cuba.”
Many thanks. (Prolonged applause).
Exclamations of: "Viva Cuba!" "Cuba sí, bloqueo no!"

2740. Marx, Engels, and Ecology


By Michael Löwy, Capitalism Nature Socialism, April 20, 2017


ABSTRACT: The following is a brief survey of Marx and Engels’ views on ecology, from the viewpoint of their relevance for 21th-century ecosocialism. While there are some serious limitations in the way both consider the “development of productive forces,” there are powerful insights in their discussion of the destructive consequences of capitalist expansion for the environment—an expansion that generates a disastrous metabolic rift in the exchanges between human societies and nature. Some ecological Marxists distinguish between “first stage ecosocialists”—who believe that Marx analyses on ecological issues are too incomplete and dated to be of real relevance today—and “second stage ecosocialists,” who emphasize the contemporary methodological significance of Marx’s ecological critique of capitalism. This paper tries to argue for a third position (which probably could be accepted by several people of the two groups above): Marx and Engels’ discussion on ecological issues is incomplete and dated but despite these shortcomings it does have real relevance and methodological significance today. 
While mainstream ecology has been dismissive of Marx, serious research in the last decades has shown that Marx and Engels developed some very important insights on ecological issues. The pioneers of this research have been James O’Connor and the journal Capitalism Nature Socialism, but in the recent years, the most systematic and thorough investigations in this respect has been developed by John Bellamy Foster and his friends at Monthly Review.

Does this mean that ecology occupies a central place in the Marxian theoretical apparatus? I do not think so, but this does not result from any shortcoming; it simply reflects the fact that the ecological crisis in the 19th century was just beginning and was far from being as catastrophic as in our days. As I will try to show below, there are also some problems in Marxian discussion of the “development of productive forces” and some internal tensions in the understanding of socialism. Nevertheless, one can find in Marx and Engels’ writings a series of arguments and concepts that are essential to understanding the connection between capitalism and the destruction of the natural environment, as well as to define a social-ecological alternative to the prevailing system. 

Let us begin by discussing certain criticisms addressed by mainstream ecologists against Marx and Engels: 

(1) “The founders of historical materialism saw human beings as in permanent struggle with nature. They had a Promethean view of humanity as the master and conqueror of nature.” Indeed, there are passages in Marx and Engels’ writings which can be interpreted this way. For instance, when they celebrate the achievements of the bourgeoisie in the Communist Manifesto (1848), Marx and Engels state: 

Subjection of Nature’s forces to man, machinery, application of chemistry to industry and agriculture, steam-navigation, railways, electric telegraphs, clearing of whole continents for cultivation, canalisation of rivers, whole populations conjured out of the ground—what earlier century had even a presentiment that such productive forces slumbered in the lap of social labour? (1987, Ch. 1) 
Foster criticizes my use of the term “Prometheanism” for Marx and Engels. I agree that this is an inadequate generalization, but I cannot follow him in his “non-Promethean” reading of this specific passage in the Communist Manifesto (2000, 135–140). In a recent discussion on this passage of the Communist Manifesto, Saito acknowledges that “Löwy’s reading of Marx’s alleged ‘Prometheanism’ might seem hard to refute here ... but can hardly be generalized across Marx’s entire career ... ” (2016). Agreed! Indeed, it would be a serious mistake to conclude that these lines represent Marx’s general outlook on the issue of humanity’s relations to the natural world. As Kovel convincingly argues—against Ted Benton, Rainer Grundmann and others—a close reading of Marx would clearly show that he was not a Promethean, that is, “an unreconstructed apostle of Enlightenment in its rankest industrial form” (2007, 231). 

What is striking in Marx’s early writings is his outspoken naturalism, his vision of the human being as a natural, inseparable from the natural environment. For instance, here is what Marx stresses in his Manuscripts of 1844: “That man’s physical and spiritual life is linked to nature means simply that nature is linked to itself, for man is part of nature.” True, Marx is a humanist thinker, but he defines communism as a form of humanism that is, “at the same time, an accomplished naturalism, as well as the genuine solution of the conflict between man and nature.” Thanks to the positive abolition of private property, human society will become “the perfected unity in essence of man with nature, the true resurrection of nature, the realized naturalism of man and the realized humanism of nature” (Marx 1975, 348–349). These passages do not deal directly with the ecological issues and the threats to the environment, but the logic of this sort of naturalism permits an approach of the human/nature relationship that is not one-sided.

This attitude is not limited to Marx’s early writings. One can find a very similar naturalist approach in a well-known writing by Friedrich Engels from 1876 on The Part Played by Labor in the Transition from Ape to Man. Here, the naturalist stance becomes the foundation for a radical critique of predatory forms of human relationships to the environment:

Let us not, however, flatter ourselves overmuch on account of our human conquest of nature. For each such conquest takes its revenge on us ... The people who, in Mesopotamia, Greece, Asia Minor, and elsewhere, destroyed the forests to obtain cultivable land, never dreamt that they were laying the basis for the present devastated condition of these countries, by removing along with the forests the collecting centres and reservoirs of moisture. When, on the southern slopes of the mountains, the Italians of the Alps used up the pine forests so carefully cherished on the northern slopes, they had no inkling that by doing so they were cutting at the roots of the dairy industry of their region ... Thus at every step, we are reminded that we by no means rule over nature like a conqueror over a foreign people, like someone standing outside nature—but that we, with flesh, blood, and brain, belong to nature, and exist in its midst, and that all our mastery consists in the fact that we have the advantage of all other beings of being able to know and correctly apply its laws (Engels 1964, 291–292).
For sure, this passage has a very general character—it does not deal with the capitalist mode of production but with older civilizations—but it is nevertheless an ecological argument of an impressive and surprising modernity, both by its critique of the “conquering” attitude of human societies and, specifically, by drawing attention to the disasters resulting from deforestation.

(2) According to many ecologists, “Marx, following David Ricardo, sees human labor as the origin of all value and all wealth, neglecting the contribution of nature.” This criticism simply results from a misunderstanding. Marx uses the labour-value theory to explain the origin of exchange-value, in the framework of the capitalist system. Nature, however, participates in the constitution of real wealth, which is not exchange-value, but use-value. This argument is explicitly presented by Marx in his Critique of the Gotha Programme (1875), against the ideas of Ferdinand Lassalle and his followers in the German labour movement:

Labour is not the source [die Quelle] of all wealth. Nature is as much the source of use-values [Gebrauchswerte] (which are, after all, the real wealth !) as labour, which is itself nothing but the expression of a natural force, human labour force. (Marx 1965, 15)

(3) Many ecologists accuse Marx and Engels of “productivism.” Is this accusation justified? No, insofar as nobody denounced as much as Marx the capitalist logic of production for production’s sake: the accumulation of capital, wealth and commodities as an aim in itself. The fundamental idea of a socialist economy—in contrast to its miserable bureaucratic caricatures—is one of producing use-values, goods which are necessary for the satisfaction of human needs. Moreover, the main importance of technical progress for Marx was not the infinite growth of goods (“having”) but the reduction of the labour journey and the increase of free time (“being”). The opposition between “having” and “being” is often discussed in the Manuscripts of 1844. In Capital, Vol. III, Marx emphasizes free time as the foundation of the socialist “Kingdom of Freedom” (1968, III, 828). As Burkett has perceptively shown, Marx’s emphasis on communist self-development, on free time for artistic, erotic or intellectual activities—in contrast to the capitalist obsession with the consumption of more and more material goods—leads to a decisive reduction of production pressure on the natural environment (2009, 329).

However, it is true that one can find in Marx and Engels—and even more in the dominant Marxist currents that followed—a rather uncritical stance towards the productive forces created by capital, and a tendency to see in the “development of productive forces” the main factor of human progress. The “canonical” text in this respect is the famous Preface to the Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy (1859), one of Marx’s writings most loaded with a certain evolutionism, a belief in inevitable historical progress, and an unproblematic view of the existing productive forces: 

At a certain stage of their development, the material productive forces enter in contradiction with the existing relations of production ... From being forms of development of the productive forces, these relations become fetters (Fesseln). Then opens an epoch of social revolution ... A social formation never disap- pears before all productive forces for which it is broad enough are developed ... . (Marx 1964, 9) 
In this well-known passage, productive forces created by capital appear as “neutral,” and revolution has only the task of suppressing the relations of production which have become “fetters,” “shackles,” for a larger (unlimited?) development of the productive forces. I will discuss this issue below. 

The following passage from the Grundrisse is a good example of the sections of Marx’s work which bears witness to an uncritical admiration for the “civilizing action” of capitalist production, and its overcoming of “nature-worship” as well as other “barriers and prejudices”: 

Just as production founded on capital created universal industriousness on one side ... so does it create on the other side a system of general exploitation of the natural and human qualities ... Thus capital creates the bourgeois society, and the universal appropriation of nature as well as of the social bond itself by the members of society. Hence the great civilizing action of capital; its production of a stage of society in comparison to which all earlier ones appear as mere local developments of humanity and as nature-idolatry. For the first time, nature becomes purely an object for humankind, purely a matter of utility; ceases to be recognized as a power for itself; and the theoretical discovery of its auton- omous laws appears merely as a ruse so as to subject it under human needs, whether as an object of consumption or as a means of production. In accord- ance to this tendency, capital drives beyond national barriers and prejudices, as much as beyond nature worship, as well as all traditional ... old ways of life. (Marx 1973, 539)1 
In contrast to this celebration of the “universal appropriation of nature” by capital, in several other writings, and in particular those concerning agriculture in the three volumes of Capital, one can perceive key elements for a truly ecological approach, through a radical criticism of the disastrous results of capitalist productivism. As Foster has shown with great acumen, we can find in Marx’s writings a theory of the metabolic rift between human societies and nature, as a consequence of the destructive logic of capital (2000, 155–167). Marx’s starting point is the work of German chemist and agronomist Justus von Liebig, to whom he pays homage: “[T]o have developed from the point of view of natural science the negative, i.e. destructive side of modern agriculture, is one of Liebig’s immortal merits” (1970, 638). 

The expression Riss des Stoffwechsels, metabolic rift—a break in the material exchanges between humanity and the environment—appears as well, for instance, in Chapter 47, “Genesis of the Capitalist Ground Rent,” in Capital Vol. III: 
large landed property reduces the agricultural population to a constantly falling minimum, and confronts it with a constantly growing industrial population crowded together in large cities. It thereby creates conditions which cause an irreparable break in the coherence of social interchange prescribed by the natural laws of life. As a result, the vitality of the soil is squandered, and this prodigality is carried by commerce far beyond the borders of a particular state (Liebig)...Large-scale industry and large-scale mechanised agriculture work together. If originally distinguished by the fact that the former lays waste and destroys principally labour-power, hence the natural force of human beings, whereas the latter more directly exhausts the natural vitality of the soil, they join hands in the further course of development in that the industrial system in the countryside also enervates the labourers, and industry and commerce on their part supply agriculture with the means for exhausting the soil. (Marx 1959, 588) 
As with most other examples which we will discuss below, Marx’s attention focuses on agriculture and the problem of soil exhaustion, but he relates this issue to a more general principle: the rift in the metabolism—that is, system of material exchanges (Stoffwechsel) between human societies and the environment—in contradiction with the “natural laws of life.” It is interesting to note also two important suggestions, even if they were not developed by Marx: the cooperation between industry and agriculture in the rift process, and the extension of the destruction, thanks to international trade, on a global scale.
The issue of the metabolic rift can be found also in another well-known passage in Capital Vol. I: the conclusion of the chapter on great industry and agriculture. It is one of the most important writings of Marx, because it has a dialectical vision of the contradictions of “progress” and of its destructive consequences for the natural environment under capitalist rule: 
Capitalist production ... disturbs the metabolic interaction (Stoffwechsel) between man and the earth, i.e. prevents the return to the soil of its constituent elements consumed by man in the form of food and clothing; hence it hinders the operation of the eternal natural conditions for the lasting fertility of the soil ... All progress in capitalist agriculture is a progress in the art, not only of robbing the worker, but of robbing the soil; all progress in increasing fertility of the soil for a given time is a progress toward ruining the more long- lasting sources of fertility. The more a country, the United States of North America, for instance, develops itself on the basis of great industry, the more this process of destruction takes place quickly. Capitalist production, therefore, only develops the technique and the degree of combination of the social process of production by simultaneously undermining the original sources of all wealth—the soil and the worker. (Marx 1970, 637–638) 
Several elements are significant in this important passage: 
. (1)  The idea that progress can be destructive, a “progress” in the degradation and deterioration of the natural environment. The example chosen by Marx is limited—the loss of fertility by the soil—but it leads him to raise the larger issue of the attacks on nature, on the “eternal natural conditions,” by capitalist production.
. (2)  The exploitation and debasement of the workers and of nature are presented from a similar viewpoint, as result of the same predatory logic, the logic of capitalist great industry and industrial agriculture. This is a topic that often appears in Capital (see Foster 2000, 155–157).


The direct association between the brutal capitalist exploitation of the pro- letariat and of the earth lays the theoretical ground for a strategy articulating class struggle and ecological struggle, in a common fight against the domination of capital. 
Marx (1959, 85) is persuaded that “a rational agriculture is incompatible with the capitalist system ... and needs either the hand of the small farmer living by his own labour or the control of associated producers.” There is a radical opposition between the immediatist logic of capital and the possibility of a “rational” agriculture, based on a much longer temporality and in a sustainable and intergenerational perspective, which respects the natural environment. Marx rejoices that even conservative chemists such as James Johnston recognize that private property is an “insurmountable barrier” for a really rational agriculture. The reason for this is that: 
the whole spirit of capitalist production, which is directed toward the immedi- ate gain of money are in contradiction to agriculture, which has to minister to the entire range of permanent necessities of life required by the chain of succes- sive generations. (Marx 1959, 477) 
A striking example of this contradiction, according to Marx, is the forests, which are only managed according to the general interest when they escape private property and are under public control. The issue of forest destruction is, next to the exhaustion of soils, the main example of ecological disasters discussed by Marx and Engels. The issue is often discussed in Capital: “agriculture and industry have been so active (tätig) in the destruction of forests, writes Marx, that anything that has been done for their conservation is insignificant in comparison” (Marx 1968, 247). The two phenomena—degradation of forests and of land—are in fact perceived as directly related. In a passage from Dialectics of Nature, Engels mentions the destruction of the Cuban forests by the large Spanish coffee producers and the resulting desertification of the soils as a typical example of the short-sighted and predatory attitude towards nature of the “present mode of production,” and its indifference for the long-term harmful consequences on the natural environment (1964, 185). 

If Marx and Engels have a clear and coherent diagnosis of the destructive dynamics of capitalism on nature, the way they understood the socialist programme in relation to the environment is not without internal tensions. On one side, as we saw above, we have several passages that seem to conceive socialist production as being simply the collective appropriation of the forces and means of production developed by capitalism: once suppressed, the “shackles” represented by the capitalist relations of production—in particular the property relations—these forces will be able to develop without fetters. There seems to be here a sort of substantial continuity between the capitalist and the socialist productive apparatus, the issue for socialism being essentially the planned and rational collective administration of the material civilization created by capital. For instance, in the famous conclusion to the chapter on primitive accumulation in Capital Vol. I, Marx emphasizes: 
The monopoly of capital becomes a fetter (Fessel) for the mode of production which grew and prospered under it. The socialisation of labour and the centra- lisation of the means of production arrived at a point where they cannot any more remain in their capitalist husk (Hülle). This husk breaks into pieces. The hour of capitalist property has sound ... Capitalist production engenders its own negation with the necessity of a natural process. (Marx 1970, 791) 
This passage seems to leave untouched, in a socialist perspective, the whole productive process created by capitalism, challenging only the “husk” represented by private property (“monopoly”), which became an obstacle for the economic progress.
The same type of logic of continuity can be found in certain passages of Engels’ Anti-Dühring, where socialism is perceived as synonymous with the unlimited development of productive forces: 
The expansive force of the means of production breaks the chains (Bande) which the capitalist mode of production had laid on them. Their liberation from these chains is the only condition required for an uninterrupted develop- ment of the productive forces, progressing always faster, and therefore, for a practically unlimited (schrankenlosen) growth of production itself. (Engels 1959, 263) 
In this sort of conception of socialism, there is little room for any concern with the natural limits of the planet. However, there are several other writings, by both Marx and Engels, where the ecological dimension of the socialist programme is taken into account, thus laying the ground for an ecosocialist perspective. In an interesting passage in Capital Vol. I, Marx suggests that in pre-capitalist societies, the metabolism between human communities and nature was assured “spontaneously” (naturwüchsig); in a socialist society (the word does not appear but its meaning is clarified) the Stoffwechsel with nature will be re-established in a systematic and rational way (1970, 528). Marx did not develop this intuition, but it is significant that he saw as the task of socialism to restore, in a new form, the spontaneous harmony with nature of pre-capitalist communities with that of a rational and planned one—a very relevant discussion in the context of indigenous social-ecological struggles in Latin America today, for example. 

In fact, Marx considered the preservation of natural conditions as an essential task of socialism. For instance, in Vol. III of Capital, he opposes to the capitalist logic in agriculture, based on brutal exploitation and exhaustion of the soil, a different logic, a socialist one, grounded in “the conscious and rational treatment of the land as permanent communal property”—a treatment that considers the soil not as the source for short-sighted profit, but as “the inalienable condition for the existence and reproduction of the chain of human generations.” A few pages earlier, we find a very significant statement, which again directly associates the overcoming of private property with 


From the standpoint of a higher economic form of society, private ownership of the globe by single individuals will appear quite as absurd as private ownership of one man by another. Even a whole society, a nation, or even all simul- taneously existing societies taken together, are not the owners of the globe. They are only its possessors, its usufructuaries, and, like boni patres familias, they must hand it down to succeeding generations in an improved condition. (Marx 1959, 567) 

In other words, Marx takes fully into account what Hans Jonas will call, much later, the Principle of Responsibility, the obligation of each generation to respect the natural environment—the condition of existence for future human generations. 
Moreover, in the same Vol. III of Capital Marx does not define socialism as human “subjugation” or domination over nature but rather as the rational control of human material exchange with nature. In the sphere of material production, he writes, 
Freedom in this field can only consist in socialised man, the associated produ- cers, rationally regulating their interchange with Nature, bringing it under their common control, instead of being ruled by it as by the blind forces of Nature. (Marx 1959, 593)2 
This proposition will be adopted, almost word by word, by Walter Benjamin, one of the first Marxists of the 20th century to raise this sort of questions. In 1928, in his book One Way Street, Benjamin denounced the idea of human domination of nature as “an imperialist doctrine,” and proposed instead a new conception of the technique as “domination of the relationship between humanity and nature” (1972, 147). It would not be difficult to find in Marx and Engels’ writings other examples of a real interest in the issue of the natural environment, even if they lacked a general and systematic reflection on it. In a recent and very interesting article, Saito argues that Marx’s scientific-natural notebooks following 1868 suggest that: 

Marx’s critique of political economy, if completed, would have put a much stronger emphasis on the disturbance of the ‘metabolic interaction’ (Stoffwechsel) between humanity and nature as the fundamental contradiction within capitalism. (2016) 

This may be so, but it means, reversely, that in its existing incomplete state, Marx’s work does not present the ecological issue as “the fundamental contradiction.” Summarizing the discussions on Marx among ecosocialists, Saito asserts that “first stage ecosocialists” (to use John Bellamy Foster’s categorization)—such as André Gorz and James O’Connor—believed that Marx’s analyses on ecological issues “are too incomplete and dated to be of real relevance today.” In contrast, “second stage ecosocialists”—such as Foster himself and Paul Burkett—“emphasize the contemporary methodological significance of Marx’s ecological critique of capitalism” (Saito 2016). I would modestly argue for a third position (which probably could be accepted by several people in the two groups above): Marx and Engels’ discussion on ecological issues is incomplete and dated, but despite these shortcomings, it does have real relevance and methodological significance today. In other words, 21st- century ecosocialists cannot satisfy themselves with a 19th-century Marxian ecological heritage, and need a critical distance towards some of its limitations. But on the other hand, an ecology able to confront the contemporary challenges cannot exist without the Marxist critique of political economy and its remarkable analysis of the destructive logic inherent to the unlimited accumulation of capital. An ecology which ignores or despises Marx, his theory of value or his critique of commodity fetishism and reification, is doomed to become nothing more than a “correction” of the “excesses” of capitalist productivism. Present-day ecosocialists can build on the more advanced and coherent arguments of Marx and Engels in order to: (1) achieve a real materialist understanding of the perverse dynamics of the system; (2) to develop a radical critique of the capitalist destruction of the environment; and (3) project the perspective of a socialist society respecting the “inalienable conditions” of life on Earth. 

As Naomi Klein has forcefully argued, climate change “changes everything.” It is a mortal threat, not for “the planet”—a silly mantra in the media—but for life on the planet, and in particular human life. The ecological issue—first of all, but not only, disastrous global warming—is already, and will become increasingly so, the main challenge for a renewal of Marxist thought in our times. It requires from Marxists a radical break with the ideology of linear progress, and with the foundations of the modern capitalist/industrial civilization. The blind spot which appears in some “canonical” texts from Marx and Engels is an uncritical view of the productive forces created by capital—that is, the technical/industrial apparatus of modern capitalism—as if they were “neutral,” and as if revolutionaries had only to socialize them, replacing private by collective appropriation, and putting them to function at the service of the working class. 

Ecosocialists should take their inspiration from Marx’s remarks on the Paris Commune: Workers cannot take possession of the capitalist state apparatus and put it to work at their service. They have to “break it” and replace it by a radically different, democratic and non-statist form of political power. The same applies, mutatis mutandis, to the productive apparatus, which is not “neutral,” but carries in its structure the imprint of its development at the service of capital accumulation and the unlimited expansion of the market. This puts it in contradiction with the needs of environmental protection and with the health of the population. One must therefore “revolutionize” it in a process of radical transformation. Of course, many scientific and technological achievements of modernity are precious, but the whole productive system must be transformed, and this can be done only by ecosocialist methods, that is, through the social appropriation of the main means of production and a democratic planning of the economy which takes into account the preservation of the ecological equilibrium. This means first of all the rapid replacement of fossil-fuel energy—responsible for the catastrophic process of climate change—with renewable sources of energy (wind, sun, water), but also an end to destructive agro-industry, a profound change in transport systems, in consumption patterns etc. In other words, ecosocialism means a radical, i.e. revolutionary, break with the whole capitalist pattern of civilization. It aims not only at a new mode of production and a new form of society, but in the last analysis at a new paradigm of civilization, a new way of life, based on values of freedom, equality, solidarity, and respect for “Mother Nature.” 

Endnotes:
1John Bellamy Foster (2010, 93–106) has an interesting analysis of the Grundrisse, but I’m afraid I cannot agree with his interpretation of this specific passage. 
2The control refers to the metabolism (the masculine him) and not to nature (feminine noun in German).
References 
Benjamin, Walter. 1972. Einbahnstrasse (1928) Gesammelte Schriften [One Way Street (1928), Collected Works]. Vol. IV. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp Verlag. 
Burkett, Paul. 2009. Ecological Economics. Toward a Red and Green Political Economy. Chicago, IL: Haymarket Books. 
Engels, Friedrich. 1959. Anti-Dühring. Translated by Emile Burns. Moscow: Progress Publishers. 
Engels, Friedrich. 1964. Dialectics of Nature. Translated by Clemens Dutt. Moscow: Progress Publishers. 
Foster, John Bellamy. 2000. Marx’s Ecology: Materialism and Nature. New York: Monthly Review Press. 
Foster, John Bellamy. 2010. “Marx’s Grundrisse and the Ecology of Capitalism.” In The Ecological Rift, Capitalism’s War on Earth, edited by John Bellamy Foster, Brett Clark, and Richard York, 93–106. New York, NY: Monthly Review Press. 
Kovel, Joel. 2007. The Enemy of Nature. New York, NY: Zed Books.
Marx, Karl,
1959. Capital. Vol. III. Translated by The Institute of Marxism-Leninism, Moscow. New York, NY: International Publishers.
Marx, Karl.
1964. “Zur Kritik der Politischen Ökonomie, Vorwort” [A Contribution to
the Critique of Political Economy, Foreword]. In Marx Engels Werke, Vol. 13.Berlin: Dietz Verlag.
Marx, Karl.
1965. “Kritik des Gothaer Programms” [Critique of the Gotha Program]. 
In Marx Engels Werke, Vol. 19, 15–32. Berlin: Dietz Verlag.
Marx, Karl.
1968. Das Kapital. Vol. II, Marx Engels Werke, Vol. 24. Berlin: Dietz Verlag.
Marx, Karl.
1970. Capital. Vol. I. Translated by Ben Fawkes. New York, NY: Vintage. Marx, Karl. 1973. Grundrisse. Translated by Martin Nicolau. New York, NY: Vintage. Marx, Karl. 1975. Manuscripts of 1844. Translated by Rodney Livingstone. New York, NY: Vintage. 
Marx, Karl, and Friedrich Engels. 1987. Manifesto of the CommunistParty. https:// www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/index.htm. Saito, Kohei. 2016. “Marx’s Ecological Notebooks.” Monthly Review 67 (9). http://monthlyreview.org/2016/02/01/marxs-ecological-notebooks/.