By Dan La Botz, Robert Brenner, and Joel Jordan, Solidarity, August 9, 2012
The Occupy Movement, the first such broad, national, multi-issue, mass
movement in forty years, represented a test for the revolutionary socialist
left in several senses. First, would the left recognize its important and
immediately move to become an active part of it and work within it to help
provide leadership? Second, would the left during Occupy be able to both
appreciate its strengths and develop a critique of its weaknesses and
limitations? Would it as the same time be able to conduct socialist propaganda
and recruit to the socialist movement? Third, would the left in retrospect be
able to analyze and learn from the Occupy experience in order to prepare itself
for future movements?
The following document is seen as part of the process of understanding
and analyzing Occupy and what proved to be the most important development of
the Occupy movement--its interaction with the labor unions. This interaction
represented the greatest challenge to the movement and to those of us who seek
to understand it and learn from it.
The Movement Begins: Occupy! We are the 99%
The Occupy Wall
Street movement – beginning in Zuccotti Park near Wall Street in New York City
in mid-September 2011 crying out against the overbearing power of the
corporations, the enormous inequities of American society, and the inordinate
role of money in politics – spread within a few weeks across the country. The
brilliant slogan “We are the 99%” captured the imagination not only of the
participants, but of large swathes of the broader American public as well, and
for good reason. Over the previous decades, there had been an epoch-making
upward re-distribution of income to the top 1% and above, and capital and the
rich had established the sort of stranglehold on politicians and government not
seen since the Gilded Age. During the fall months of 2011, thousands
participated in Occupy encampments in cities from coast to coast while tens of
thousands participated in marches and protest demonstrations organized by the
movement, and Occupy emerged as the largest and most important social movement
in the United States since the 1960s and 70s. Occupy Wall Street and its
offspring were the first serious response from working people and the citizenry
at large to the economic crisis of 2008, playing the role that in another
country or in earlier times might have been played by a mass labor movement or
an emergent populist or socialist party. Occupy’s declaration represented a wide-ranging radical challenge to
the economic and political establishment and to the status quo such as we had
not seen since the civil rights/Black Power struggle, the anti-war movement,
and Students for Democratic Society (SDS).
When the Occupy
movement began, the rightwing Tea Party movement dominated American newspapers,
radio and television news and commentary, but almost from the moment that it
appeared, Occupy took center stage. Virtually the entire political
establishment was pushing austerity as its basic response to the economic
crisis, and, only weeks before the Obama administration, following its own
Bowles-Simpson commission, had proposed a “grand bargain” for reducing
government spending and balancing the budget, especially by reducing social
security, Medicare, and Medicaid. But, in a matter of months, the Occupy
movement had changed the national conversation from the Tea Party’s rightwing
agenda of tax-cuts and budget cuts to discussions of the inordinate salaries
and bonuses of the bankers and CEOs, the financial contributions of the wealthy
to the politicians, and, above all, the economic crisis facing tens of millions
of Americans. Obama himself had to drop, for the time being—until after the
election—all talk of belt-tightening. Occupy criticized the continuing high
rate of unemployment, the foreclosures on homeowners, the inadequacy of the
health system (including Obama’s health plan), and the crisis in the costs of
higher education. While never explicitly anti-capitalist and certainly not
pro-socialist, Occupy’s critique of the economy and politics tended to
challenge the system as a whole—and the system was capitalism even if it
usually went unnamed. The movement’s cry, “We are the 99%!” rang out not only
in the stone canyons of Wall Street, but also in cities, towns, and university
campuses across the United States and soon reverberated around the world as
Occupy sites were established in countries in Europe and Latin America.
The International Context
The Occupy movement
in the United States arose, in part, out of the succession of extraordinary
mass struggles that exploded onto the global scene in response to the world
economic crisis, demanding democracy and opposing austerity. The Arab Spring
that began in December 2010 saw huge social movements against the region’s
dictators that in the following months forced governments from power in
Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen. At the same time there were major uprising and
huge social protests in Algeria, Bahrain, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco and
Syria and other countries in the Arab world and in Muslim countries in Africa.
The protests in Tahrir Square involving tens of thousands in January of 2011
provided the model of the occupation of the public square, as Egyptians engaged
in massive civil disobedience which had been preceded by and was accompanied by
strikes. Demands for an end to the Mubarak government and its fierce repression
combined with demands for lower prices and higher wages. At the same time, in
Israel, a social justice protest movement of hundreds of thousands arose over
issues of inflation, health care and education, crying, “We want social
justice!”
Inspired by Egypt
and the Arab Spring, in Spain groups such as Juventud sin Futuro (Youth without
a Future) and others brought together hundreds of smaller organizations, all of
them calling upon young unemployed workers to occupy the public plazas on May
15, giving rise to the M-15 or indignado movement. The indignados demanded
jobs, opposed cuts in social welfare, and opposed the Spanish political system
and its parties. By June the demonstrations had spread to 80 Spanish cities and
the occupations of the plaza were accompanied by huge protest demonstrations
and marches.
In Britain, France,
Spain, Portugal, Italy and Greece, especially in Greece, there were also in
this period large labor union protests and strikes, particularly of public
sector workers, including general strikes against austerity. All of the
protests and upheavals in both Europe and the Arab world represented responses
to the economic crisis of 2008, though as in the case of Tunisia, Egypt and
other Arab countries, the crisis also provided the occasion to deal with
longstanding issues of authoritarian governments, the lack of political and
civil rights, and the poverty of millions. In those cases, the crisis was the
detonator of long pent up explosive forces in the society.
The Occupy movement’s
antecedents can be found most clearly in the anti-globalization and global
justice movement that preceded and then rapidly expanded after the Battle of
Seattle, the massive environmental and labor protests against the World Trade
Organization’s Ministerial Conference in Seattle, Washington in 1999. The
Battle of Seattle, bringing together a range of environmental organizations and
unions such as the United Steel workers, Teamsters, and International Longshore
and Warehouse Union to shut down the streets of Seattle, provided a model of
militant direct action against corporate globalization. Never anti-capitalist,
the global justice movement’s massive and militant demonstrations of radical
youth, environmentalists, and labor unions at a series of international trade
and policy meetings of government and corporate leaders around the world over
several years represented a significant, radical social movement, if not a
national mass movement such as we had seen in the 1960s and 1970s or as we saw
again with the coming of Occupy.
The immediate
predecessor of Occupy Wall Street was the Wisconsin protest of 2011 against
Governor Scott Walker’s anti-union legislation, which saw tens of thousands,
and at moments as many as 100,000 people protest at the capitol building, as
thousands actually occupied the building, and teachers engaged in wildcat
strikes. The Wisconsin protests—though the labor bureaucracy and the Democratic
Party ended them as quickly as possible and then succeeded in channeling the
movement into the recall efforts and electoral politics—provided the model of
the occupation of public space, mass protests by working people, and wildcat
strikes. Wisconsin, occurring at the same time as the Egyptian occupation of
Tahrir Square provided the prototype for Occupy Wall Street.
The extraordinary
potential of the Occupy movement, and the threat it came to represent to today’s
political-economic establishment, resulted from its ability to speak
effectively to the unprecedented concatenation of politico-economic cum
ideological conditions that emerged with the outbreak of the global crisis from
2007-2008. The historic movements of the 1960s had arisen at the high point of
postwar capitalist prosperity and profitability, in the wake of more than two
decades of unprecedented real wage increase for large sections of the working
class, and at a time at which the surpluses/taxes/income available to the
political establishment enabled it to respond to mass pressure from below with
a succession of substantive reforms and with relatively little coercion
(leaving aside, of course, the unending campaign of repression against the
Black movement, especially as it moved into the northern cities and extended
its program from rights to socioeconomic justice). The sustained improvement in
living standards for large sections of the population brought capitalism to the
height of its prestige, while the expansion of the welfare state had the effect
of strengthening the then hegemonic statist-liberal ideology and the political
parties and institutions associated with it (including, to a greater or lesser
degree, the Republican Party). As a consequence, the mass movements of the
period never found a basis for challenging capitalism as a system and could be,
and were, re-absorbed to a large degree within the left-wing of the political
mainstream, the liberal wing of the Democratic Party.
In telling
contrast, Occupy emerged four years into the worst economic crisis since the
Great Depression, which had itself broken out at the end of a very extended
period of slowed growth, stagnation, and relative decline for American
capitalism. Average real wages had failed to rise for close to four decades,
the welfare state had virtually stopped growing, and inequality of income and
wealth had reached levels not seen since the nineteenth century. Both political
parties had long since ceased even to promise significant social reform, but
devoted themselves, for the most part, to the use of the state as an engine of
plunder and upward redistribution of wealth.
Both parties and
all wings of the capitalist class were completely committed to the neoliberal
ideology that dominated the globe, but neoliberalism had little to offer the
great majority of the working class, whose members, to the extent they
possessed any sort of economic world view, probably accepted that “there is no
alternative.” The old stalwarts of statist liberalism, the vastly diminished
trade union movement and Black movement, remained nominally committed to it,
but were so dependent upon the DP, and so profoundly weakened by that long term
position, that they were incapable of pushing for it; statist liberalism was
dead, practically speaking. Meanwhile, the DP, led by its actually dominant
DLC, took these forces entirely for granted while attempting to cement their
ties with sections of capital and conservative constituencies in the South and
elsewhere.
The great housing
price run-up of the decade before the crash of 2008 may well have provided the
material basis for something of a renewed commitment to the free market for a
not insignificant part of the population. But, when the housing bubble burst
and the Great Recession ensued, bringing widespread misery, the willingness of
the political elite to provide trillions to bail out the financier-lenders,
while doing nothing whatever for the great mass of household-borrowers, brought
deep disillusionment and an instant discrediting of the system, along with a
profound anger at the bankers and the politicians who obviously served them. It
was this sudden far-reaching, but hitherto largely unexpressed alienation on
the part of broad sections of the working class from a political-economic
system that was offering them only worsening economic conditions and deepening
humiliation that opened the way for Occupy.
The Nature of Occupy
Occupy, because it
was a national movement across the United States where economic, social and
political conditions vary greatly, necessarily had different experiences and
different characteristics in different areas. Yet it also had many
commonalities. We might note some of the differences: Occupy Wall Street
involved far more students and youth than most other Occupy sites. While most
Occupy groups were mostly white, there were in Atlanta and Oakland larger
numbers of African Americans and Latinos. There were also commonalities: Occupy
was in part a coming together of activists from many movements. Watching any of
the demonstrations in any city on any day, one saw pass by demonstrators
wearing T-shirts and jackets with all the logos of all the movements that have
touched the country in the last two decades: anti-war, LGBTQ, foreclosures,
unions, and civil rights. Walking among them were others new to the movement,
blue collar and white collar workers, often carrying their hand painted signs
with slogans like “Create Jobs, Reform Wall Street, Tax the Wealthy More,” and “The
People are Too Big to Fail” (a reference to the argument that the U.S.
government had to save the banks because they were “too big to fail”). The
sense of optimism that the movement was creating was expressed by one sign down
at Wall Street that read, “This Is the First Time I’ve Felt Hopeful in a Very
Long Time.”
The movement had a
utopian character in the best sense of that word. Many of those involved in
Occupy wanted not only to overcome the immediate effects of the economic crisis—they
wanted a better life, a better country, a better world. Many joined the
movement because of the sense of community that it had created; a community
which they believed prefigured in a small way the national community they
desired. The movement as such had no ideology. Occupy was populism of a left
wing sort: the people versus big business and bad government. Though there are
anarchists and they gave it some of their style, it is not an anarchist
movement. Though there are some socialists in it, the movement is by no means
socialist. What was perhaps best and most exciting about the movement was the
confluence of the many social movements with middle class and working class
people who have come down to Wall Street or in some other town or city down to
Main Street to say, “We’ve had it.” The utopianism of the movement has inspired
ordinary people to think and to say, “We can live differently, we must, and we
will.”
The Rejection of Politics
The Occupy movement
defined itself negatively as the rejection of traditional social movements and
political organizations which had so often failed. Movements, unions and
parties all had representative and delegated leadership structures where the
leaders soon escaped the control of the members. Occupy would have none,
adopting the old slogan: “We are leaderless. We are all leaders.” Other
organizations operated through cumbersome forms of government and
administration which made government opaque. Occupy would operate simply
through its apparently transparent general assemblies and its participatory and
autonomous action committees. Other groups made demands. Occupy declined to
make specific demands in large part as a defense against cooptation by the
Democratic Party, the labor unions, and the left all of which urged the
movement to define itself by a list of economic and political demands. Demands
seemed to be the first step toward institutionalization and co-optation. While
all of Occupy’s practices may be criticized, they arose as part of a healthy
rejection of everything of the undemocratic, bureaucratic, and stifling about
typical movements, unions and parties. Occupy represented an idealistic if naïve
attempt to begin society and politics anew, transparent, democratic, and
participatory.
Occupy generally
rejected politics in all its many varieties. Politicians of the usual
Democratic Party sort were generally unwelcome. Socialist speech making, so
often condescending, and the distribution of socialist literature, so often
pretending to direct the movement, was seen as divisive and frowned upon. The
Libertarian Party and the Ron Paul supporters who at moments colonized Occupy
were tolerated only as individuals, not as partisans. The Green Party generally
received greater tolerance, since it was perceived to share the Occupy movement’s
general environmentalist sentiments. Occupiers often spoke against political
parties and candidates, but almost never in favor them. Yet, while it was
hostile to politics in the electoral sense, Occupy was, despite its apolitical
character, a kind of unofficial party of the exploited and oppressed 99%.
The Threat Represented by Occupy
The Occupy general
assemblies, however ill-conceived and difficult their actual functioning,
represented a model of participatory democracy in dramatic contrast to the
undemocratic character of American government and administration at all levels.
Occupy’s kitchens, libraries, medical services, and security teams all
organized on a voluntary and cooperative basis provided an alternative model of
society. The occupation of public parks and other public spaces in urban areas
provided both an assembly point and a staging array for forays into the heart
of the city to challenge powers-that-be and to mobilize society’s underdogs and
its disaffected. Occupy sites throughout the country became a rallying point
for unemployed twenty- and thirty-somethings, for older workers, some of them
corporate employees and professionals who had lost their jobs, for students
facing high tuitions and mounting debts, for labor union activists, leftwing
radicals, and for the homeless who had been living in the parks before the
movement began.
The combination of
a radically democratic movement, with the socially disaffected, and with
workers employed and unemployed, together with leftists, and all of it taking
place in the heart of the city and poised to mobilize at a moment’s notice in
forays against banks and corporations, posed a serious threat not only to city
governments and the corporate elite headquartered downtown, but also
represented a general and potentially more dangerous threat to the system and
the state precisely because it might be only the beginning. The perception of
this threat would lead to massive and sometimes brutal repression by the mostly
Democratic Party mayors and city councils throughout the country, apparently in coordination with the Obama
administration in
Washington. Occupy encampments were demolished, as occupiers were manhandled
and roughed up, beaten, gassed, and arrested by the hundreds. Throughout the
country there were thousands of legal actions against occupiers ranging from
tickets and fines to misdemeanor and felony indictments. Altogether there were 7,361 arrests in 117 cities in the United States between September 2011 and
July 2012. The authorities also sought to link Occupy to leftwing group and
brought charges of terrorism and use of violence against persons in Cleveland
and Seattle who could be linked to or had been involved in or been on the
periphery of Occupy movement. The repression of the Occupy movement with its
thousands of arrests, its brutality, and its allegations of terrorism can only
be compared to the Wilson’s repression in World War I, the Red Scare of the
1920s, the McCarthyism of the 1950s, and the violence against the African
American movement in the 1960s and 1970s.
An incident of
police brutality at Occupy UC Davis, involving the casual pepper spraying of
students engaging in non-violent civil disobedience, quickly became an internet meme.
Occupy and the Unions
Some union
activists, of course, had been involved in Occupy Wall Street from the very
beginning. The AFL-CIO and major international unions initially reacted quite
positively to Occupy, offering it support and resources. During early October,
2011 , when Occupy Wall Street movement was threatened with eviction, Rich
Trumka, president of the AFL-CIO spoke out in support of Occupy Wall Street. At
the same time several major New York public sector unions, led especially by
Transport Workers Union Local 100, turned out thousands of their members to
support OWS in a huge and dynamic demonstration in Foley Square, which gave a
hint of the huge political potential of an alliance between Occupy and the
labor movement. This was not simple solidarity; it was also an attempt by the
unions to tap into the new movement’s sudden and spectacular success in
mobilizing thousands against corporate power and social inequality. Unions not
only mobilized their members in early October, they also donated money,
provided food, and in the case of the United Federation of Teachers provided
space for Occupiers. The unions returned to support Occupy in the huge action
of November 17 when tens of thousands marched in NYC and thousands more in
other cities around the country and around the world.
The appearance of
the unions thrilled the Occupiers who suddenly saw their movement swell, but it
also threatened them. The presence of Transport Workers Union Local 100, the
union that runs the cities trains and buses, was particularly encouraging to
the movement. Yet many Occupiers felt that the unions had their own agenda, and
some worried that agenda included support for the Democrats and the
presidential campaign of Barack Obama, who many occupiers saw as responsible
for or at least complicit in the government’s pro-corporate policies. The
unions’ ability to mobilize thousands of workers both astonished and frightened
Occupiers who felt that they might simply be overwhelmed by the labor movement.
Occupiers Thrilled and Threatened by the Unions
The Occupiers fears
deepened when Mary Key Henry, the president of the Service Employees
International Union (SEIU), speaking just before the November 17 mobilization,
invoked Occupy’s 99% slogan as she endorsed Obama for reelection. She then went
on to be arrested with the Occupiers at the Brooklyn Bridge, apparently using
Occupy to promote herself, the SEIU, and the Obama campaign. Many Occupiers
felt fearful as the shadow of SEIU, one of the country’s largest and fastest
growing labor unions, began to fall over the movement.
Occupiers, many of
them more middle class than working class, and many young and without any union
experience, didn’t know much about unions or how to deal with them. Few
recognized that unions themselves were complex organizations, or that different
unions had different politics, and that union leaders and rank-and-file members
often had quite different interests. A few Occupiers, often socialists who had
worked with unions, were savvier about the ins-and-outs of the union movement.
Some of them in New York City, aware of a lockout by Sotheby’s auction house of
43 members of Teamster Local 814, had organized Occupiers to join the Teamsters in September in disrupting an auction and “shaming”
patrons. While the Occupy
labor committee helped the Teamsters in their protests against the lockout, a
deep or lasting relationship between Occupy and the union was never built.
In Chicago, where
socialists organized a strong labor support committee and worked in alliance
with reform-minded officials, rank-and-file groups, and leftist union members,
relations between Occupy and the unions grew close. Occupy Chicago’s labor
support committee organized a labor meeting in January of 2012 to discuss how
to resist austerity that involved about 150 union activists. A local socialist
Occupy activist described a “partnership” there between Occupy, the unions and
community activists. The key factors in Chicago Occupy’s construction of
successful relations with the unions seem to have been the presence of a large
number of socialists, the existence of a rank-and-file caucus that had recently
taken power in the Chicago Teachers Union, and local union officials anxious to
find support for their various beleaguered organizations. The fact that there
was not more conflict in Chicago between Occupy and the unions may be because
the unions engaged in no mass struggles where Occupy’s more militant tactics
might have challenged them.
Occupy Oakland
involved many activists from a militant multi-national working class community
as well as a large number of socialists and anarchists from a variety of
organizations. In order to deal a blow against the 1% and to support the ILWU’s
longshoremen who were involved in a contract dispute in Longview, Washington,
thousands of Occupy Oakland activists shut down the Oakland Ports more or less
successfully on November 2, and again on December 12. While not entirely
successful, the actions undertaken represented some of the largest, most
militant, direct confrontations between working people and capital in decades,
not only on the West Coast but anywhere in the United States. The ILWU,
challenged by the Occupy movement’s militant direct action approach which
threatened the union’s established relationships with the corporations that
owned and managed the ports and docks, reacted by breaking off relations with
Occupy. At one point ILWU officials from one local disrupted a meeting and
assaulted Occupy and rank-and-file ILWU activists.
Why did the ILWU,
one of the best unions in the country, turn in the end against Occupy? Labor unions
in the United States, including those like the ILWU that we may consider to be
the best, are dominated by a bureaucratic caste of privileged officials who
have completely identified with the union as an organization. Their interests
are in preserving the union as an institution and in maintaining their
positions within that institution, rather than fighting for their rank-and-file
members. On the contrary, in fact, if their rank-and-file members fight,
threatening to unsettle their relationship to the employers or the government,
they generally react quickly, often in collusion with management, to suppress
the rank and file. The fight by rank-and-file members of the ILWU and Occupy
Oakland which arose over the shutdown of the Oakland ports and Occupy’s
involvement in the Longview struggle, led the ILUW national leadership and
local officials to move to suppress both their own members and Occupy
activists. In the end, the ILWU, forced the Longview local to accept sight
unseen a labor contract with the employer and local officials were disciplined
to have nothing to do with Occupy.
While this has been—with
the exception of brief and intense moments of class conflict and major upheaval—the
common reaction of labor union officials throughout the history of the American
union movement, from the days of the AFL’s craft unions, through the CIO’s
industrial unions, and through the AFL-CIO heyday in the “Golden Age” of
American capitalism in the 1940s to 1960s, today union officials are likely to
react even more quickly and vigorously to repress rank-and-file movements and
class struggles because it is clear that in order to win, any fight will have
to be tremendous. Such tremendous battles would turn the union movement upside
down, no doubt breaking up old structures, ejecting all of the current labor
union leaders, and leading to unforeseen consequences, since there is no
predicting the outcome of a real full-scale battle between capital and labor.
Occupy suggests that should it revive or should a new mass movement come along,
we can expect labor leaders to react equally as fiercely against attempts to
launch a real class struggle, either by their own members or by another
movement.
The Winter of Discontent
The Occupy movement’s
heroic period from September through early December of 2011 came to a close
under the impact of nationally coordinated police repression exercised in
dozens of cities, winter cold, and the fragmentation of the movement as it
seemed to lose a sense of purpose and direction. By winter many had become
frustrated with the general assemblies that made discussion and decision making
virtually impossible, as well as with the lack of organizational structure and
transparent leadership. With the loss of public spaces, some of the Occupy
movements went indoors to private spaces, but with much smaller numbers.
The anarchists’
black bloc, violent protests had also become an issue. The Occupy Oakland
protest became the occasion for anarchists and others organized in black bloc
style and under the cover of the “diversity of tactics” slogan, to attack
private property along the route of marches and nearby protests, leading to
large scale violent confrontations with the police. The protests in Oakland and
the anarchists’ apparent provocation of conflicts with the police, who were
only too glad to engage them, led to a national debate both within and without
the movement about the role of anarchists and anarchism. The anarchist
domination of the movement in Oakland led to some disaffection from the
movement by other groups and many individuals. As the ability to organize
militant mass actions and to engage in large scale civil disobedience declined,
many Occupy groups turned toward community organizing, arguing that they were
taking Occupy into the society. The sense of loss of size and momentum,
combined with a lack of clarity about what projects and campaigns to take up,
as well as a lack of clarity about long term objectives, led in many areas to
fragmentation, sometimes into small rival groups in the same city.
The Socialist Critique of Occupy
All of us who
participated in Occupy know how difficult it was to attempt to have an impact
on the movement which was so large, so geographically expansive, so varied in
social composition and political ideologies, and so committed to its populist
forms of the general assembly and the autonomous action committees.
Nevertheless, it was important at the time and is important now to make clear
what we have seen as the movement’s strengths and weaknesses, many of which we
have already described here. The lack of a democratic structure by means of
which Occupy activists might have discussed ideas, adopted strategies, and
chosen leaders has severely hampered the movement. While consensus can be a
valuable method in certain types of organizations or as a stage in certain
processes, in Occupy it has led to the “tyranny of structurelessness,”
thwarting attempts to give the movement purpose and direction.
Leadership, that
is, the lack of leadership, has also been a serious problem. The Occupy
movement threw up leaders of all sorts, good, bad and indifferent, but Occupy’s
official “leaderless” position has made it impossible to have a politically
accountable, transparent and responsible leadership. Consequently without a
democratic structure and without any clear and accountable leadership of the
movement as a whole, in each city leadership was seized by or fell to
autonomous action committees and affinity groups each of which pursued its own
course. While there has been a lot of energy and creativity, and often class
consciousness and combativity in those actions, all of that has tended to be
diffused and dissipated in the kaleidoscopic variety of lectures, cultural
events, marches, protest demonstrations, and civil disobedience actions. Occupy
was in the famous phrase the “carnival of the oppressed,” but it was not the
hammer of the oppressed.
Without a structure
and without leadership, Occupy has proven incapable of putting forward either a
strategy of struggle or a political program for the movement. The brilliant 99%
slogan, the critique of social inequality, and the demand to get money out of
politics, captured the imagination of the public. Occupy—and this was its great
strength—tended to take up all of the important social issues facing us, from
unemployment to housing , from education to health care, and many other issues
large and small. Yet Occupy has failed to turn these ideas into a viable
political program, that is, an alternative political economy which might have
appealed to the American public. At the same time, it has failed to develop a
strategy of struggle that might have taken the movement from the occupation of
the parks to large scale confrontations with economic and political
institutions.
Another problem has
been that Occupy’s social composition in most places remained predominantly
white. By and large, Occupy has failed to find a way to engage African
American, Latino and immigrant communities. While in most cities African
Americans and Latinos were among the leaders of Occupy, and while in some
places activists of color rallied to the movement, still Occupy never had a
deep involvement in communities of color. To its credit, Occupy in various
cities created Occupy the Hood groups, many of them led by African American and
Latino activists. Yet, those groups have had limited success in most places.
Women and LGBT activists in many cities also complained that they suffered both
exclusion from the leadership and harassment as participants, but also that
they were told that their issues were divisive. Occupy has had less success in
addressing that problem.
Why Has Occupy Stalled and Where Do We Go Now?
The principal
reason that Occupy has stalled in most areas was simply the tremendous
repression of the movement coordinated at the highest levels of the U.S.
government and executed by state and local authorities – the sweeping of the
occupiers from the parks, the enormous number of arrests, the violent physical
attacks with truncheons, tear gas, and in some instances the firing of rubber
bullets. When the Occupiers had been driven from the public spaces, the police
occupied them. Behind all of this was a massive surveillance of the Occupy
movement accompanied by schemes and plots created by police and agents
provocateurs to entrap Occupy activists and then charge them with terrorism.
Mostly Occupy failed to achieve all that it might have because it was violently
strangled in the cradle by the police.
No one wants to be
the coroner of Occupy charged with pronouncing it dead, but at the moment its
vital signs are weak. The movement has lost its power to attract and to
mobilize the tens of thousands that it did less than a year ago. Its vitality
and creativity appear to have ebbed, its numbers seem to be shrinking, and
consequently it has ceased to be so prominent in the press. In many areas,
where Occupy once stood out as the symbol of opposition to the system or the
establishment as a whole in all of its manifestations, it has now been reduced
to working in a number of single issue campaigns, frequently in
anti-gentrification movements of the working class and the poor of the center
city.
As we write, at the
end of July 2012, it seems unlikely that Occupy will be revived, though it
might be. The question then becomes, what do we believe can be saved from the
Occupy experience? First, we can save the lessons that we have attempted to
draw out here, recognizing the great strengths of Occupy as one of those rare
and beautiful social movements that rises up to challenge the system as a
whole, but that in this case, unfortunately, was smothered in the cradle by
state repression before it could mature enough to address the challenges it
faced. Second, we can attempt to save the cadres created by Occupy, the men and
women, young and old, who rallied to Occupy, saw the light, recognizing that
the problem was the system of capitalism, becoming activists, and being
transformed by the experience. We know that there will be other mass movements
from below against this system, and we know that we will need more socialists
to help provide leadership to the movement.
Dan La Botz is a Cincinnati-based teacher, writer and activist. He is
a member of Solidarity's National Committee.
Robert Brenner is the author of The Boom & the Bubble (2002), The
Economics of Global Turbulence (2006), Property & Progress (2009), and an
editor of Against the Current. He is also the director of the Center for Social
Theory and Comparative History at UCLA.
Joel
Jordan was a leader of United Teachers Los Angeles for several decades, where
he built successful rank-and-file efforts to win the union to an orientation of
community partnerships to preserve and improve public education. He was active
in the campaign for the Millionaire’s Tax.
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